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HISTORY 



OF 



NEW ENGLAND. 



BY 



JOHN GORHAM PALFREY. 



VOLUME I. 



Nee mihi materiam [natalis terra] negabat, 
Et plus est patriae facta referre labor. 



BOSTON: 
LITTLE, BROWN, AND COMPANY. 

1859. 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1858, by 

JOHN GORHAM PALFREY, 

in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts. 



5 

\ 



UNIVERSITY PRESS, CAMBRIDGE: 
WELCH, BIGELOVV, & CO., ELECTROTYPERS AND PRINTERS. 






,F]^ HISTORY 
v.] 



OF 



NEW ENGLAND 



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CO 



THE STUART DYNASTY. 



BY 



JOHN GORHAM PALFREY. 



VOLUME I. 



BOSTON: 
LITTLE, BROWN, AND COMPANY. 

1859. 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1858, by 

JOHN GOKHAM PALFKEY, 

in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts. 



UNIVERSITY PBESS, CAMBRIDGE: 
WELCH, BIGELOW, & CO., ELECTKOTYPEKS AN 



AND PRINTERS. 



To JARED SPARKS. 



My dear Sparks; 

Seven times seven years ago this day, you, coming from Connecticut, 
and I, from Massachusetts, arrived at the Academy in Exeter, New 
Hampshire. For two years we were lodged beneath the same roof, and 
recited our lessons from the same form. Next we were classmates through 
the undergraduate course at Cambridge. Next we there pursued to- 
gether our studies for the profession to which we expected to devote our 
lives. You went to a distant city ; we kept up a constant intercourse 
of letters and visits. You came to live in Boston, and we met almost 
every day. I removed to Cambridge ; you followed soon ; and, since 
that time, our homes have been side by side. Friendships of such inti- 
macy and duration are rare. • It is not chiefly because the reading world 
so honors you, — still less is it from a wish to involve you in responsi- 
bility for any of my defects, — that, in coming before the public with an 
essay in a department of writing in which you have won a wide renown, 
I desire to associate your name with that of 

JOHN GORHAM PALFREY. 



Cambridge, Massachusetts; 
September 7, 1858. 



PREFACE. 



I PEOPOSE to relate, in several volumes, the history of the 
people of New England. 

In this first volume I treat of the Settlement of New England, 
meaning by that word, not only the arrival of European colo- 
nists, but the framing and establishing of that social system, 
under which, through successive generations, their descendants 
have been educated for the part which they have acted in the 
world. 

The founders of the commonwealths of which I write were 
Englishmen. Their emigration to New England began in 162Q. 
It was inconsiderable till 1630. At the end of ten years iGore, 
it almost ceased. A people, consisting at that time of uq^c many 
more than twenty thousand persons, thenceforward mvdtiplied on 
its own soil, in remarkable seclusion from other communities, for 
nearly a century and a half. Some slight emigrations from it 
took place at an early day ; but they wore soon discontinued ; 
and it was not till the last quarter of the eighteenth century, 
that those swarms began to depart, which have since occupied 
so large a portion of the territory of the United States. 

I)uring that long period, and for many years later, their iden- 
tity was unimpaired. No race has ever been more homogeneous 
than this remained, down to the time of the generation now upon 
the stage. With a near approach to precision it may be said, 
that the millions of living persons, either born in New England, 
or tracing their origin to natives of that region, are descendants 



Vm PREFACE. 

of the twenty-one thousand Englishmen who came over before 
the early emigration from England ceased upon the meeting of 
the Long Parliament. Such exceptions to this statement, as be- 
long to any time preceding that of the present generation, are of 
small account. In 1651, after the battles of Dunbar and Worces- 
ter, Cromwell sent some four or five hundred of his Scotch 
prisoners to Boston ; but very little trace of this accession is 
left. The discontented strangers took no root. After the 
revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685, about a hundred 
and fifty families of French Huguenots came to Massachusetts, 
where, though their names have mostly died out, a considerable 
number of their posterity are yet to be found. A hundred and 
twenty Scotch-Irish families came over in 1719, and settled at 
Londonderry, in New Hampshire, and elsewhere. Great num- 
bers of foreigners — especially of Irish, and, next to them, of 
Germans — are now to be reckoned in a census of New Eng- 
land ; but it is chiefly within the last thirty years that they 
have come, and they remain for the most part unamalgamated 
'\ with the population of English descent. 

Thus the people of New England are a singularly unmixed 
j.j^ce. There is probably not a county in England occupied by a 
pQp^J.ation of purer English blood than theirs. It is a race still 
more S(?®^^^l^y ^^ ^^ characterized as representing a peculiar 
tvpe of thb Englishmen of the seventeenth century. A large 
maiority of the C-^^^J planters were Puritans. Some of the small 
English settlements in the eastern part of the country were 
composed of other eleil^ents. But, from the early time when 
these were absorbed by MasSc^fhusetts, their anti-Puritan pecu- 
liarities began to disappear, and a ^substantial conformity to 
the Puritan standard became universal. "^ 

Sequestered from foreign influences, the people thus' consti- 
tuted was forming a distinct character by its own discipline, and 
was engaged at work within itself, on its own problems, through 
a century and a half. Down to the eve of the war which began 
in 17T5, New England had little knowledge of the communi- 
ties which took part with her in that conflict. Till the time of 



PEEFACE. ix 

the Boston Port Bill, eighty-four years ago, Massachusetts and 
Virginia, the two principal English colonies, had with each 
other scarcely more relations of acquaintance, business, mutual 
influence, or common action, than either of them had with 
Jamaica or Quebec, 

This people, so isolated in its pupilage, has now diffused itself 
widely. I am to tell the early story of a vast tribe of men, 
numbering at the present time, it is likely, some seven or eight 
millions. Exactness in such an estimate is not attainable ; but 
it would probably be coming somewhere near the truth to divide 
the present white population of the United States into three equal 
parts ; one, belonging to the New-England stock ; one, the pos- 
terity of English who settled in the other Atlantic colonies ; and 
another, consisting of the aggregate of Irish, Scotch, French, 
Dutch, German, Swedish, Spanish, and other immigrants, and 
their descendants. According to the United States' Census of 
1850, the six New-England States had in that year 2,705,095 
inhabitants, of which number 305,444 were of foreign birth. 
It would, I suppose, be making a liberal allowance to refer the 
round number of half a million of the present inhabitants of 
those States to the modern immigrations from abroad. On the 
other hand, more than seven hundred and fifty thousand natives 
of New England — often persons not inconsiderable in respect to 
activity, property, or influence — are supposed to be now Hving 
in other parts of the Union.* The New-England race has con- 
tributed largely to the population of the great State of New York, 
and makes a majority in some of the new States further west. 
Considerable numbers of them are dispersed in distant parts 
of the world, where commerce or other business invites enter- 
prise, though they do not often establish themselves for life in 
foreign countries. I presume there is one third of the people 
of these United States — wherever now residing — of whom no 
individual could peruse this volume without reading the history 
of his own progenitors. 

* Hunt's Merchants' Magazine, XXX. 637. ■ 



X PREFACE. 

" The principles of New England," says a distinguished foreign 
•writer, " spread at first to the neighboring States ; then they 
passed successively to the more distant ones ; and at length they 
imbued the whole Confederation." * To allude here to influ- 
ences exerted by the people of New England on the fortunes of 
the nation of which it now makes a part, would be to antici- 
pate later portions of my narrative. But there is one evidence 
of their efficiency, which admits of the simple and precise illus- 
tration of figures. The reader of this volume will see how poor 
was Massachusetts in her early years. Her soil is barren ; and 
she has no natural staple commodity of great value in the mar- 
kets of the world. Yet at the present time, a little more than 
two centuries and a quarter from the date of her foundation, her 
taxable property — exclusive of property belonging to institutions 
of religion, education, and benevolence — amounts to a thousand 
millions of dollars. Equally divided, it would afford more than 
eight hundred and eighty dollars each to every man, woman, 
and child within her borders. From the reserved fruits of the 
labor of eight generations " she could give a dollar to each of 
the thousand millions of the inhabitants of the earth, and still 
have all her schools, meeting-houses, town-houses, alms-houses, 
gaols, and literary, benevolent, and scientific institutions, left as 
nest-eggs to begin the world anew." f The value of the regis- 
tered products of the labor of her people for the year ending 
June 1, 1855, — undoubtedly falling far short of the actual 
amount, — was two hundred and ninety-five million eight hun- 
dred and twenty thousand six hundred and eighty-one dollars. $ 

The history and education of a race so numerous, so peculiar, 
so widely scattered, and constituting so large an element of the 
wealth and power of a great nation, present a subject well worthy 
of attention. When I began to think of it as offering a suitable 

* De Tocqueville, Democracy in America, Chap. 11. 

f Christian Examiner, LXV. 34. 

t Statistical Information relating to certain Branches of Industry in Mas- 
sachusetts, collected and published by the Secretary of the Commonwealth 
in 1856. 



PREFACE. xi 

employment for what may remain of my life, it had already been 
long a favorite occupation of my leisure, and I had occasionally 
treated portions of it in the periodical publications of the day. 
In the more careful investigations into which I have now been 
led, I have been gratified to find confirmation of judgments 
which I had earlier expressed respecting some prominent fea- 
tures of the theme. 

I persuade myself that I have been both diligent and success- 
ful in the search for information. Large supplies of original 
materials for my work lay close at hand in the libraries of the 
University at Cambridge, of the Boston Athengeum, and of the 
Massachusetts Historical Society ; and, on the part of each of 
those institutions, I have had every accommodation that could be 
desired. I was also liberally welcomed to the use of different 
private collections, among which I ought particularly to mention 
the valuable ones of my neighbor, Mr. Charles Deane, and of Mr. 
John Carter Brown of Providence. Mr. Deane's books were 
a constant resource to me ; and Mr. Brown, to whom I am 
indebted for access to some not to be found elsewhere, carried 
his generosity so far as to request me to take to my own home as 
much of his choice and sumptuous collection, as my convenience 
might require. 

In the spring of 1856 I went to England, for the purpose of 
obtaining a knowledge of some facts important to my purpose, 
and of satisfying myself on some questions that had arisen. 
Mr. Dallas, Minister from the United States, promptly interested 
himself in my behalf. At his instance, Mr. Labouch^re, Secre- 
tary of State for the Colonies, obligingly gave the necessary 
directions for my admission to those public offices where much 
of my quest was to be made. Mr. Merivale, Under Secretary of 
the Colonial Department, promoted my investigations, and they 
were facilitated by the kindness of Mr. Reeves, Secretary to 
the Privy Council, and of Mr. Lechmere and Mr. Lemon, of the 
State-Paper Office. I would gratefully record my obligations 
also to Mr. Panizzi, Principal Librarian of the British Museum^ 
and to Mr. Jones, Mr. Watts, and Mr. Major, of that institution, 



xii PREFACE. 

for the useful attentions by -which they enabled me to avail 
myself of its treasures. I employed most of the summer in 
the examination, in London, of records and other manuscripts, 
and in the consultation of rare books. A large portion of my 
memoranda, then obtained from the sources which I have indi- 
cated, and from others, relate to periods of the history more 
recent than that which is treated in the present volume. Many 
of the hours when the public establishments were closed, I was 
enabled, by the hospitality of the Athenaeum Club and the Re- 
form Club, to employ, advantageously for my object, among the 
standard books of their excellent libraries. 

I have regarded it as the duty of an historian to rely most upon 
the evidence of those witnesses (provided they were otherwise 
trustworthy) who lived nearest in time and place to the events 
related ; and I have not knowingly rested any statement on 
authority of an inferior description. Governor Winthrop's 
" History of New England," Governor Bradford's " History 
of Plymouth Plantation," and Nathaniel Morton's " New Eng- 
land's Memorial," as edited respectively by Mr. Savage, Mr. 
Deane, and Judge Davis, are rich storehouses of information 
respecting the events of our primitive times. The thirty-four 
volumes of published " Collections of the Massachusetts His- 
torical Society " comprehend numerous treatises, larger and 
smaller, of the highest value to the historical student. The less 
extensive published Collections of the American Antiquarian 
Society, of the Historical Societies of Maine, New Hampshire, 
Ehode Island, and New York, of Mr. Force of Washington, 
and of Messrs. Farmer and Moore of New Hampshire, have 
materially increased the fund of historical wealth. Single 
tracts, to which I have had access, now extant in a small 
number of copies, whether printed or manuscript, have often 
served a useful purpose. The official Records of Plymouth and 
of Massachusetts, as recently edited by Dr. Shurtleff, those of 
Rhode Island, by Mr. Bartlett, those of Connecticut, by Mr. 
Trumbull, and those of New Haven, by Mr. Hoadly, are of 
course documents of the highest authenticity and import, and 
have been daily in my hands. 



PREFACE. Xlll 

I have thought that the course of early events in New Eng- 
land required often to be interpreted by bringing to view their 
relations to earlier and contemporaneous transactions in the 
parent country. So far as I have recounted those transactions, 
I have been dealing with the commonplaces of history. But I 
have endeavored to secure myself against one-sided represen- 
tations by constant reference to the views entertained by writers 
of various afiinities, political and religious ; and I have written 
with the works (among others) of Hume, Lingard, Hallam, 
Neal, and Mrs. Macaulay constantly before me. Whenever a 
questionable statement of any fact presented itself, I have re- 
ferred to the Parliamentary History, and to the Journals of the 
Lords and of the Commons, as well as to the early books of 
general history, • or to books belonging to some special depart- 
ment, or treating some particular topic, according to the nature 
of the case. 

I have not failed to seek instruction and suggestions from 
those who have preceded me in this line of research. Besides 
writers who have treated of the origin and progress of New 
England as a part only of the more comprehensive history 
of the United States, others — especially Hutchinson, Belknap, 
and Trumbull — produced works in the last century which will 
have a durable value in respect to the history of single States ; 
while, among our contemporaries, Mr. Elliott, Mr. William- 
son, Mr. Hollister, Mr. Baylies, and Mr. Barry, by their works 
respectively on the history of New England, of Maine, of Con- 
/lecticut, of Plymouth, and of Massachusetts, have secured an 
honorable reputation by their labors in this field. A History of 
Ehode Island is announced, from the able pen of Mr. Samuel 
Greene Arnold of Providence. I regret that it has not appeared 
in season for me to compare the conclusions which I have 
reached in that department of inquiry, with those of so well- 
instructed and judicious a writer. The " Historical Discourse " 
of Callender — hitherto the principal authority on the subject — 
does not satisfy curiosity as to the course of events in the 
Narragansett settlements. 

VOL. I. 6 



Xiv PKEFACE. 

In treating such a theme, so far am I from any ambition of 
appearing to have gone on unaided, that I should deem myself 
blamable, had I not sought help in every accessible quarter, 
and, in particular, had I not applied at the best sources for 
that local and circumstantial information which sometimes is 
not to be had from books. From Mr. George Folsom, formerly 
of Maine, Mr. John Langdon-Elwyn of Portsmouth in New 
Hampshire, Mr. William S. Russell of Plymouth, Dr. King of 
Newport, Mr. J. Hammond Trumbull of Hartford, Mr. Charles 
J. Hoadly, editor of the Records of New Haven, Mr. Sabine, 
formerly of Eastport, and the Reverend Alonzo H. Quint, for- 
merly of Dover, I have received material assistance in the treat- 
ment of those portions of my subject with which these gentlemen, 
from their respective positions and from the course of their 
studies, were minutely acquainted. If I have fallen into error 
in regard to matters of fact on which I have consulted them, it 
must have been through misapprehension of their statements. 

In the preparation of different parts of my work, I have had 
assistance from so many sources, that I cannot undertake to 
enumerate them all. My obligations to Professor Guyot, in 
respect to the Physical Geography of New England, I have 
acknowledged in another place. Professor Gray, Professor 
Cooke, Professor Wyman, and Mr. George B. Emerson, gave 
me information concerning different branches of its Natural 
History. Dr. J. G. Kohl, whose return to his own country 
the scholars of this do not cease to regret, contributed to my 
knowledge of the movements of the early voyagers to this con- 
tinent. Count Pulszky (with whom in Europe I was so for- 
tunate as to renew my acquaintance), and Mr. George Sumner, 
helped me to understand the adventures of Captain John Smith. 
At different stages in the prosecution of my work, I have found 
new occasion to appreciate the learning and judgment of Mr. 
Parsons, Dr. Francis, Mr. Bowen, Mr. Torrey, and Mr. Lowell, 
Professors in the University at Cambridge, and of Mr. Charles 
Francis Adams, the Reverend Edward Everett Hale, Mr. Charles 
Eliot Norton, and other friends, competent and ready to ren- 



PREFACE. XV 

der me important aid. Mr. Charles Deane has been indefati- 
gable in giving me the benefit of his large acquisition of 
knowledge respecting our early annals. 

To no one am I indebted for more light than to that eminent 
archseologist, Mr. Samuel Foster Haven, of Worcester. Espe- 
cially have I been aided by him in elaborating the view, pre- 
sented in these pages, of the origin and purposes of the Com- 
pany of Massachusetts Bay. So long ago as the year 1837,* 
as well as at different times since, I published my thoughts 
respecting the political relations of some of those early move- 
ments of the government of Massachusetts, which have gener- 
ally been ascribed to religious bigotry. I have been greatly 
assisted in maturing them by Mr. Haven's treatise on the Mas- 
sachusetts Company, in the third volume of the " Collections of 
the American Antiquarian Society," and not less by private 
correspondence with which he has honored me. 

In making up the narrative from materials thus carefully 
brought together, it is little to say that I have aimed to be 
veracious and just. I should have been neither, if I had affected 
tc conceal my veneration for the founders of New England. But 
I hope that I am not disqualified for writing of their conduct 
without undue bias in their favor. My ancestors, on the one side 
and on the other, were in Plymouth and in Massachusetts from 
the earliest moment of those Colonies ; but they never acted any 
responsible part in the public business. Nor am I in danger of 
being induced by religious sympathy to judge the leading actors 
with too much indulgence. My interpretations of the Gos- 
pel differ widely from those which have ruled in the coun- 
cils of the New England commonwealths, from the colonization 
down to a time within the memory of living men. With the 
belief which I entertain, I could not have been admitted to 
any church established by the Fathers, if, indeed, an attempt 
to propagate my belief would not have made me an exile from 
their society. 

* North American Review, XLIV. 56S et seq. 



XVI PREFACE. 

It ■will not surprise me to learn ^that I am thought, in the 
composition of the work, to have indulged myself too freely in the 
interweaving of quotations. It is however of set purpose, that, 
especially in relating some parts of the story, I have adopted 
a method which mere considerations of rhetorical taste might 
not recommend. The peculiar language of the men whom I 
describe is a substantive part of their peculiar history. It 
displays the form and pressure of the place and time. The 
phraseology of the actors is to the reader a constant expositor 
and reminder of the complexion of the thoughts and sentiments 
that determined the course of affairs. 

In the journey which I have been pursuing, I have observed 
some erring steps of "writers who have trodden the same path 
before me. But it would ill become me to point them out with 
censure. I have learned too "well how difficult it is to master 
such a multiplicity of details as lies within the compass of this 
narrative. I seem to myself to have used extreme diligence 
in the authentication of facts ; but I shall be surprised if the 
accurate knowledge of some who will read what I have written 
shall not convict me of mistakes. 

In the copper-plate Map of New England prefixed to this vol- 
ume, the delineation of mountain topography records the personal 
observations of Professor Guyot, who, with that generosity which 
always actuates him, communicated them to me for this use. 
The names affixed to the principal ranges and peaks have, of 
course, been recently applied, differing in that respect from the 
names inserted along the coast line, which were in use at the 
close of the history related in this volume. The " photo-litho- 
graphed" copy of the Map of Captain Smith represents the 
first edition of it, published in London in 1616. The copy of 
William Wood's Map of New England is taken from the print 
inserted in his " New England's Prospect," issued in London 
in 1636, which is in the Library of Harvard College. John 
Underhill's " Newes from New England," which has furnished 
the lithographed plan of the attack on the Pequot fort, is 
also in that Library. But the plan is there mutilated, and the 



PREFACE. XVii 

defect has been supplied from another copy, belonging to Mr. 
John Carter Brown. 

It only remains for me to avow my obligations to my almost 
lifelong friend, Mr. Charles Folsom, for the very important favor 
of a careful revisal of the sheets of this volume as they passed 
through the press. At every step his critical sagacity and prac- 
tised judgment have stood me greatly in stead. 

J. G. P. 



&* 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 



Map of New England in 1620- 1644 . . . Before the Title-page. 

Mill at Chesterton in Warwickshire Page 58 

Round Tower at Newport 58 

Smith's Map of New England 94 

Wood's Map of New England 360 

Pequot Fort 466 



CONTENTS 

OF THE FIRST VOLUME 



CHAPTER I. 



Physical Geography. Page 

Peninsula south of the St. Lawrence 2 

Area of New England 2 

Eanges of Highlands 3 

Increase in the Height of jMountalns towards the North .... 5 

Sources and Direction of Rivers ....... 7 

The Connecticut ........... 7 

The Eastern and the Western Rivers ...... 8 

Lakes ............. 9 

Harbors and Bays .......... 10 

Meteorology, Climate, axd Soil. 

Temperature ...... .... 10 

Rain and Droughts 11 

Local Diseases . . . 12 

Agriculture ........... 13 

. Soil 14 

Natural History. 

Minerals and Botany 15 

Fishes and Birds . . . . . 17 

Insects . . . •. ■ , . , 18 

Reptiles and Quadrupeds . . . . . . . . .19 

Aboriginal Inhabitants. 

Observations of the First Voyagers on the Natives . . . . 19 
The American Indians a Separate Family of Mankind . . . .22 

Sevenfold Division of the North- American Indians .... 23 

Twofold Division of the New-England Indians 23 

Aboriginal Population of New England 24 

Number 24 

Physical Characteristics 25 

Dress, Houses, and Food ........ 26 

Horticulture and Fishing ... . . ... 27 

Manufactures .......... 28 



XX CONTENTS. 

Tools, Anxis, Ornaments, and Furniture . . . . . .29 

Want of Domestic Animals 30 

Domestic Relations . . . . . . . . . .30 

Burials ........... 31 

Trade and IMone y . . . . . . . . . .31 

Indolent Habits, and Love of Gambling and Drunkenness . . 32 
Inventions ........... 33 

Music, Dancing, and Eloquence . . . . . . " , 33 

Want of Science .......... 35 

Civil State and Government 3G 

Sachems and Sagamores ......... 38 

Languages ............ 40 

Grammatical Fonns . • . . . . . . .41 

Yocabulary 43 

Religion ............ 43 

Power of Endurance ......... 49 

Inferior Capacity' for Civilization ....... 50 



CIIAPTEFv II. 

Eakly Toyages axd Explokatioxs. 

Alleged Voyages of Northmen to Korth America . . . . 51 

Voyage of Biorne . . . .53 

Voyage of Leif .......... 53 

Voyages of Thorwald and TLiorfinn ...... 54 

Digliton Bock ........... 56 

Bound Tower at Newport 57 

Alleged Voyage of Madoc . . . . . . . . 59 

Voyages of the Zeni . . . . . . . . . .60 

John Vas Cortereal .......... 60 

Szkolney, the Pole 60 

Discovery of North America by the Cabots ..... 6.0 

Voyage of Gaspar Cortereal . . . . . • . .63 

Voyage of Verazzano ......... 64 

Visits of Fishermen and Others 65 

Gilbert's Voyage, and Project of a Settlement • . •. . . . 67 

Further Explorations • .69 

Voyage of Gosnold .......... 70 

Voyage of Pring . • • • • • • ■ • . li. 

Voyage of Wapnouth .....••..' 5 

Danger of an Occupation of New England by the French . . .77 

Sir Ferdinando Gorges ■ • • ' § 

Incorporation of the Virginia Companies 81 

Attempted Settlement on the Kennebec 83 

Hudson's Visit 85 

The French on the Penobscot 85 

Captain John Smith .....••••• 85 
Adventures in Europe, Asia, and Africa 86 



CONTENTS. 



XXI 



Connection with the London Company 91 

Voyage to New England 92 

Map of New England 94 

Later Enteqirises ......... 94 

Early Maps embracing the Coast of New England 95 

Richard Vines at Saco ......... 98 

Thomas Dernier at Plymouth 99 



CHAPTER in. 



Puritanism in England. 

Free Spirit of the Early English Church 

Discontent with Ecclesiastical Abuses .... 

JohnWickliffe 

Religious Policy of the Lancastrian Kings . 

Beginning of the Reformation from Popery 

Progress of the Reformation in the Reign of Edward the Sixth 

Question of Clerical Costume ..... 

Accession of Queen Mary ...... 

Her cruel Treatment of Protestants 

Accession of Queen Elizabeth ..... 

Act of Supremacy and Act of Uniformity 
The Queen's Sympathies with Romanism 
Proclamation for Conformity ..... 

Accession of Archbishop Grindal .... 

Accession of Archbishop Whitgift .... 

His severe Proceedings . . . . ■ 

Constitution of the High-Commission Court 

Rise of Separatism ....... 

Robert Brown and the Brownists .... 

Punishment of Separatists ...... 

. Character of the Clergy in the Reign of Elizabeth . 
Emigration of Separatists to Holland .... 

Accession of King James the First .... 

The Mllenary Petition 

The Conference at Hampton Court 

Gloomy Prospect of the Reformers .... 

Bancroft, Archbishop of Canterbury 



101 
103 
103 
106 
108 
111 
112 
114 
116 
116 
117 
117 
119 
120 
120 
121 
121 
122 
123 
123 
125 
126 
126 
127 
129 
131 
132 



CHAPTER IV. 



The Founders of Plymouth Colony. 

The Congregation at Scrooby in Nottinghamshire . . . • 133 
Richard Clifton and John Robinson . . . . . • .134 
William Brewster . . . . • . • • • • 135 

William Bradford 136 

Resolution of the Scrooby Congregation to emigrate . • . 137 



Xxii CONTENTS. 

Their Residence at Amsterdam 139 

Their Removal to Ley den .-. 140 

Character of Robinson 143 

Disorders in the Netherlands 144 

Disturbances at Leyden ,- . .145 

Project of another Removal 146 

Doubts about a Place of Settlement 149 

Choice of North Virginia ' . 150 

Mission of Agents to 'England 150 

The Seven Articles of the Leyden Church 150 

Negotiation in London 151 

Dissensions in the Virginia Company 152 

Patent from the Virginia Company 153 

Contract of Robinson's Congregation -with Merchants of London . 153 
Preparations for Departure from Holland . . . . . .155 

Embarkation from Delft- Haven in the Speedwell . . . . 156 

Arrival at Southampton 158 

Sailing of the Speedwell and the Mayflower from Southampton . 159 

Failure of the Speedwell, and Return of the Vessels . . . .159 

Final Departure of the Mayflower 159 

Origin of Some of the Passengers in the Mayflower . . . .160 



CHAPTER V. 

Colony of Plymouth. 

The Mayflower at Cape Cod 164 

Compact for Government ......... 165 

Carver chosen Governor . . . . . . ■ • 167 

First Exploration of the Country . . . . . . .167 

Exposures of the second Week 168 

Second Exploration of the Country . . . . . . .168 

Third Expedition for Discovery • 170 

Landing of a Boat's Crew at Plymouth 171 

Arrival of the whole Company at Plymouth 172 

Christmas 173 

First Operations at Plymouth • 173 

Fatal Sickness 174 

Welcome from Samoset .......•• 176 

Visit fi'om other Natives 177 

Visit from, and Treaty with, Massasoit 178 

Organization, Military and Civil .179 

Return of the Mayflower to England 180 

Death of Carver 180 

Employments and Condition of the Settlers during the first Summer . 181 

Visit to Massasoit 183 

Voyage to Nauset • • 184 

Journey to Namasket 185 

Submission of nine Sachems 185 



CONTENTS. 



XXUl 



Voyage to Boston Bay . 185 

Improved Prospects 186 

Arrival of the Fortune 187 

Character of'the Colonists 187 

Feuds in, and lU-Success of, the London Company . . . .190 

Incorporation of the Council for New England 192 

Existing Portions of its Records . . . . . . . .193 

Patent from the Council for New England . • . . . 194 

Return of the Fortune to England . . . * . . . . 1 94 

Cushman's Prophecy . . . . . . . . . 195 

Scarcity of Food . . . . . . . . . .196 

Threats of War from the Narragansetts 196 



CPIAPTER VI 



Renewed Scarcity of Food .... 
Weston's Plantation at Wessagusset 
Second Visit of Winslow to Massasoit 
Conspiracy of Indians .... 

Dispersion of Weston's Company . . 

Weston at Plymouth 

Perplexities of the Council for New England . 
Further Attempts at Colonization 
Project for a General Governor of New England 
Proceedings in Parhament . . 
The Plymouth Patent in Danger 
Continued Scarcity ..... 
Arrival of the Ann and the Little James . 
New Description of Settlers 
Plentiful Harvest of the third Year . 
Allotments of Land ..... 
Arrival of Edward Winslow from England 
Faction among the Merchant Adventurers . 

Faction at Plymouth 

Conviction of Lyford and Oldham 
Dissolution of the Partnership of Adventurers . 
Transactions at Mount Wollaston and at Cape Ann 
Prosperous Condition of Plymouth . 
Death of Robinson and of Cushman . 
Visit of De Rasieres to Plymouth .... 
Release from the Merchant Adventurers 
Distribution of Stock and Land .... 
The Trade of Plymouth farmed by eight Colonists 
Proceedings at Merry-Mount . . . 
EngUsh Planters in and about Massachusetts Bay 
Neighboring Colonies of France and Holland 

New France 

New Netherland 



198 
199 
201 
201 
203 
203 
204 
204 
206 
209 
209 
211 
212 
212 
213 
215 
215 
216 
219 
221 
221 
222 
223 
224 
226 
227 
228 
230 
232 
233 

234 
235 



XXIV CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER VII. 

Puritan Politics in England. 

KIse of tlie Conflict between Arbitrary and Popular Principles . . 240 

Its Relations in England to Religion 240 

Its Progress in the Reign of James the First 240 

Loyalty of the Non-conformists 241 

Restless State of Public Feeling in England 242 

Conduct of James at his Accession . . . . . . . 243 

Proceedings of his First Parliament at its First Session . . . 244 

Second Session of King James's First Parliament . . . . 246 

Third Session . . . . . , . . . . .247 

Fourth Session 248 

Fifth Session • . . .249 

Parliament dissolved 249 

State of Opinion among the Courtiers and the Lawyers . . .249 

High-Prerogative Doctrines of the Church 250 

Imposition of Illegal Duties on Imports 251 

Discontinuance of Parhaments 251 

Expedients to obtain a Revenue 252 

Proceedings of King James's Second Parliament . . . . 252 

Surrender of the Dutch Cautionary Towns 253 

Death of Archbishop Bancroft 254 

Lenity and Puritanical Tendencies of Archbishop Abbot . . . 254 

Foreign Relations of England . . . . . . . . 255 

King James's Thii-d Parhament 256 

Proceedings against MonopoHes 257 

Impeachment of Lord Bacon . . . . . . . .257 

Increase of Dissension between the liing and the Parliament . . 258 

Protestation of the House of Commons 260 

Dissolution of the Third Parhament 260 

King James's Fourth Parhament . . . . . .. .261 

Death of King James 263 

Progress of Popular Principles in his Reign . . . . . .263 

Influence of Bishop Williams in the Church . . . . . 263 

Accession of King Charles the First 264 

His First Parhament 264 

Its Patriotic Pohcy 265 

Its Dissolution 266 

King Charles's Second Parhament 266 

Its Dissolution 267 

War with France 267 

Expedients for a Revenue ........ 268 

Bishop Laud 268 

King Charles's Third Parliament 269 

Its Courageous Tone 269 

Petition of Right 270 

Murder of the Duke of Buckingham 271 

Wentworth, Earl of Strafibrd 271 



CONTENTS. XXV 

Advancement of Laud 272 

Disuse of Parliaments for eleven Years . . . . . . 273 

Full Development of the Puritan System 274 

Use of Scripture by the Puritans . . . . , . . 274 

Their Morality 276 

Their public Action . . . .. . . . . . 277 

Their Habits and Manners . . . . . . , .278 



CHAPTER VIII. 

Colony of Massachusetts. 

Position of Puritans in the Church 283 

The Reverend Mr. White ,284 

The Dorchester Adventurers 284 

Plantation at Cape Ann 285 

Removal to Naumkeag 286 

Grant of Massachusetts from the Council for New England . . . 288 

John Endicott's Company at Salem . . . . . . . 289 

Charter of the Governor and Company of Massachusetts Bay . . 290 

Organization of the Colony at Salem ...... 292 

Instructions from the Massachusetts Company . . , . .292 

New Emigration to Salem . . . . , . . . 293 

Samuel Skelton and Francis Higginson ...... 295 

Ecclesiastical Organization ........ 295 

Expulsion of two Malecontents . . 298 

Anti-episcopal PoHcy at Salem . . . . . . . 299 

The Massachusetts Charter brought over to New England . , , 801 

Agreement at Cambridge in England ...... 302 

New Officers of the Company of Massachusetts Bay .... 303 

Position and Character of its Members 804 

Right of the Company to convey its Charter to America . . . 306 

Public-spirited and comprehensive Designs of the Company . . 308 

Arrangement of Financial Affairs 310 

Dejjarture of Winthrop's Company 312 

Their " Humble Request " . . . . . . . . .312 

Their Voyage 312 

Their Arrival at Salem 313 

Sickness and Want 315 

Examination of the Country .316 

Ecclesiastical Settlement 316 

Courts of Assistants . . . . . . , . . .317 

General Court in Boston 321 

Adoption of new Rules for Election and Legislation . . . .322 

Settlements about Boston Bay 328 

Sickness and Famine 324 

Renewal of Courts of .Assistants 325 

Visit of Chickatabot 328 

Embassy from Natives on Connecticut River 328 

vol. I. c . . 



XXVI 



CONTENTS. 



Eetiirn to England of some of tlie Emigrants 
Sir Cbristoiiher Gardiner .... 



329 
329 



CHAPTEE IX. 

Colony op Plymouth. 

Renewed Emigration from Leyden . . . . . . .331 

Third Patent of Plymouth 332 

Further Emigi-ation from Ley den . . , . . . .333 

An Execution for Murder . . . . . . . . 334 

Increase of "Wealth at Plymouth 335 

Yisit of Winthro^i and AVilson to Plymouth . . . . ' . 335 

Duxbury and Marshfield . .336 

Epidemic Sickness . . . . . . . , . . 337 

The French on the Penobscot . . . . . . . .337 

AiFray on the Kennebec 338 

Plymouth Factory on the Connecticut . . . . . .339 

Early Legislation at Plymouth ....... 340 

Taxation at Plymouth . . . . . , . . .344 

Colony of Massachusetts. 

Religious Qualification for the Franchise ...... 345 

Winthrop and Dudley re-elected . 348 

Virtual Permanency of the Office of Assistant . . . . . 349 

Difference between Winthrop and Dudley . . . . , .349 

Religious Dispute at Waterto'wn . . . . . . . 350 

Further Proceedings of the Assistants . . . . . . .351 

The Towns taxed by the Assistants . . . . . . . 353 

Discontent at Watertown . . .353 

The Freemen resume the Right of Election, and appoint Deputies . 354 
Winthrop refuses to receive Presents , . . . . . .355 

Arrivals from England ......... 356 

Reconciliation between Winthrop and Dudley . . . . .357 

Division of the Boston Church ..... . 358 

Town of Boston 359 

Visit of a Narragansett Sachem 361 

Alarm from the Indians • . . . . . . . .361 

Scarcity of Food ...... .... 363 

Preparations against the French . 363 

The Colony called in Question before the Privy Council . . . 364 

Re-election of Magistrates . .366 

Renewal of the Emigration . . . . . . . . 367 

John Cotton 368 

Expeditions to the Connecticut . . . . . . . 369 

Renewal of Complaints at the English Court . . . . .370 

Reform of the Government of Massachusetts . . . . . 371 

Decline of Winthrop's Popularity . . 374 

Proceedings of the Fifth General Court . . ., . . .375 

Freeman's Oath 377 

Winthrop's Loss of Favor in Boston . . . . . ..378 

Beginning of Town Organizations 380 



CONTENTS. 



XXVll 



CHAPTER X. 

Condition of the Settlers in Massachusetts . . .' . 

Freemen, Magistrates, and Clergy 

Material Prosperity of England at the Time of the Emigration 

Independent Action a Necessity for the Colonists 

PoUtical Rights of the Freemen of Massachusetts 

Important Intelligence from England ...... 

Proposals for an Aristocratic Order ..... 

Colonial Commission and Recall of the Charter .... 

Policy of the lung in relation to Massachusetts 

Proceedings of the General Court 

Patents issued by the Council for New England 

Dissolution of the Council for New England .... 

Writ of Quo Warranto against the Company of Massachusetts Bay 

Roger Williams 

His Banishment ......... 

Providence founded 



383 
384 
385 
386 
387 
389 
389 
391 
391 
394 
397 
397 
402 
406 
412 
422 



CHAPTER XI. 



Mutilation of the English Flag . , ' 426 

Israel Stoughton 427 

John Haynes chosen Governor and Richard BeUingham Deputy- Governor 428 

Elections by Ballot * . ... ,429 

Proceedings in respect to the Flag of England 430 

Legislative Proceedings 431 

Formation of Churches 432 

Functions of Towns 434 

Winthrop the younger 435 

Henry Vane 435 

Hugh Peter 436 

Conference of the Leaders in Massachusetts . . . . .437 

Vane chosen Governor 439 

Further Proceedings in respect to the English Flag .... 440 

Institution of a Council for Life . . . . . . . 441 

Proposal for a Code of Laws . . . . . . . .442 

Military Organization ......... 443 

Colony of Connecticut. 

Scheme of an Emigration to Connecticut ...... 444 

Samuel Stone and Thomas Hooker . . . . . . . 445 

Alleged IMotives for Emigration to Connecticut ..... 445 

Reasons against it . 447 

Question respecting a Veto Power of the Magistrates .... 448 
Emigration to Connecticut . . . . . . . • 450 

Foundation of Saybrook 451 

Sufferings of the first Settlers of Connecticut 452 

Renewed Emigration to Connecticut . . . . . . .453 



XXVlll 



CONTENTS. 



Government in Connecticut for the first Year 
War with the Pequots .... 

Murder of Stone and Norton . 
Murder of Oldham .... 
Expedition against the Block-Islanders 
Expedition against the Pequots . 
Hostihties of the Pequots 
Captain John Mason .... 
His Movements against the Pequots 
Assault on the Petjuot Fort 
Return of Mason's Expedition 
Conclusion of the Pequot War . 



454 
456 
45G 
457 
458 
460 
461 
463 
464 
465 
468 
469 



CHAPTER XII. 



. Colony of Massachusetts. 

Mrs. Ann Hutchinson 472 

Antinomian Controversy . . . . . . . . 474 

Interference of the Ministers 475 

Perplexity of Governor Vane 475 

Censure of Wilson by his Church 477 

Appointment of a. East . . ' 477 

Increase of the Excitement 478 

Censure of Wheelwright by the General Court for his Fast Sermon . 478 

Disaffection of Boston * 480 

General Court of Elections held at Newtown 480 

Winthrop again chosen Governor ....... 481 

Resentment of Vane 482 

Vane's Return to England 483 

Ecclesiastical Synod at Newtown 484 

Proceedings against the Partisans of Mrs. Hutchinson .... 485 

Proceedings against Mrs. Hutchinson 486 

Political Necessity for the Proceedings against the Antinomian Party . 489 

Obsti-uction of Emigration from England . . . . . 502 

Mixed Motives of the victorious Party in the Antinomian Controversy . 505 

Their Moderation ......... . 506 

Their inadequate Defence of Themselves ...... 508 

Beneficial Results of their Course • • 509 

Praiseworthy Course of Winthrop . . . . • • .510 

Rhode Island. 

Settlement on the Island of Aquetnet (Rhode Island) . . . 511 

Dissensions at Aquetnet .512 

Northern Settlements. 

Exeter 516 

Hampton ............. 516 

Dover .517 



CONTENTS. • xxix 



CHAPTER XIII. 

Northeastern Settlements. 

Plantation at the Mouth of the PIscataqua 522 

Slow Progress of Settlement further east . . . . . . 523 

Province of Maine . . . .525 

Agamenticus and Saco . . . . . . . . . 527 

Southwestern Settlements. 

Theophilus Eaton 528 

John Davenport 528 

Emigration to Quinnipiack (New Haven) . . . . . .529 

Plantation Covenant . . . . . . . . . 629 

Organization of a Government . . . . . . . .531 

Settlement of Milford 534 

Settlement of Guilford 534 

Colony of Connecticut. 

Frame of Government in Connecticut 535 

Election of Magistrates . . . . . . . . .537 

Early Legislation . . , . . . . . . . 537 

Fairfield and Stratford 538 

George Fenwick at Saybrook 539 

Colony op Plymouth. 

Plymouth Factories on the Penobscot/Kennebec, and Connecticut . 539 

Unsuccessful Expedition against the French on the Penobscot . . 540 

Generous Conduct of the Plymouth People 541 

Winslow in England 542 

Prosperity of Plymouth 544 

Disappointments in Church Affairs ....... 545 

Course of Civil Administration ........ 546 

Treaty with the Indians renewed 547 

Colony of Massachusetts. 

Institution of a College ......... 548 

John Harvard 549 

The Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company . . . . 551 
Progress of Organization, Legislation, and Administration . . .551 

Restriction of the Number of Deputies 554 

Limitation of the Power of the Council for Life 555 

Second Deposition of Governor Winthrop, and Election of Dudley . 555 

Renewed Demand from England for the Charter 556 

Winthrop's Reply to the Recall of the Charter 557 



CHAPTER XIV. 

Puritan Politics in England. 

Despotism of Charles the First 560 

Exaction of Ship-Money 561 

Archbishop Laud 562 

Outbreak at Edinburgh 565 



XXX • CONTENTS. 

Spread of the Insurrection in Scotland 567 

Advance of the Iving with an Army to Scotland . . . . 568 
Proceedings of the Scottish Parliament and Assembly . . . .569 

King Charles's Fourth Parliament 569 

Its Dissolution . . . . 570 

The Eoyal Army beaten by the Scots . . . , • . . 571 

Council of Peers 571 

Truce with the Scots 571 

King Charles's Fifth Parliament 671 

Its first Measures of Keform 5 72 

Prorogation of Parliament 573 

Irish Rebellion . 573 

Grand Kemoustrance 574 

Eevival of Loyal Sentiments 574 

The King's Attempt to arrest Members of the House of Commons . 575 

Procession of the House of Commons to Westminster . . . 576 

■ Bill to give Parliament the Control of the Militia 576 

The King's Resolution to resist 577 

Beginning of the Civil War 577 

Influence of these Events on New-England Politics . . . . 5 79 

New-England Ministers invited to the Westminster Assembly of Divines 581 

Mission of Massachusetts Men to England 582 

Discontinuance of Emigration from England 584 

Return of Emigrants to England 585 

CoLOMY OF Massachusetts. 

Claim of Massachusetts to Territory at the North . . . . 587 

Disorders in New Hampshire 588 

Thomas Larkham 589 

Accession of the New-Hampshire Settlements to Massachusetts . .592 

Annexation of Pejepscott (Brunswick) 593 

Remission of Wheelwright's Sentence of Banishment . . . .594 

The Plough Patent 594 

Colony of Plymouth. 
Boundary Question between Massachusetts and Plymouth . . .596 

Conveyance of the Patent of Plymouth to the Freemen . . . 597 

Settlement with the London Partners 597 

Death of Brewster 598 

His Character 699 

Colony of New Haven. 

Extension and Consohdation of New-Haven Colony . . . . 600 

Southhold, Stamford, and Greenwich 601 

Colony of Connecticut. 
Magistrates of Connecticut . . . . . . . . .603 

Separation of Springfield from Connecticut . . . . . 604 

Accession of Southampton and Saj'brook to Connecticut . . . 605 

The Connecticut Indians 605 

Rhode Island and Providence. 

Proceedings on Rhode Island 606 

Roger Williams in Endand . . . • . . . . 609 



CONTENTS. 



XXXI 



CHAPTER XV. 

Colony of Massachusetts. 

Relief Law in Massachusetts 

Goyernment of 1641-1642 ■ 

Unsatisfactory Administration of Bellingliam 

Re-election of Governor Winthrop in 1642 and 1643 . 

Omission of tlie Oath of Allegiance .... 

Renewal of the Question about a Council for Life 

Division of Massachusetts into Counties 

Division of the Legislature into two Branches 

The homely Occasion of it ..... 

The Confederact. 

Alleged Reasons for a Confederation of the Four Colonies 
French, Dutch, and Swedes in their Neighborhood 
Prehminary Movements for a Confederation . 
Change of the Views of Massachusetts in relation to it 

Consummation of the Measure 

Exclusion of the Maine and Narragansett Settlers 

Twelve Articles of Confederation 

Parliamentary Commission for Colonial Government . 



610 
611 
611 
613 
614 
614 
617 
617 
618 

623 

624 

625. 

627 

629 

629 

630 

633 



; APPENDIX. 

List of New-England Magistrates 



635 



HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. 



CHAPTER I. 



On the eastern coast of North America, midway be- 
tween the equator and the pole, is a tract of land prop- 
erly described as a peninsula, from a physical conforma- 
tion which has had important relations to its civil history.^ 
The northern extremity of the Appalachian zone of ele- 
vated land is separated from the continent by the long 
bed of the St. Lawrence, and the deep and broad chasm 
which holds the waters of Lake Champlain, Lake George, 
and the river Hudson. The series of ridges and plateaus, 
which, rising from the sandy shore of the Gulf of Mexico, 
stretches nearly unbroken in a direction parallel to the 
Atlantic coast, is suddenly interrupted and cut down to 
its base by a valley sunk thousands of feet between the 
Katskill Mountains and the lofty chains and table-lands of 
the Adirondac region on one side, and the long belt of the 
Green Mountains on the other. The average width of 



1 This geographical feature, though lyn, New England's Earities, pp. 4, 5 ; 

imperfectly understood, was not over- comp. his Voyages, p. 42.) Cush- 

looked in early times. " New England man (Discourse, ad iniW) and Winslow 

is by some affirmed to be an island, (Good Newes from New England, 62), 

bounded on the north with the river at Plymouth in 1621 and 1623, believed 

Canada, so called from ]\I. Cane ; on that Ft was an island ; Wood, in Massa- 

the south with the river Mohegan, or chusetts in 1633, that it was an island 

Hudson River, so called because he was or a peninsula (New England's Pros- 

the first that discovered it." (Josse- pect, 1). 

VOL. I. 1 



2 HISTOEY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

this depression is not far from twenty miles. At the north 
it expands into a broad prairie between Lake Champlain 
and the St. Lawrence, while among the Highlands near 
West Point it is compressed to the diminished width of 
the Hudson where that river seems to have broken a link 
between the two parts of the Appalachian chain. 

The insulation of this tract is all but complete. The 
tide runs up the St. LawrencI nearly five hundred miles, 
almost reaching the point where the. river Richelieu, or 
Sorel, discharges the surplus waters of Lake George and 
Lake Champlain. The surface of Lake Champlain is 
only ninety feet above the ocean; the canal which now 
unites its waters with those of Hudson Eiver running in 
an opposite direction, scarcely rises fifty more to its high- 
est level; and at Troy and Albany, a hundred and fifty 
miles from the sea, the tide is met again, coming up from 
the south. Of that long depression of nine hundred miles 
from the mouth of the St. Lawrence to the mouth of the 
Hudson, the tide-waters cover six hundred and fifty 
miles ; while for the remaining two hundred and fifty the 
elevation above the ocean is not so great as is reached by 
ordinary structures reared by the hand of man. A level 
way was prepared by nature, along which the travel and 
the commerce of tranquil times have at length succeeded 
to the incursions of savage or of civilized war. 

The area thus defined as one physical region, and meas- 
uring with the neighboring islands about a hundred and 
forty-five thousand square miles, is occupied by the Brit- 
ish Provinces of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, with 
part of that of Lower Canada ; the six States of the 
American Union known by the collective name of New 
England ; and a narrow section -of the State of New 
Area of New York. Ncw Euglaud, covering less than half of 
England. ^]^jg g^rface, e:Stends from the forty-first degree 
nearly to the forty-eighth degree of north latitude, and 
from the sixty-seventh degree almost to the seventy-fourth 



I.] PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY. 3 

degree of west longitude. It is bounded by British pos- 
sessions on the north, northeast, and northwest; on the 
southeast, east, and south, by the Atlantic Ocean ; and on 
the west, by Lake Champlain and by the State of New 
York, which through nearly three degrees of latitude 
interposes a breadth of some twenty miles, mostly of low- 
land, between it and Hudson River. It has an area of 
about 65,000 square miles, of which about 31,700 belong 
to the State of Maine, 9,300 to New Hampshire, 10,200 
to Vermont, 7,800 to Massachusetts, 1,300 to Rhode 
Island, and 4,700 to Connecticut. Maine occupies the 
northeastern corner. "West of the southern half of Maine 
lie New Hampshire, touching the ocean for only a few 
miles, and the inland State of Vermont. South of New 
Hampshire and Vermont, along their whole extent, is 
Massachusetts, measuring the breadth of Southern New 
England from east to west, and stretching to a double 
width on the sea, which it fronts with its entire east- 
ern border. South of Massachusetts are Rhode Island, 
exposed on its southern side to the Atlantic, and Con- 
necticut, lying along the oval-shaped strait known as 
Long Island Sound. Long Island, with its low plains 
and sandy beaches, though by nature attached to New 
England, politically belongs elsewhere. The sea-coast, 
measured without allowance for interruption by the less 
considerable inlets, extends about seven hundred miles. 

Only moderate elevations present themselves to the 
view along the greater part of the line of the New-Eng- 
land coast. Inland, the great topographical feature is a 
double belt of highlands, separated almost to their Ranges of 
bases by the deep and broad valley of Connecti- '^'si'iands. 
cut River, and running parallel to each other from the 
south-southwest to the north-northeast, till, around the 
sources of that river, they unite in a wide space of table- 
land, from which streams descend in liifferent directions. 
Thence, separating again, they take a northeasterly course 



4 HISTOEY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

through the State of Maine and the Province of New 
Brunswick, till they come out upon the Gulf of St. Law- 
rence along both sides of the deep Bay of Chaleurs, 
which may be considered as the lower extremity of the 
long depression. At the foot of the eastern belt and 
following its curve lies a tract of lowland, gently sloping 
towards the shore with a surface broken by moderate ele- 
vations, and from being forty or fifty miles broad in Mas- 
sachusetts, gradually spreading in Maine to nearly double 
that width. In Connecticut, the descent to the sea is by 
still easier steps. 

To regard these highlands, which form so important a 
feature of New England geography, as simply two ranges 
of hills, would not be to conceive of them correctly. 
They are vast swells of land, of an average elevation of 
a thousand feet above the level of the sea, each with a 
width of forty or fifty miles, from which, as from a base, 
mountains rise in chains or in isolated groups to an alti- 
tude of several thousand feet more. 

In structure, the two belts are unlike. The western 
system, which bears the general name of the Green Moun- 
tains, is composed of two principal chains, more or less 
continuous, covered, like several shorter ones which run 
along them, with the forests and herbage to which they 
owe their name. Between these a longitudinal valley can 
be traced, though with some interruption, from Connecti- 
cut to Northern Vermont. In Massachusetts and Con- 
necticut it is marked by the course of the Housatonic, 
in Vermont by the rich basins that hold the villages of 
Bennington, Manchester, and Rutland, and further on by 
valleys of less note. The space between these mountain 
ranges and the Connecticut is mostly occupied by a rugged 
table-land measuring in height from a thousand to fifteen 
hundred feet. In Massachusetts, this is deeply furrowed 
by transverse valleys, through which torrents like the 
Westfield and the Deerfield rivers descend to the Con- 



I.] PHYSICAL GEOGKAPHY. 5 

necticut. In Vermont, both heights and streams assume 
a more gentle character. 

The mountains have a regular increase in elevation 
from south to north. From a heis^ht of less than , 

c Increase in 

a thousand feet in Connecticut, they rise to an the height of 
average of twenty-five hundred feet in Massachu- towards the 
setts, where the majestic Greylock, isolated be- 
tween the two chains, lifts its head to the stature of thirty- 
five hundred feet. In Vermont, Equinox and Stratton 
Mountains, near Manchester, are thirty-seven hundred feet 
high ; Killington Peak, near Rutland, rises forty-two hun- 
dred feet ; Mansfield Mountain, at the northern extremity, 
overtops the rest of the Green Mountain range with an 
altitude of forty-four hundred feet. The rise of the valley 
is less regular. In Connecticut, its bottom is from five 
hundred to seven hundred feet above the sea; in South- 
ern Massachusetts it is eight hundred feet ; it rises thence 
two hundred feet to Pittsfield, and one hundred more to 
the foot of Greylock, whence it declines to the bed of the 
Housatonic in one direction, and to an average height of 
little more than five hundred feet in Vermont, in the 
other. Thus it is in Berkshire County, in Western Mas- 
sachusetts, that the western swell presents, if not the 
most elevated peaks, yet the most compact and- consoli- 
dated structure. Nowhere else in New England has the 
locomotive engine to climb to such a height in order to 
reach the valley of the Hudson. Between Westfield and 
Pittsfield, the Western Railway attains an elevation of no 
less than fourteen hundred and seventy-five feet above 
the surface of the water in Boston harbor. 

The eastern belt has no continuous range of mountains. 
In Massachusetts, it is a broad, undulating surface, about 
a thousand feet high, broken by valleys of moderate 
depth. Numerous smooth and bare summits, like the 
crests of parallel waves, lift a space of arable land a few 
hundred feet above the general level. Here and there, 
1* 



6 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

however, are isolated hills, like Watatick, near the centre 
of the plateau, and Wachusett, on its eastern edge, with 
altitudes respectively of eighteen hundred and over two 
thousand feet. In New Hampshire, the same general 
character is preserved, but the country is more broken, 
and the mountains grow higher and more numerous. 
On a line running, a little west of the centre, along an 
ascending series of peaks having no immediate connec- 
tion with each other, the Great Monadnock, Cuba Moun- 
tain, Carr Mountain, and Moosehillock, respectively thirty- 
two hundred, thirty- three hundred, thirty-five hundred, 
and forty-eight hundred feet high, conduct to Lafayette 
Mountain, which measures fifty-three hundred feet. Be- 
yond this begins the group of the "White Mountains, sep- 
arate like the rest, and in its highest peak. Mount Wash- 
ington, with an elevation of sixty-three hundred feet, pre- 
senting the culminating point of the northern section of 
the Appalachian range. The regular increase of elevation 
from south to north, which characterizes the Green Moun- 
tain range, appears equally in the more easterly system, 
and the extreme heights of the two are in nearly the same 
parallel of latitude. 

Beyond the White Mountains, while the peaks are 
lower, the table-land continues to rise, till it reaches an 
elevation varying from twelve hundred to fifteen hundred 
feet. In Maine, the swell expands and sinks, though not 
enough to lose its importance as the principal water- 
shed. Along its path are scattered the few high moun- 
tains of Maine, as Mount Abraham, Mount Squaw, and 
Katahdin, which last is said to have an altitude of more 
than fifty-three hundred feet. 

Such are the great geographical features which deter- 
mine the direction of the water-courses, the amount and 
distribution of water power, and the capacities of difierent 
parts of the country for various forms of the industry 
of civilized man, in agriculture, commerce, and the man- 



I.] PHYSICAL GEOGEAPHY. 7 

ufacturing arts. They materially influenced the early 
march of the settlements, and the establishment of the 
political centres. 

The region along the northern border of Vermont, New 
Hampshire, and Maine, where the two belts of „ 

■t ' ' Source and 

highlands meet in a common table-land, supplies direction of 

1 ' ^ n 1 • ^1 of rivers. 

the spnngs oi ail the important streams oi the 
peninsular country which has been described. The Con- 
necticut and the Androscoggin seeking the ocean by a 
southerly course, the feeders of the Kennebec and the 
Penobscot running towards the east and southeast, those 
of the St. John towards the northeast, and those of the 
Chaudiere and the St. Francis towards the northwest, all 
descend from these heights by rapid plunges into the 
lower country. With their valleys they take directions 
and characters according with those of the slopes to 
which they respectively belong. In New England, they 
thus arrange themselves in a threefold division. 

To the general descent of the country from north to 
south corresponds the course of the Connecti- The con- 
cut River. Its wide and deep valley separates »«"'•="'• 
not only two mountain ridges, but two solid masses of 
highland. A series of terraces breaks the level of its 
broad bed. Rarely presenting any sudden changes of di- 
rection, it obeys the nearly straight course of the parallel 
w^alls which confine its valley. Its most rapid descent is 
that of twelve hundred feet in the first quarter of its 
course, from its sources to the mouth of the Pasumpsic 
River, on the parallel of the White Mountains, where 
its surface is but four hundred feet above the sea two 
hundred miles distant. In eighty miles, from that point 
to the long and flat bottom between Windsor and Bel- 
lows Falls in Vermont, it descends only one hundred 
feet ; thence it sinks a hundred and sixty feet to the 
plains of Deerfield ; and at Springfield, eighty miles from 
its mouth, it is but forty feet above the ocean. The 



8 EISTOHY of new ENGLAIsTD. [Chap. 

smaller streams on the same slope, the Housatonic, the 
ISTaugatuck, and others, pursue in like manner the 
straight course forced upon them by the direction of the 
ridges which come out in the plains that stretch along 
the Sound. 

Under the combined influence of the eastern and the 
The eastern southom slopos, tlio Audroscoggln. the Saco, the 
rivers. Mcrrimack, the Blackstone, and other streams, 
tend in an oblique direction towards the southeast. In 
Maine, where the highlands turn to the northeast, the 
compound declivity becomes a southerly slope, and the 
Kennebec, the Penobscot, and the Passamaquoddy seek 
the sea in that direction. Unlike the streams further 
south which hold the same course, those of Maine show 
considerable irregularity at different points in their 
progress. Not rolling their waters through a single 
great hollow, like the Connecticut, they rather stray 
from valley to valley, alternately following and breaking 
through the ridges which obstruct them, and indicat- 
ing, by their frequent windings, the muior sinuosities of 
the ground they traverse. Their fall is also generally 
more precipitous. Where they issue from the highlands, 
at only a moderate distance from the ocean, their aver- 
age elevation above it, in Massachusetts and New Hamp- 
shire, is five hundred feet. Their rapids and shallows 
accordingly unfit them for inland navigation. Towards 
the east Iheir size increases with the width of the belt of 
lowland in which their course is developed. 

The western declivity, fronting the valley of the Hud- 
son and of Lake Champlain, is too short to allow 
the formation of any considerable river. To- 
ward the south, little impetuous torrents, like the Hoo- 
sac, break through the hills into the Hudson. In Ver- 
mont, Otter Creek, Onion Eiver, and other streams, take 
a longer and more tranquil way towards Lake Cham- 
plain. Outside of New England, at the north, the Ca- 



The western 
rivers. 



I.] PHYSICAL GEOGKAPHY. 9 

nadian rivers St. Francis and Chaudiere carry to the St.i 
Lawrence a more abundant tribute.-^ 

Almost everywhere in New England the masses of water 
find a sufficient vent, and there are within its bor- 

Lakes. 

ders few lakes of any great size. The largest, 
Moosehead Lake in Maine, partly drained by the Kenne- 
bec, and Lake Winnipiseogee in New Hampshire, which 
yields some of its waters to the Merrimac, are respectively 
about twenty-five and thirty-five miles long, and each 
is about ten miles across in its greatest width. 

It will have been seen that the rivers of New England, 
though several are of considerable length, are of little di- 
rect use for internal commerce. The broad Connecticut 
is navigable for vessels of a hundred tons' burden only as 
far as Hartford, fifty miles above its mouth. The Charles 
and the Merrimac admit shipping, the former no further 
than seven miles, and the latter fifteen miles, from the east- 
ern coast. The best water communications with the in- 
terior are in Maine. Heavy ships discharge their freights 
at Bangor, fifty or sixty miles from the mouth of the 
Penobscot ; on the Kennebec, vessels of light draught 
ascend forty-five miles from the sea, to Augusta; while 
sloops or boats ply over long reaches of the Androscog- 
gin, the Saco, the Piscataqua, and other rivers, where the 
surface is not broken by falls or rapids. 

But the rivers of New England have rendered excel- 
lent service to its civilized inhabitants, independent of 
their liberal contributions of clear and wholesome water 
at all times, and of necessary food in the period of distress 
which immediately followed the immigration of English- 



1 Jfi the above delineation of the tliat distinguished geographer has kind- 
physical geography of New England, ly communicated to me for this purpose. 
I have made free use of a manuscript. I believe it is Mr. Guyot's intention to 
memoir by Professor Guyot, of Nassau prepare it for pubhcation in the Me- 
Hall, in New Jersey, containing the moirs of the American Academy of 
results of original observations, which Arts and Sciences. 



10 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

men. It is chiefly within the last forty years that x^rof- 
itable use has been made of the abundant facilities of 
water-power for factories ; but from the beginning the 
prosperity and wealth of the English settlers were largely 
dependent upon those secure and capacious basins, at the 
outlets of some of the rivers, which are now resorts of 
the commerce of the world. The harbors of 
Portland, Boston, and Newport, accessible, am- 
ple, deep, with convenient landing-places sheltered from 
storms and defensible against an enemy, leave nothing to 
be desired for commercial accommodation. Portsmouth, 
Salem, Bristol, Providence, New London, New Haven, 
were in early times the starting-places of a vigorous mari- 
time enterprise ; while an endless number of such com- 
modious havens as Eastport, Machias, Castine, Belfast, 
Thomaston, AViscasset, Bath, and Kennebunk, in Maine, 
with the long ranges of fishing-towns on Massachusetts 
Bay, Buzzard's Bay, and Long Island Sound, stud the 
coast from New Brunswick to New York. 

The shore is indented by numerous estuaries of greater 
extent. To regard that part of the ocean which 
bears the name of Massachusetts Bay as being 
enclosed within two promontories so distant from each 
other as Cape Ann and Cape Cod, requires some aid 
from the imagination. But spacious inlets like Narra- 
gansett Bay in Rhode Island, Buzzard's Bay in Massa- 
chusetts, Passamaquoddy, Frenchman's, Penobscot, Sheep- 
scot, and Casco Bays, with many others of smaller size, in 
Maine, impart to a large extent of coast the privileges of 
proximity to the sea, along with a portion of the retire- 
ment and security of an inland site; while their capes 
push out the mariner's dwelling towards the scene of his 
toils. 

The atmospheric temperature in New England is va- 
Tempera- I'iablc, aud hcat and cold are both in extreme. 
ture. rpj^g mcrcury has ranged in Maine from 98° of 



I.] METEOEOLOGY, CLIMATE, AND SOIL. 11 

Fahrenheit's thermometer in summer to 34° be jgig^ 
low zero in winter. In Massachusetts and Con- •^'^"- ^^• 
necticut its common annual limits are 98° above zero, and 
15° below. In Massachusetts 102° perhaps indicates the 
extreme of heat which has been experienced, and 20° 
below zero the extreme of cold. Once in the 1335, 
present century the mercury at New Haven in •''^"•^• 
Connecticut has fallen to 25° below zero. The mean tem- 
perature of the year in Massachusetts varies between forty- 
four and fifty-one degrees. Great changes are so sudden, 
that the mercury has been known to range, at 1347^ 
Boston, through forty-five degrees within twenty- ^^''^ "• 
four hours.-^ In a day within the last forty years, it rose 
twenty-seven degrees between seven o'clock in iggj^ 
the morning and two in the afternoon, and fell J^"-!^. 
thirty-three degrees in the seven hours next succeeding. 
Nor was this anything more than a singular instance of 
such fluctuations. The common opinion that the climate 
has moderated since the time of the European settle- 
ments is probably erroneous.^ 

Droughts, though not of unusual occurrence, are not 
often of great severity. At Cambridge, in Massa- Rain and 
chusetts, the average annual fall of rain is about '^™"s'''^- 
forty-three inches ; at Brunswick, in Maine,^ about forty 
inches ; and at New Haven, in Connecticut, forty-four 
inches. The extremes in Massachusetts have 

n ■> f> r- n o n \iyi, 1846. 

been a fall of fifty-four and of thirty inches. In 
Maine, in two different years, it is recorded that 1757, ivcs. 
snow fell to the depth of five feet upon a level.'' In twen- 



1 In the evening of March 4, 1856, emy, New Series, I. 114 et scq. — INIr. 
it fell eight degrees, from 39° to 31°, in Savage (Winthrop, History of New 
five minutes. England, I. 119) favors the common 

2 Kemarks on the Climate of New opinion. 

England, by Mr. John C. Gray, append- 3 According to Williamson (History 

ed to the First Annual Report of the of Maine, I. 99), the average fall in 

Massachusetts Board of Agriculture, Maine is thirty-seven inches, of which 

147 ei seq. Dr. Enoch Hale's Memoir, about one third part is in snow and hail, 

in the Memoirs of the American Acad- ^ ibid., I. 100. 



12 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

ty-five years the extreme rans^e of the barometer 

1825-1850. ^ . . t 

at Cambridge, in Massachusetts, was two inches 
and sixty-four hundredths. The summer heats are often 
allayed by tempests of thunder and lightning. Tornadoes 
occur but rarely.^ There is no appearance of volcanic 
formation.^ But from time to time there have been earth- 
quakes, which have created alarm without being destruc- 
1755^ tive. The most considerable, in the same month 
Nov. 18. -^vith the great earthquake at Lisbon, was observed 
to extend from Halifax, in Nova Scotia, to Chesapeake 
Bay. It shook down a hundred chimneys in Boston. 
It was the last that did any damage. 

The great and sudden variations of temperature impair 
Local dis- the salubrity of the climate, and in other respects 
eases. ^^le large features of geographical structure above 

described must be presumed to produce local modifications 
of its general character. The long winters of the high- 
lands, their strong and dry northwest winds, and their cool 
summers, have an effect on the human frame different from 
that of the damp and chilly airs which, in company with 
the tides of icy water, descend upon the region that borders 
the eastern shore. The coast country of Ehode Island 
and Connecticut, out of the reach of the harsh currents, 
which are arrested or turned away by the projection of 
Cape Cod,^ and accessible instead to the softer influence 
of southern tides and gales, may be supposed to present 
another class of conditions of health. Yet such diversi- 

1 The most violent known to have the Geology of Massachusetts, 2d edit., 
occurred was that which passed through p. 208. But comp. p. 431 .) 

the towns of Waltham, West Cam- 3 The importance of this influence 
bridge, and Medford, August 22, 1851. appears in the fact that, to a great ex- 
An account of it by Professor Eustis is tent, the fishes and mollusks are differ- 
in the Memoirs of the American Acad- ent on the two sides of the Cape. The 
emy, New Series, V. 169 e< seq. meteorological journals which I have 

2 Professor Hitchcock rejects the consulted for the course of the winds at 
opinion that " there are traces of vol- Boston and at Providence are both de- 
canic action at Gay Head," on the Isl- ficient in respect to a few days' obser- 
and of Martha's Vineyard. (Report on vations. From that kept at Boston it 



I.] METEOROLOGY, CLIMATE, AND SOIL. 13 

ties are subordinate to a general uniformity, in which 
New England gives to all her children the birthright of a 
fair prospect of health and longevity. The configuration 
of the surface forbids the stagnation of masses of water, 
and the tides of the neighboring ocean, the snow on the 
hills, and the winds which the rapid changes of tempera- 
ture keep in motion, are perpetual restorers of a whole- 
some atmosphere. In the absence of marshes diffusing 
noxious miasmata, intermittent fevers rarely occur. ^ 
Among the fatal maladies pulmonary consumption num- 
bers most victims. Diseases of the nervous system are 
next in frequency. Malignant epidemic fevers, especially 
of the typhoid type, are of occasional occurrence. The par- 
tial returns in Massachusetts of 80,995 deaths, 

1852-1855. 

m four years, showed 4,482 persons to have died 
at an age exceeding eighty. Of 20,798 whose 

. , . 1855. 

deaths were registered m a recent year, ten were 
more than a hundred years old. 

In less; than two centuries and a half a different climate 
and regimen on this continent have produced in the de- 
scendants of the English some remarkable physiological 
changes. The normal type of the Englishman at home 
exhibits a full habit, a moist skin, curly hair, a sanguine 
temperament. In the transplanted race the form is often- 
er slender, the skin dry, the hair straight, the tempera- 
ment bilious or nervous. 

The agricultural season is short. Winter lasts through 
nearly half the year. In Massachusetts, the mean 

p ^ .,, ■■•, 1-1 T Agriculture. 

temperature or the eight cold months is less than 



appears that the course of the winds for Between north and east, 352 days. 

five years was as follows : — Between east and south, 1 72 " 

North, 40. Northeast, 270. Between south and west, 597 " 

East, 135. Southeast, 65. Between west and north, 690 " 

South, 25. Southwest, 515. l g^t they were not uncommon in 

West, 155. Northwest, 570. - early times. (Holmes, Boylston Prize 

At Providence the record of the same Dissertation on Indigenous Intermittent 

time shows that winds prevailed Fever, pp. 11 - 25.) 
VOL. I. 2 



14 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

forty degrees. That of the four warm months is nearly 
seventy. In storms the aspect of winter is austere. In 
fair weather it is brilliant, with its radiance of snow and ice 
reflecting sun or stars through a transparent atmosphere. 
No verdure but that of evergreens resists the annual cold, 
and an unmelted mass of snow often covers the ground for 
months. The late and sudden bursting forth of the spring 
severely tasks the laborer, while the rapid growth which 
follows surprises the traveller from a lower latitude. In 
years of average vernal temperature in Massachusetts, the 
groimd is ready for the plough by the first week in April. 
The average blossoming of the apple is on the 16th of 
May. Grass is cut for drying between the middle of 
June and the middle of July. Indian corn is ripe in 
September. By the first week of November the last 
fruits of the year are gathered in.^ Some of the aspects 
of nature are of rare beauty. No other country presents 
a more gorgeous appearance of the sky than that of the 
New-England summer sunset ; none, a more brilliant 
painting of the forests than that with which the sudden 
maturity of the foliage transfigures the landscape of au- 
tumn. No air is more delicious than that of the warm 
but bracing October and November noons of the Indian 
summer of New England. 

The soil generally is not fertile. There is a wide beach 
of sand along the coast; in the interior, rocks 
and gravel, with occasional veins of clay, cover 
a large part of the surface. The cultivation of more than 
two centuries has greatly improved the quality of those 
portions of the land which have convenient communica- 
tion with markets. But most of the natural fruitfulness 

1 Here too, however, differences oc- and snows cover the low lands as well 

casioned by the inequalities of surface as the hills of Berkshire weeks before 

come into the account. In the opening it is seen, and after it has disappeared, 

of spring, the valley of the Connecticut in the meadows about Massachusetts 

is, on an average, a fortnight in ad- Bay. 
vance of the highlands on its borders; 



I.] NATURAL HISTORY. 15 

of the region was found in the valleys of the great rivers. 
The borders of the Penobscot, the Kennebec, the Con- 
necticut, and other streams, enriched in past ages and 
still reinvigorated by the deposits of the annual overflow, 
exhibit a fecundity in strong contrast with the stony 
hill-sides. Massachusetts is the least fruitful of the six 
States. Maine, skirted by a barren shore, contains in- 
land the largest proportion of good arable soil. The 
wide grazing lands of New Hampshire and Vermont 
send immense herds and flocks to the markets of the 
sea-coast. 

There is no part of the country which is not well 
provided with fresh water. Numerous springs bring it 
to the surface, and an ample supply is everywhere to 
be procured by disrobing a few feet. Mineral 

^ . . "^ ^° . . Minerals. 

wealth is still but partially developed. A lit- 
tle copper is found, some lead, some graphite, and con- 
siderable quantities of iron and of manganese. There 
are beds of an inferior description of anthracite coal. In 
Maine, New Hampshire, and Massachusetts, there are 
ample quarries of slate, and limestone abounds in Rhode 
Island and Maine. The granite and sienite of Eastern 
Massachusetts, the white marble of the western moun- 
tain range, and the sandstone of the Connecticut valley, 
are valuable materials for building, while the serpentine of 
Vermont and the variegated marbles of Connecticut have 
come into use for architectural embellishment. Here and 
there are medicinal springs, generally of a chalybeate 
quality. Salt is only to be had from sea-water. 

The native grasses of the upland were rank, but so 
little nutritious that the European planters found 

_ -^ •'- Botany. 

it better to fodder their cattle on the salt growth 

of the sea-marshes ; ^ and this consideration determined 

1 " The natural upland gi-ass of the good, as barley straw." (Hutchinson, 
country, commonly called /nd/au (/ras.?. History, I. 424, 426, 427.) The first 
is poor fodder, perhaps not better, if so settlers were deceived by its rankness, 



16 



HISTOEY OF NEW ENGLAND. 



[Chap. 



the site of some of the early settlements. The tough, 
fibrous bark of an indigenous plant, a species of dog- 
bane, well served the purposes of hemp.^ The woods 
were so vast that the early writers describe them as cov- 
ering the country.^ In fact, it was naturally all forest- 
clad, "^ excepting the bogs and salt-marshes, and the moun- 
tain tracts above the limit of trees. An abundance of 
the oak, hickory, walnut, ash, elm, maple, pine, spruce, 
chestnut, cedar, and other forest-trees, afforded supplies 
for fuel, tools, weapons, utensils, and building.^ The 
chestnut, hazlenut, beechnut, butternut, and shagbark 
made their contributions to the resources for winter sup- 
ply. Wild cherries, mulberries, and plums increased the 
variety of the summer's diet. Wild berries, as the straw- 
berry, the gooseberry, the raspberry, the blackberry, the 
whortleberry, the cranberry, grew in abundance in the 
meadow and champaign lands. Vines bearing grapes of 
tolerable flavor flourished along the streams.^ . A profu- 



and thought of it much too favorably. 
(So Higginson, New England's Planta- 
tion, in Massachusetts Historical Collec- 
tions, I. 118.) 

1 " A kind or two of flax, wherewith 
they make nets, lines, and ropes, both 
small and great, very strong for their 
quantities." (Smith, in Mass. Hist. 
Coll., XXVI. 120.) "We found an 
excellent strong kind of flax and 
hemp." (Mourt, Eelation, 22.) 

2 " Though all the country be, as it 
were, a thick wood for the general, yet 
in divers places there is much gi'ound 
cleared by the Indians." (Higginson, 
in Mass. Hist. Coll., I. 117.) "The 

country generally is extremely 

overgrown with wood." (Josselyn, 
New England's Rarities, 3.) " An 
uncouth wilderness, full of timber." 
(Early Records of Charlestown.) 

2 Of indigenous evergreens, the no- 
ble white-pine was the characteristic 



tree of the region. There were two 
kinds of pitch-pine, four of fir or 
spruce, a juniper (commonly known 
as red cedar), a cypress (known as 
white cedar), and an arbor vitas. Of 
deciduous trees, the principal were one 
kind of chestnut, nearly a dozen spe- 
cies of oak, one of beech, one of horn- 
beam, four of hickoiy, two of walnut, 
five of birch, four or five of poplar, one 
of larch, two of elm, three or four of 
ash and as many of maple, one of lin- 
den, one of the plane-tree (attaining a 
great size on the alluvial banks of riv- 
ers), one of tupelo or sour-gum tree, 
one of holly along the southern border, 
and, the most showy in blossom, the 
flowering dog-wood and the tulip-tree. 
The two last-named, with the hickories, 
the tupelo, and the sassafras, were types 
totally new to the colonists. 

4 There were three kinds of grapes, 
one of them now considered worthy of 



I.] NATURAL HISTORY. 17 

sion of flowering shrubs and of aquatic, forest, and field 
flowers, the wild rose, the richly perfumed water-lily, 
the rhododendron, the azalea, the anemone, the kalmia 
or mountain-laurel, the cardinal-flower, the fringed gen- 
tian, the aster, the golden-rod, brought their tribute to 
the pomp of the year. Among plants especially esteemed 
for their medicinal qualities were the lobelia, the sarsa- 
parilla, the ginseng, and the sassafras. Cloven branches 
of resinous wood afforded a substitute for candles. 

The sea and the rivers swarmed with fishes of kinds the 
most useful to man. The cod has been an im- 
portant article of trade since New-England com- 
merce began, as have the mackerel and herring in only a 
less degree. The salmon, the bass, the shad, the halibut, 
the trout, the eel, the cusk, the smelt, the tautog, the 
swordfish, the haddock, the pickerel, and many other in- 
habitants of the fresh and salt water, of inferior considera- 
tion with the epicure, still abound in their respective sea- 
sons. Of shell-fish, lobsters and several kinds of clams 
multiplied on the beaches and among the rocks of the sea- 
coast, and it is only of late years that the oyster has ceased 
to be common at the mouths of the southern JSTeAv-Ens:- 
land rivers. The unprolific whale, hunted for its oil, has 
been driven from its ancient haunts about New Enaland 
to distant seas, till it seems to be drawing near to exter- 
mination. 

The summer brings a variety of birds prized for food. 
The most abundant is the pigeon, which former- 
ly came in such numbers as to fill the air for 
miles.^ Different wild species of the goose and duck resort 
to the sea-shore in the colder months for fish and aquatic 

cultivation ; two species of strawber- i " Pigeons, that come in multitudes 

ry ; several of raspberry and of black- every summer, almost like the quails 

berry ; one or two of haws ; one or two that fell round the camp of Israel in 

of gooseberry ; two of cranberry ; two the wilderness." (Hubbard, History, 

or three of whortleberry, and several in Mass. Hist. Coll., XV. 25 ; Belknap, 

species of blueberry. History of New Hampshire, HI. 171.) 
2* 



18 HISTOKY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

plants and insects. The quail and the red-breasted thrush 
(commonly known as the whin) make their nests in the 
uplands. The woodcock and the ruffed-grouse, or par- 
tridge, hide in the copses. Various species of the plover 
and of other birds of passage haunt the meadows and 
the marshes. The wild turkey, now rarely seen, throve 
on berries in the woods.-^ Of all the feathered tribes, the 
tiny humming-bird of New England displays the most 
delicate beauty; few are more gorgeous than the oriole, 
or golden robin, which comes from the Chesapeake to 
pass its summer in this region ; the bluebird, the golden- 
winged woodpecker, the rose-breasted grosbeak, are among 
the birds conspicuous for their brilliant plumage. The 
oriole asserts equally his eminence in music. The hermit- 
thrush, or mavis, charms the woods at nightfall. The 
song-sparrow pours out its joyous melody all day long. 
The American starling, or meadow-lark, is pronounced 
by Wilson to be "far superior to the skylark in sweet- 
ness of voice, though not equal to it in compass and 
power." From its close retreat the whippoorwill sends to 
a long distance its wild and plaintive song. The hawk 
and horned owl are formidable to poultry-yards. The 
blue-jay, the crow, and the blackbird annoy the husband- 
man by their inroads upon the just planted and just ripen- 
ing grain, which they have defended against more de- 
structive enemies. 

The moist heat of the region favors an exuberance of 
some kinds of insect life. The short summer 
campaign of the canker-worm leaves devastation 
behind in the orchards and on the most prized of the or- 
namental trees within the narrow limits which it infests ; 
cut-worms and other caterpillars ravage the grain-fields; 
borers and other beetles deform the gardens. To the 
higher animals the insects are for the most part harm- 
less, though during the heats of summer, especially at the 

1 Higginson, New England's Plantation, in Mass. Hist. Coll., I. 121. 



I.] ABOEIGINAL INHABITANTS. 19 

close of the day, and in moist places, the presence of the 
mosquito perpetually detracts from the comfort of man; 
and he has to take care not to disturb the wasp and 
hornet, which build their nests about his dwelling. The 
larger kinds of reptiles native to the soil have 

T . . , , . „ Reptiles. 

been disappearmg with the mcrease of popula- 
tion. Of those sometimes still seen are the harmless 
black snake, six or seven feet in length, and the rattle- 
snake, whose bite, popularly esteemed to be surely fatal, 
has in fact been known to cause death when meeting- with 
a morbid. predisposition in the patient. 

The native quadrupeds of New England, as generally 
of all America, are of types inferior to those 
of the other hemisphere.^ The bear, the wolf, 
the catamount, and the lynx or wild-cat, were the most 
formidable. The moose, which has disappeared except 
from the secluded portions of New Hampshire and Maine, 
was the largest, measuring five feet and a third in height, 
and nearly seven feet in the length of the body. The 
fallow deer, not quite exterminated at this day, was abun- 
dant in the woods. Of fur-bearing animals there were 
the beaver, the otter, the ermine, the raccoon, the mus- 
quash, the mink, the sable, and the martin, besides the 
fox and the squirrel,' and others less prized. 

In such a territory and amid such circumstances dwelt, 
in the beginning of the seventeenth century, a few tens 
of thousands of men. 

The nearest approximation to a knowledge of these 
people in their primitive condition is of course 

•"■ ^ _ ■"■ , Observa- 

to be gained from such journals as exist of the tionsofthe 
early European voyages.^ These supply only su- gersonthe 
perficial information. The natives, when first 



natives. 



^ Guyot, Eartli and Man, 193. show " the last glimmers of savage life, 

2 " These records of the past, like as it becomes absorbed, or recedes be- 

the stern-lights of a departing ship," fore the tide of civilization." (Ludewig's 



20 . HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

seen, were observed to be " of tall stature, comely propor- 
tion, strong, active, and, as it should seem, very health- 
ful." ^ They were " in color swart, their hair long, their 
bodies painted." They had clothing of skins of the deer 
and the seal, with ornaments of quills, feathers, and plates 
of copper, and collars and ear-rings of that metal and of 
bones and marine shells. They were armed Avith bows and 
arrows. They stole at the first opportunity which offered 
itself, but were easily frightened into making restitution. 
The women and children were " clean and straight bodied, 
with countenance sweet and pleasant," and behavior mod- 
est and coy. The first English visitor had reason to be 
satisfied with his reception, when " there presented unto 
him men, women, and children, who with all courteous 
kindness entertained him, giving him certain skins of 
wild beasts, tobacco, turtles, hemp, artificial strings col- 
ored, chains, and such like things as at the present they 
had about them." But within a fortnight they shot at 
two of the strangers who had strayed from their com- 
pany, and gave other proofs of unfriendliness.^ Their 
way of obtaining fire was to strike two stones together, 
and catch the spark upon touchwood. They had " strings 
and cords of flax." That they were "very witty" was 
thought to be indicated by " sundry toys of theirs cun- 
ningly wrought."^ 

These were dwellers about Massachusetts Bay and the 
Vineyard Sound. Observations made shortly after on 
the maritime country further east tended to show an iden- 
tity of appearance and habits among the different tribes 
of New England. Some official persons (such they ap- 
peared to be) among the Indians about the Penobscot or 
the Kennebec aff'ected a style of decoration more gaudy 

Literatureof American Aboriginal Lan- ^ Gabriel Archer, Eelatlon of Cap- 

guages, xi.) tain Gosnold's Voyage, Ibid., 73 - 76. 

1 Gosnold in his letter to his father, 3 John Brereton, Brief and True 

in Mass. Hist. Coll., XXVIII. 71. Kelation, Ibid., 88-93. 



I.] ABORIGINAL INHABITANTS. 21 

than that of their western neighbors, painting their faces 
" very deep, some all black, some red, with stripes of ex- 
cellent blue over their upper lips, nose, and chin," and 
wearing "the white-feathered skins of some fowl round 
about their head, jewels in their ears, and bracelets of 
little white round bone, fastened together upon a leather 
string."^ 

The earliest French visitor to the Massachusetts In- 
dians did not secure among them the usual welcome to 
his nation, but found occasion to report, " They are trai- 
tors and thieves, and one has need to take care of them."^ 
Captain John Smith saw more of them than his predeces- 
sors, and with a more discerning eye, if with some pro- 
pensity towards a too favorable representation ; and read- 
ers of the present day regret that in this respect he has 
provided so little satisfaction for their curiosity. " The 
country of the Massachusetts," he says, " is the paradise 
of all those parts." " The sea-coast, as you pass, shows 
you all along large cornfields, and great troops of well- 
proportioned people." " We found the people in those 
parts very kind, but in their fury no less valiant."^ 

In attempting some delineation of the aboriginal inhab- 
itants of New England, it is necessary to anticipate the 
observations of later years, wdien Europeans had become 
established in their neighborhood. And in using such 
authorities, it is essential to remember that, from step to 
step, while the opportunities for maturing an acquaint- 
ance with the Indian character and habits were extended, 
the character and habits were themselves becomins" modi- 
fied by the presence of the strangers ; while the lineaments 
were subjected to study, the lineaments were efi'aced or 
changed, and the fidelity of the likeness to the prototype 
was rendered questionable. 

1 George Waymoutb, True Relation, 3 Smith, Description of New Eng- 
Ibid., 146. land, 26 (edit. 1616). 

2 -L'Escarbot, Histoire de la Nou- 
velle France, II. 498. 



22 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

Few American animals, if indeed any one, whether in- 
^, , habiting the earth, the air, or the inland waters, 

Tlie Amer- O ' ' 5 

ican Indians can be referred to species known in the other 

a separate -i-rr- ^ • • i 

family of hemisphere. VVithout entermg mto the question 

mankind. ^ ..■■-,. • i. r ^ •;• n 

01 an original diversity oi human races, it is safe 
to say that superficial indications extend the rule from 
the inferior sorts to " the paragon of animals." Of the 
five families into which, according to the most current 
classification, physiologists distribute mankind, the North- 
American Esquimaux, who occupy the Arctic region as 
far down as the fifty-sixth degree of north latitude, are 
of the Mongolian type ; the same which, most widely dif- 
fused of all, covers far the greater part of Asia on the 
one side, and through Greenland touches the confines of 
Europe on the other. But leaving the region of the Es- 
quimaux, we find the American continent from Hudson's 
Bay to Cape Horn to be the native home of races diiFering 
indeed more or less from one another, but still with an 
agreement in generic characters, which distinguish them 
not less from the Mongolian family than from the Cauca- 
sian, the African, and the Malay. The symmetrical frame, 
the cinnamon color of the skin, the long, black, coarse hair, 
the scant beard, the high cheek-bones, the depressed and 
square forehead set upon a triangular conformation of the 
lower features, the small, deep-set, shining, snaky eyes, 
the protuberant lips, the broad nose, the small skull with 
its feeble frontal development,^ make a combination which 
the scientific observer of some of these marks in the skel- 
eton, and the unlearned eye turned upon the living sub- 
ject, equally recognize as unlike what is seen in other re- 
gions of the globe." 

Of the seven groups of natives which, at the time of 



1 The contents of the Caucasian era- ^ " No other race of man maintains 

nium have an average measurement of such a striking analogy through all its 

ninety-three cubic inches ; those of the subdivisions, and amidst all its variety 

cranium of the North- American Indian , of physical circumstances." (Morton, 

but eighty-four. Crania Americana, 63.) 



I.] ABOKIGINAL INHABITANTS. 23 

the first authenticated European explorations, oc- sg^e„fo,j 
cupied the country enclosed by the Gulf of Mex- division of 

•1 T»/r----T 11 11 a the North 

ico, the Mississippi, the great lakes, and the bt. American 
Lawrence, three, the Natchez, the Uchees, and 
the Catawbas, possessed but a small space of territory. 
The range of the Cherokees was wider ; that of the Iro- 
quois, or Five Nations, wider still. The combination of 
the Choctaws, Chickasaws, and Creeks (Muskhogees), in 
the extreme southern region, was yet more extensive. But 
the largest domain of all was that of the family to which 
the French gave the name of Algonquin} In the terri- 
tory roamed over by the Algonquins was included that 
which extends along the Atlantic Ocean from Pamlico 
Sound to the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and no other race 
than this occupied any portion of New England. 

A difference in dialect is the basis of a division of the 
New-Eno^land Indians into two classes, one con- „ ,,^ 

~ ' Twofold 

sistinsr of those who inhabited what is now the division of 

• „ . ^ . the New- 

State of Maine, nearly up to its western border; England 

the other, of the rest of the New-England na- 
tive population.^ Of the Maine Indians, the Etetchemins 
dwelt furthest towards the east ; the Abenaquis, of which 
nation the Tarratines were a part,^ hunted on both sides of 

1 Mr. Gallatin's map, attached to his tha's Vineyard, and another from 
Synopsis of the Indian Tribes, &c., (in Maine, " who at first hardly under- 
the second volume of Transactions of stood one the other's speech, till after 
the American Antiquarian Society,) a while I perceived the difference was 
exhibits the territories belonging to no more than that as ours is between 
these tribes respectively. the Northern and Southern people." 

2 Gallatin (Synopsis, 32) ; William- Gookin says (Ibid., I. 149), " The 
son (History of Maine, I. 460). A Indians of the parts of New Eng- 
comparison of Mr. Gallatin's vocabu- land, especially upon the sea-coasts, use 
laries (Synopsis, 307, &c.) appears the same sort of speech and language." 
abundantly to confirm the statement. But under the name New England 
There are not wanting, however, high Gookin did not include JNIaine. In the 
authorities on the opposite side. (See preceding chapter, entitled " Of the 
Pickering, In Mass. Hist. Coll., XIX. Principal Indians that inhabit New 
236-239, and Duponceau, Ibid., Ap. England," he says nothing of those 
VI., VII.) Gorges (Ibid., XXVI. 59) east of the Piscataqua. 

speaks, of an Indian of his from Mar- 3 Hutchinson, I. 404. Williamson 



24 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

the Penobscot, and westward as far as t\e Saco, if not 
quite to the Piscataqua. The home of the Penacook, or 
Pawtucket, Indians was in the southeast corner of New 
Hampshire and the contiguous region of Massachusetts. 
Next dwelt the Massachusetts tribe, along the bay of that 
name. Then were found successively the Pokanokets, or 
Wampanoags, in the southeastern region of Massachusetts 
and by Buzzard's and Narragansett Bays; the Narragan- 
setts, with an inferior and probably tributary tribe; called 
the Nyantics, in what is now the State of Ehode Island ; 
the Pequots, between the Narragansetts and the river for- 
merly called the Pequot Piver, now the Thames; and 
the Mohegans, spreading themselves as far as the' river 
Connecticut. From the Mohegan hunting-grounds the 
country of the Mohawks was understood to begin. That 
powerful nation never had a permanent residence on New- 
England soil, but they were accustomed annually to send 
envoys to collect tribute from the nearest Eastern tribes. 
In the central region of Massachusetts were the Nipmucks, 
or Nipnets, and along Cape Cod the Nausets, who appear 
to have owed some fealty to the Pokanokets. Vermont, 
Western Massachusetts, and Northern New Hampshire 
were almost, if not absolutely, without inhabitants. 

The estimates which have been made of the native 
Native popu- populatiou of Now Euglaud at the time of the first 
lation of English immisrrations are discordant. A probable 

New Eng- . 

land. computation places the number not far from fifty 

thousand souls.^ Of this aggregate, Connecticut and 
Phode Island together may have contained one half, and 

(I. 470) makes the Tarratines to be- must have been from thirty to forty 

long to the Etetchemins. Gallatin thousand souls, before the epidemic dis- 

(Synopsis, 33) regards the names Tar- ease -which preceded the landing of the 

ratine and Ahenaqui as equivalent. Pilgrims." The statistics of Daniel Goo- 

1 Mr. Gallatin (Synopsis, 37) con- kin, in 1674, (Mass. Hist. Coll., I. 147 

eludes " that the Indian population - 149,) would, if admitted, furnish the 

within the present boundaries of the basis of an estimate more than doubling 

States of New Hampshire, Massachu- this number, 
setts, Ehode Island, and Connecticut 



I.] ABOEIGINAL INHABITANTS. 25 

Maine less than two thirds of the other half. This was 
no occupation of a country which, not yet completely 
occupied, contams at this time three millions of men. 

These people held a low place on the scale of human- 
ity. Even their physical capacities contradicted 

•' . ^ •' ^ , Their physi- 

the promise of their external conformation. Sup- cai charac- 

tcristics 

pie and agile, so that it was said they would run 
eighty or a hundred miles in a day, and back agam in the 
next two, they sank under continuous labor. The lym- 
phatic temperament indicated the same preponderance in 
them of "vegetative nature" which marked other animals 
of the same continent.^ They scarcely wept or smiled. 
Their slender appetites required small indulgence. They 
could support life on the scantiest quantity of food, and 
the innutritions stimulus of tobacco seemed almost enough 
to supply' its place ; though at times a gormandizing rage 
seemed to possess them, and they would be as ravenous 
in abundance as they were capable of being abstemious 
under necessity. If they were continent, it can only be 
to coldness of constitution that this was due ; but no in- 
stance is recorded of their oifering insult to a female cap- 
tive or soliciting her familiarity, and the coyness of their 
women repelled approach on the part of European visit- 
ors. If there was noticed a remarkable exemption from 
physical deformities, this was probably not the effect of 
any peculiar congenital force or completeness, but of cir- 
cumstances which forbade the prolongation of any imper- 
fect life. The deaf, blind, or lame child was too burden- 
some to be reared, and, according to a savage's estimate of 
usefulness and enjoyment, its prolonged life would not 
requite its nurture. A sort of compassion would early 

1 Guyot, Earth and Man, pp. 193- guine temperament, by his gayety, by 

195. " There is even in the tropical his hvely affections, and by his muscu- 

man of the Old World, in Africa at lar strength, which places him higher 

least, a somewhat of native vigor, of than the Indian of tropical America," 

vital energy, manifested by his san- &c. Ibid., p. 206. 

VOL. I. 3 



26 HISTOEY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

relieve it from what would seem, under such, disabilities, 
the misery of existence, or it would die prematurely from 
neglect, or from mere want of that skilful assiduity which 
parental affection in civilized society studies peculiarly to 
bestow upon peculiarly helpless offspring. Their demean- 
or, so grave when exposed to notice, was apt to be taken 
for an indication of self-respect, but was equally suscep- 
tible of being interpreted as betokening a mere stolid 
vacuity of emotion and thought. 

Supplies for the essential wants of physical life — food, 
Their shelter, and clothing — were of the rudest kind, 
dress. .Undrcssed skins of deer or of other wild animals 
furnished the winter's attire; in summer, the men wore 
about the middle only a piece of deer-skin, from which 
the fur had been removed by friction. Moccasons reach- 
ing above the ankle, of thin dressed deer-skin or of the 
moose's hide according to the season, afforded some pro- 
tection and support to the foot. 

The wigwam^ or Indian house, of a circular or oval 
Tiieir shape, was made of bark or mats laid over a 

houses. framework of branches of trees stuck in the 
ground in such a manner as to converge at the top, 
where was a central aperture for the escape of smoke 
from the fire beneath. The better sort had also a lining 
of mats. For entrance and egress two low openings were 
left on opposite sides, one or the other of which was 
closed with bark or mats, according to the direction of 
the wind. 

For food the natives had fish and game; nuts, roots. 
Their ^nd berries, (and, in the last resort, acorns,) which 

food. grew wild ; and a few cultivated vegetables. In 

the winter, they shot, or snared, or caught in pitfalls, the 
moose, the bear, and the deer ; in the summer, still less 
trouble procured for them a variety of birds; in both 
seasons, at favorable times, the sea and the rivers afforded 
some supplies. Having no salt, they could not preserve 



I] ABOEIGINAL INHABITANTS. 27 

meat except by fumigation, or, for a short time, by bury- 
ing in the snow. They had not the potato, but in the 
ground-nut, which they dug in the woods,. nature had, to 
a limited extent, furnished a sort of substitute.^ 

Tobacco they cultivated for luxury, using it only in the 
way of smoking. For food, they raised maize. Their nor- 
or Indian corn,^ the squash, the pumpkin,^ the ticuuure. 
bean now called Seiva-bean, and a species of sun-flower, 
whose esculent tuberous root resembled the artichoke in 
taste. It has been asserted, but without probability, that 
they had cucumbers and watermelons.'' One tool sufficed 
for their wretched husbandry ; a hoe, made of a clam- 
shell, or a moose's shoulder-blade, fastened into a wooden 
handle. Their manure was fish, covered over in the hill 
along with the seed. When the corn was sufficiently 
advanced, earth was heaped about it to the height of 
some inches, for support as well as to extirpate weeds, 
while the bean-vines were held up by the corn-stalk 
around which they twined. 

Fish were taken with lines or nets, the cordage of 
which was made of twisted fibres of the dogbane, Tueir 
or of sinews of the deer. Hooks were fashioned ^''""^• 
of sharpened bones of fishes and birds. 

1 What commonly goes by this name in another, from the great god Kan- 
at the present time (otherwise called tontowlt's field in the southwest, from 
pea-nut) is a kind of bean, not a native whence they held came all their corn 
of New England. The ground-nut is and beans." 

a tuber, varying in size from that of a 3 Dq Candolle (Geographie Bota- 

musket-ball to that of a hen's egg, and nique) denies both these vegetables to 

when boiled or roasted is mealy and the New World. But the different tes- 

not unpalatable. timony of Champlain as to Maine in 

2 Maize is not indigenous in New 160-4 (Voyage de la Nouvelle France, 
England, but somehow worked its way &c., pp. 73, 80, 84) appears decisive. 
thither from its unascertained native ^ Higginson (New England's Planta- 
country nearer the sun. According to tion. In Mass. Hist. Coll., I. 118) gives 
Hutchinson (I. 420), there was a tra- them the former; Josselyn, the latter, 
ditlon that a bird brought it. Roger " The watermelon is proper to the 
Williams (Key into the Language of country." (Account of Two Voyages, 
America, Chap. XV.) reports the In- 74, comp. 130.) L'Escarbot (11. 836) 
dians as saying that " the crow brought says that in the time of Cartler they 
them at first an Indian grain of corn in were cultivated in Canada, not that 
one ear, and an Indian or French bean they were indigenous. 



28 HISTOKY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

Flesh and fish were cooked by roasting before a fire 
on the point of a stake, broilmg on hot coals or Their 
stones, or boiling in vessels of stone, earth, or •=°°'^ery. 
wood. AVater was made to boil, not by hanging the ves- 
sel over a fire, but by the immersion in it of heated stones. 
The Indians had not the art of making bread. They boiled 
their corn either alone into hominy^ or else mixed with 
beans, in which case the compound was called succotash ; 
or they ate. the parched kernels whole ; or with a stone pes- 
tle and a wooden mortar they broke them up into meal, 
which, moistened with water into a paste, they called 
nooJchik} With a little of this preparation carried in a bag 
at the girdle, and a similar frugal outfit of tobacco, they 
were provisioned for a journey. Corn was laid up for 
winter supply in holes dug in the earth, and lined on the 
sides, bottom, and top with bark. The Indian did not 
feed at regular hours, but whenever hunger prompted, 
or the state of his supplies allowed. He knew no drink 
but water, except when he could flavor it with the sweet 
juice for which in spring he tapped the rock-maple tree. 

After the cordage which has been mentioned, the best 
Their manu- spccimcns of ludiau skill in manufacture were 
factures. baskcts, mats, and boats. The last were of two 
kinds. One, made of birch-bark fastened over a light 
wooden frame, with seams skilfully and not untastefully 
secured, was not only convenient from its lightness when 
taken out of the water to be launched in another stream, 
but equally safe and easy to manage in that element, as 
long as it was kept clear of the collisions for which its 
frail structure was unfit. The other sort was a log, 
shaped and hollowed by the application first of fire, 
and then of rude stone tools acting upon the charred sur- 
face. A single Indian, it was said, probably with some 
exaggeration, would finish a boat of this kind, twenty 
or thirty feet long, in three weeks from his choice of the 

1 NoolcMl; meal, (Eliot's Indian Bible,) was corrupted by the English into 
nocake. 



I.] ABORIGINAL INHABITANTS. 29 

tree to the end of the alternate burnings and scrapmgs 
by which it was first felled and then wrought into 
form. 

Plis axe, hatchet, chisel, and gouge were of hard stone, 
brought to a sort of edge by friction upon an- Their tools, 
other stone. The helve of the axe or hatchet m™?s°Ind 
was attached either by a cord drawn tight around f"""^"'^''- 
a groove in the stone, or by being cleft while still unsev- 
ered from the tree, and left to grow till it closed fast 
round the inserted tool. Bows were strung with the 
sinews and twisted entrails of the moose and the deer. 
Arrows were tipped with bone, with claws of the larger 
species of birds, or Avith those artificially shaped trian- 
gular pieces of flint, which are now often found in the 
fields. Spears were of similar contrivance. Besides the 
stone hatchet as a weapon of off"ence, was the tomahawk, 
which was merely a wooden club, two feet or more in 
length, terminating in a heavy knob. Mats served as 
hangings for houses, and, with or without skins according 
to the season, as couches for repose, for which latter use 
they were laid upon planks raised a foot or two from the 
ground. Vessels of basket-work, of baked earth, or of 
hollowed wood or stone, completed the scanty inventory 
of household furniture. Personal ornaments consisted of 
greasy paint laid in streaks upon the skin; of mantles 
and head-gear made of feathers ; of ear-rings, nose-rings, 
bracelets, and necklaces of bone, shells, or shining stones ; 
and of pieces of native copper, sometimes in plates, some- 
times strung together so as to make a kind of fringe. 
The pipe, with its bowl of soft stone set upon a stem of 
hard wood two feet long, and often elaborately carved 
and ornamented, was a personal object of special con- 
sideration. The precious metals were unknown, as well 
as the preparation of the ores of those employed in the 
useful arts. 

The Indian of this region had taught no animal to re- 

3* 



30 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

lieve his labor by its agility, cunning, or strength. Not 
only had he no workinoj cattle ; he had no flock 

Their want •' i i mi i • i i 

of domestic nor hcrd, nor any poultry. Ihe only animal he 
had attached to himself was a sort of native dog, 
resembling a cross between the fox and the wolf^ It 
was probably only the lazy sharer of his cabin and play- 
mate of his children, and not trained to be useful either 
as a sentinel or in the chase.^ 

Generally he had only one wife, though no rule or 
fixed custom forbade polygamy. If, after trial, 

Their do- , r J O ^ J ' ^ ' 

mesticreia- the counection proved unsatisfactory, it might 
be dissolved at the will of either party ; nor was 
there anything disreputable in a frequent repetition of 
this proceeding. But so long as she shared his cabin, the 
wife was the husband's drudge and slave. She covered 
and lined the wigwam, and carried away its materials when 
it was to be set up in another spot. She bore home the 
game he had taken ; plaited the mats and baskets ; plant- 
ed, tended, and harvested the corn and vegetables ; and 
cooked the food. In the frequent migrations, she con- 
veyed, fastened to a board on her back, the child, which, 
in consequence of her hardy habits, or of a kind dispen- 
sation of nature, she had borne, perhaps within a week, 
with little pain. Her toils were relieved by no sympathy, 
and requited with no tenderness ; the leavings of the feast, 

1 Of course lie Lad no fleeces to -where, and I think he was in error, 
wear. And of course he did not vary When he was first here, in 1638, he 
his diet with either milk or eggs, except had little time for observation, and be- 
the eggs of wild-fowl. It must have fore his second visit, in 1663, the set- 
been of these that Waymouth saw the tiers had largely introduced their own 
shells. (True Relation, in Mass. Hist, arts and customs. Nothing on the sub- 
Coll., XXVIII. 133.) ject can be inferred fi-om the alarm 

2 So it is described by Josselyn, who said to have been given by a dog at the 
was a naturalist. (Account of Two attack on the Pequod fort. And such 
Voyao-es, &c., 94.) was the Indian's mode of warfare, that 

3 Josselyn says (Ibid.) that the dogs he would be more fearful of having his 
were brought up to hunt, and he some- own approaches betrayed by his bnite 
where repeats the statement. But I companions, than desirous to be secured 
have met with nothing of the kind else- by their vigilance against surprise. 



I] ■ ABORIGINAL INHABITANTS. 31 

the resting-place most exposed to the weather, were what 
fell to her share. 

Both parental and filial affection were feeble and tran- 
sient. Where there was no process of education to be car- 
ried on, and the favorable introduction of the young into 
life depended little on the care of elders, there was small 
occasion for solicitude or authority on the one side, or for 
reverence or gratitude on the other. After the young 
man was able to hunt and fish for his own living, the tie 
which bound him to the authors of his being scarcely 
continued to be recognized on either side. 

It is not known that there were formal ceremonies of 
burial, any more than of marriage. Bodies were Their 
placed in the ground in a sitting or a recumbent ''""'''^'• 
posture ; nor was it found that any tribe was distinguished 
from others by a uniform practice of its own in this re- 
spect. No method of embalming was in use. With the 
dead were sometimes interred his arms, his personal orna- 
ments, and some articles of food. 

No condition of society can be imagined so simple as to 
afford absolutely no occasion for an exchange of Their trade 
commodities. Wherever men meet, at least a ^n^ money. 
rude barter will naturally take place. The hunter return- 
ing from the woods will give a bear-skin for a basket of 
corn. But before the arrival of the planters in New Eng- 
land some of the natives had advanced so far as to use 
a circulating medium for trade. In the absence of gold 
and silver, they adopted a currency of what was called 
ivampum or wampumpeag. It consisted of cylindrical pie- 
ces of the shells of testaceous fishes, a quarter of an inch 
long and in diameter less than a pipe-stem, drilled length- 
wise so as to be strung upon a thread. The beads of a 
white color, rated at half ^ the value of the black or violet, 
passed each as the equivalent of a farthing in transactions 

1 Williamson (History of Maine, I. statement in the text is that of Gookin 
506) says just the reverse. But the (Mass. Hist. Coll., 1. 152), who had han- 



32 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

between the natives and the planters. They were used for 
ornament as well as for coin, and ten thousand have been 
known to be wrought into a single war-belt four inches 
wide. They are said to have been an invention and man- 
ufacture of the Xarragansetts, and from them to have 
come into circulation among the other tribes. 

Property, and the industry which amasses it and which 
Their indo- ^^ stlmulates, are the instruments of civilization. 
lent habits, ^yith little that could be called property, and 
little desire for it, the New-England savage was the most 
indolent of men. An improvidence almost idiotic led to 
an almost utter sloth. When not engaged in war or 
hunting, he would pass whole weeks in sleep, or sitting 
silent Avith his elbows on his knees. ^ He had not energy 
to cleanse his wigwam, where was a conglomeration of 
odious filth, to which the condition of the persons of its 
occupants was far from presenting a contrast. A game 
of football, in which he was expert, or of quoits, or a 
wrestling-bout, or a dance in which women did not min- 
gle, afforded some occasional variety. The fumes of to- 
bacco yielded a sort of dreamy exhilaration. But his emi- 
Theiriove i^^ut rcsourco was the same as that of all other 
of gambling people, clvilizcd or savage, who seek escape from 
enness. intolerable inactivity. He was a desperate gam- 
bler. He would stake his arms, the wrapping of furs 
that covered him, his stock of winter provisions, his cabin, 
his wife, finally his personal liberty, on the chances of 
play. Destitute of the means of drunkenness till he was 
tempted by the stranger, he plunged as soon as he had 
opportunity into desperate excess in drinking. 

died the wampum as a cm-rency. Comp. and the reply were as follows : " Not 

Morton (New English Canaan, Book I. to do any unnecessary work on the 

Ch. Xn.) ; Williams (Key, Ch. XXIV.). Sabbath-day, especially within the gates 

1 In 1G44, the magistrates of Massa- of Christian towns. — Ansicer. It is easy 

chusetts took the engagement of some to them ; they have not much to do on 

Indians to keep the ten commandments any day, and they can well take their 

of the Decalogue. When they came to ease on that day." (Massachusetts 

the fourth commandment, the proposal Colonial Eecords, 11. 5G.) 



I.] ABORIGINAL INHABITANTS. 33 

What little there was m him of mental development or 
action was in harmonious relation with the con- Their mven- 
ditions of his life. A narrow ingenuity effected "°"'- 
something in the way of provision for his necessities and 
convenience. His European neighbors observed the skill 
of some of his devices for fishing, as that of the scoop- 
net, the cylindrical basket, and the waving of torches over 
the water to attract to the surface the larger fish, there to 
be struck by a spear. His snow-shoes for travelling in 
winter, and his method of dressing the skins of animals 
with the brains, were inventions found worthy of adop- 
tion. His habits as a hunter and a warrior demanded 
and provided a peculiar discipline for that class of the 
faculties which the phrenologists call j[)erce2)tive. His 
quick sense readily detected changes in the appearance of 
surrounding objects, and discerned their bearing on the 
purpose of the hour. He tracked his game or his enemy 
by indications on the surface of the ground, in the mo- 
tions of trees, in faint sounds without significance to an- 
other ear. No wonders of nature or of art stimulated his 
dull curiosity, or lighted up his vacant eye. But while 
his own countenance was rarely seen to express emotion, 
he was skilled to read the passions of others in their 
aspect. 

Beyond this little range, it is surprising to observe how 
destitute he was of mental culture or capacity. 

^ •' Their music, 

The proceedings of the second generation before dancing, and 

, - . , eloquence. 

his own WTre as unknown to him as the events 
of the ancient world. In ballads, songs, or some other 
rhythmical form of legend, most communities inherit some 
kindling traditions of the past. The New-England In- 
dian had nothing of the kind, nor of any other poetry. 
He had no instrument of music, till he learned from his 
invaders to construct a rude drum,^ and it was even 
hard to detect any measure in his songs of festivity or 

1 Eoger W-'illiams, Key, Chap. III. 



34 HISTORY or NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

of war ; they were not so much chants as howls and yells. 
If he drew lines and figures on trees and rocks, they might 
be for use in guiding him through the labyrinth of the 
forest, and possibly, in rare instances, for chronicles and 
memorials, but never were essays in a fine art. The 
nearest thing to a work of imagination of which he was 
observed to be capable was the war-dance, which was not 
an amusement but a solemnity, consisting of a grotesque 
dramatic representation of the proceedings of a campaign ; 
the muster, the march, the ambush, the slaughter, the re- 
treat, the reception at home, the torture and massacre of 
prisoners. There has been a disposition to attribute to 
the red man the power of eloquent speech. Never was 
a reputation so cheaply earned. A few allusions to fa- 
miliar appearances in nature, and to habits of animals, con- 
stitute nearly all his topics for oratorical illustration. Take 
away his commonplaces of the mountain and the thunder, 
the sunset and the waterfall, the eagle and the buffalo, 
the burying of the hatchet, the smoking of the calumet, 
and the lighting of the council-fire, and the material for 
his pomp of words is reduced within contemptible dimen- 
sions. His best attempts at reasoning or persuasion have 
been his simplest statements of facts, themselves some- 
times, no doubt, sufi3.ciently affecting. But whatever may 
be thought of those most favorable specimens of his ora- 
tory in other parts of North America, which must be 
allowed to be for the most part of doubtful authenticity, 
certain it is that there is no recorded harangue of a 
New-England Indian which can assert a claim to praise. 
Occasions enough- occurred for creditable exhibitions in 
this field. But the gift of impressive speech was not 
his.-^ 

1 The best Indian speech on record ginia." But, not to urge the uncer- 

is Logan's complaint of the murder of tainty as to how much of it is Logan, 

his family by Colonel Cresap at the and how much Jefferson, its pathos is 

mouth of the Kenawha, as reported by simply that of the ill-treatment which it 

Mr. Jefferson in his " Notes on Vir- relates. Of Eed Jacket, the famous 



I.] ABORIGINAL INHABITANTS. 35 

With such vital defects of understanding, we do not 
expect to find that he had accompUshed anything ^1,^;^ 
in the way of scientific observation or discovery. ^"™'^<'- 
The treatment of disease is a matter which forces itself 
upon attention. The Indians had learned the medicinal 
virtues of a few simples ; they bound up wounds in bark 
with mollifying preparations of leaves ; and they practised 
a cure of fevers by opening the pores of the skin with a 
vapor-bath. Beyond a few such methods their therapeu- 
tics consisted of the grossest nonsense and imposture. 
The nervous system, agitated by physical or moral stimu- 
lants, is capable of exerting a marvellous action, bene- 
ficial, neutral, or mischievous, as it may turn out, on the 
rest of the frame ; and the medicine-man or j^oivoiv^ while 
he acquired the credit of having wrenched with his clam- 
ors and charms one patient from the jaws of death, could 
not be confidently charged with having consigned to them 
another by the same mummery. Of numbers the New- 
England native scarcely knew more than he could tell off 
on his fingers ; ^ his frequently recurring rhetoric respect- 
ing the sands on the beach and the leaves in the forest 
was the natural shift of his arithmetical unskilfulness. 



Seneca orator, one point for commenda- quaiter. Yet even of such poor pro- 

tion ■was well selected by his eulogist : ducts as these, the mind of the native of 

" There 's one rare, strange virtue in thy speeches, New England Was barren. 

Thesecretoftheirmasteiyj-theyareshort." i ^g^j^ however, (New England's 

As to traditionary legends, the beautl- Prospect, Appendix,) gives their num- 

fid verse of Longfellow does but robe bers up to twenty, John Eliot (Mass. 

their beggarly meanness in cloth of Hist. Coll., XIX. 261) up to a thou- 

gold. Of what they owe to that exquis- sand, and Eoger Williams (Key, Chap, 

ite poet, it is easy to satisfy one's self by IV.) up to a hundred thousand. But 

collating the raw material of his work, this last numeration, attributed to the 

as it stands in such authorities as Heck- Narragansetts, is plainly incredible ; 

ewelder and Schoolcraft. The results and I cannot but regard both Williams's 

of the " Algic Researches" are a collec- table, and Eliot's statement of the nu- 

tion of the most vapid and stupid compo- meration of the Mohegans, as framed by 

sitions that ever disappointed a laborious themselves on analogies, known to them, 

curiosity ; but they Avere the best collec- of Indian etjmolog}', rather than intend- 

tion that, under the most favorable cir- ed as representations of words actually 

cumstances, was to be made in that in use. 



36 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

Though he passed most of his life under the open sky, 
it was not ascertained that his observations extended to 
any grouping of the stars.^ He had no approximate for- 
mula for the year. The lunar changes could not fail to 
be observed, and the months of vegetation were distin- 
guished by their productions; but it is not known that 
the colder months were discriminated in any way, or that 
there was any division mto weekly periods corresponding 
to the quarterings of the moon. Days were so many 
sleepings and wakings. In the absence of more minute 
divisions of the day, there were only those that were 
marked by sunrise, noon, and sunset. 

It cannot surprise the considerate inquirer to find in- 
^ . . „ consistencies in the testimony from different 

Their civil •' 

state and sourccs rospectiug the civil state and govern- 

governinent. n i tptii 

ment oi these savages, it little has been trans- 
mitted that is definite and trustworthy, the main reason 
is, that little of social order and organization that was 
definite and durable at any time existed. The Indian 
did not need much government, and his manner of life 
did not admit of his being much subjected to its control. 
In his solitary cabin each head of a family, a patriarch 
after the type of jthe Filmer school, was naturally the 
tyrant of his natural dependents. In his stealthy wan- 
derings in the woods after game, he rarely met with other 
wanderers to molest him, or for him to molest. If he fell 

1 Waymoutli's companion, Eosier, low (Good Newes, &c., 60) says, "They 

says, " They have names for many stars" know divers of the stars by name." But 

(Mass. Hist. Coll., XXVIII. 156) ; and he gives no other instance than that of 

perhaps he is right. But he is not so the No7^th Star, which he says they call 

good an authority as he would have the Bear. The partial Williams (Key, 

appeared to be but for some other Chap. XII.) says, " They much ob- 

statements. For instance, presuming serve the stars, and their very children 

on the small danger of being contradict- can give names to many of them " ; and 

ed, he says (Ibid.), " They make butter he adds that they give to the constella- 

and cheese of the milk they have of the tion of Ursa Major their own name for 

reindeer and fallow deer, which they the bear, and that they designate the 

have tame, as we have cows." It is morning star and two others, 
much more to the purpose that Wins- 



I.] ABOEIGINAL INHABITANTS. 37 

in with, a lonely wigwam, it received him with hospitality 
(for hospitality is the universal virtue of lazy and unset- 
tled people), and freely gave him a share in all that it 
possessed; and it possessed nothing to tempt his cupidity 
either to craft or to violence. An advanced state of soci- 
ety requires an elaborate system of laws and administration 
to protect life, liberty, reputation, and property. In the 
wilds through which he roamed, the Indian might be left 
to defend his own life with his own arm, and that of his 
kindred by fear of his vengeance, without danger of those 
disorders which would follow on acts of individual vio- 
lence committed in crowds of men. There could be no 
motive for restraining his liberty except to make him 
serviceable, and this design would be manifestly too vis- 
ionary to call for precautions. Sensibility to reputation 
is a factitious tenderness, not belonging to his social po- 
sition or his range of thought. And of property, which 
occasions most of the litigations of civilized man, he had 
very little to require protection. Personal ownership of 
land was a conception which had not risen on his mind, 
and his few articles of movable wealth were such as 
would scarcely repay the trouble of a theft, and such as, 
if stolen, it would be less troublesome to supply anew 
than to reclaim. 

Under these circumstances, there was small scope for 
the interior functions of government. An intricate appa- 
ratus was not needed for the adjustment of disputes w^hich 
were alike of infrequent occurrence, and of trifling con- 
sequence, whether to the community or to the parties. 
Such as arose would be settled by time and accident, or 
by advice and arbitration ; or they might be left unsettled 
without serious damage ; or they would be fought out be- 
tween the disputants. And in fact there is no evidence 
that the Indians of New England ever possessed what, in 
the loosest construction of the phrase, might be termed a 
code of laws, or any set of customs having the force of 
legal obligation.* 



38 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

But in respect to foreign relations, if of sucli communi- 
ties that phrase may be used, the case was different. For 
the protection of life and of hunting-grounds against an 
enemy, it was necessary that there should be unity of 
counsel and of action in a tribe, and that there should 
be some central authority to exercise foresight and over- 
sight for the common weal. 

The New-England Indians had functionaries for such 

purposes ; the higher class known as sachems, the 
chems and subordiuatc, or those oft inferior note or smaller 

jurisdiction, as 5«^awiore5.^ How the rank of these 
chiefs was obtained, it would be fruitless to inquire, with 
any expectation of finding a uniform rule or principle of ad- 
vancement. Associations of respect and confidence would 
naturally gather about the family of the ruling chief, and 
pride would be saved from offence, and rivalries which 
the state is interested to escape would be avoided, through 
a common understandmg that an heir of his blood should 
at his death succeed to his authority. But such consid- 
erations would not countervail an obvious incapacity to 
govern. Administration may go on safely and prosperous- 
ly among a civilized people, though its limited monarch 
be a child or a fool. The Indian polity had none of the 
machinery for such a fiction. Whenever it was manifest 
that the ruler was personally incompetent, it would be 
manifestly necessary that he should withdraw; and the 
ready resource would be to fill his place with a person 
next or near to him in similar advantages of birth and 
position. Personal popularity, however won, would nat- 
urally be an element in the choice; and, in some strong 
instance of notorious incapacity on the one hand, and of 
distinguished endowment on the other, it would not be 

1 This is the distinction commonly with us called, as they are sachems 

made (Hutchinson, Mass., I. 410). But southward" (that is, in Plymouth); 

Williamson (IVIaine, I. 494) reverses it; and Gookin (Mass. Hist. Coll., I. 154) 

Dudley (Letter to the Countess of Lin- speaks of the two titles of office as 

coin) says, " Sagamore, so are the kings equivalent. ♦ 



I.] ABOEIGINAL INHAEITANTS. 39 

surprising to find the line of hereditary prescription en- 
tirely overstepped. The difficulty or impossibility of gov- 
erning such subjects, except with the advantage of their 
personal good-will, would deter aspirants from seeking an 
eminence grudgingly accorded ; and in the want of a gen- 
eral and strong interest in the question of a succession 
where there were no important rights hazarded and no 
power of patronage to be seized, and the consequent diffi- 
culty of rallying a party for his support, the unacceptable 
candidate would have small inducement to prosecute his 
claim. Among the many wars of these savages, we hear 
of no civil war for a disputed succession. 

The sachem was not necessarily the captain of his tribe 
in war. As far as there was command, it seems rather 
to have fallen by common consent from time to time to 
him who was recognized as the most capable and experi- 
enced warrior. To the sachem it would naturally belong 
to receive and send envoys, to collect intelligence, to con- 
voke assemblies for consultation, to circulate information 
and directions. "Whatever in theory or in pretension 
might be his authority, its exertion would practically be 
so dependent on the cheerful acquiescence of his people, 
that he would be careful to be mainly influenced by their 
wishes ; and thus the spirit of a democracy would pervade 
the public counsels. As the honored depositary of a de- 
gree of power, some private controversies would naturally 
find their way to him; and his determination of them, 
if it did not coerce a settlement, would place the worsted 
party in a disadvantageous posture for further strife. He 
expected his maintenance from the free contributions of 
his subjects, and, when it was not offered, he asserted a 
right to take it by force. Sometimes sachems were of the 
female sex. If, as has been supposed, hereditary authority 
was by a permanent rule transmitted in the maternal line, 
this could at most have been only a peculiarity of some 
tribes. 



40 mSTOEY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

Nothing in the natural history of man is more sur- 
Theirian- prising than the completeness, artificial structure, 
guages. g^j^(j essential uniformity of the shapes of his lan- 
guage. From civilized to half brutal, from Greek to 
Bushman, from English to Esquimaux, every people con- 
verses with the same general apparatus of the same mar- 
vellous faculty of vocal expression. Christian missionaries 
had no sooner learned the dialects of the Cherokee and 
the Sandwich-Islander, than they digested them into gram- 
mars conformed to our analogies. 

Comparative philology, in the present state of that 
science, recognizes three great classes of languages: the 
monosyllabic^ the agglutinating, and the inflecting. Of the 
first class, which indicates the relations of ideas by the 
equivocal method of a mere juxtaposition of words in 
a sentence with their form unaltered, the Chinese is the 
type.^ The inflecting languages, which indicate the mod- 
ifications and relations of ideas by conjugations, declen- 
sions, and other like forms, and constitute a consummate 
vehicle of thought, are those which have been perfect- 
ed in the use of the civilized nations of the Caucasian 
stock. The agglutinating languages^ occupy a middle 
place between these two classes. Their peculiarity is that 
they express relations of ideas by stringing words together 
in one compound vocable. They are spoken in a large 
part of Asia, in a small part of Southeastern Europe, and 
■ by the aborigines throughout the American continent.^ 

The language of the New-England tribes,'' full of con- 

1 Duponceau, Chinese System of have this fact from Professor Felton, 
Writing (in the Transactions of the who mentioned it in his learned lectures 
American Philosophical Society for before the Lowell Institute of Boston in 
1838, pp. xxxi, xxxii.) 1854. 

2 Mr. Duponceau and ]\Ir. Gallatin ^ The two great early authorities for 
name them polysynthetic, and Wilhelm the dialects of New England are Eoger 
Humboldt incorporating. Williams's " Key " to the Narragansett 

3 A special type of languages of this language, and John Eliot's " Indian 
class has been found by the missionaries Grammar," which relates to the speech 
in Southern and Western Africa. I of the Massachusetts family. Eliot's 



I.] ABORIGINAL INHABITANTS. 41 

sonants, and harsh, like that of the rest of the Algon- 
quins, proved in the analysis to possess every ^^^^.^ 
part of speech which we recognize, except per- maucai 
naps the indefinite article, a want which it shared 
with the elaborate classical tongues. The adjective, how- 
ever, generally appeared only as incorporated with the 
verb, or, to phrase this diiferently, there was a copious 
variety of verbs to express various qualities in the subject 
or object. The characteristic of the class to which this 
dialect has been referred so pervaded it, that it was not 
so much rich in compound words as composed of them ; 
m Eliot's Indian Primer, there are words of fifteen sylla- 
bles.^ It Avas flexible and capacious to that degree that 
it had forms of 'the verb to express the causative, the fre- 
quentative, the reflexive, and other modifications of action. 
On the other hand, it wanted the substantive verb, and so 
could not convey the idea of existence, independent of 
some accompanying condition or circumstance. Like our 
own tongue, it designated the plural number of nouns 
by a suffix. It did not discriminate the gender of either 
nouns or pronouns; the words for he and she were the 
same, and the words for him and her. But in place of this 
distinction was one, which languages exact in the discrim- 
ination of gender have not, answering to the difference 
between sentient, or personal, and neuter, or inanimate; 
and this was denoted in both numbers by differences of 
termination, analogous to the inflections which mark the 
masculine and feminine in other languages. This dis- 
tinction of verbal forms, however, did not without excep- 

translation of the Bible is an im- tury, are of great authenticity and value 

mense storehouse of their language, from his peculiar opportunities of infor- 

A large vocabulary has also been hand- mation. 

ed down, prepared early in the last cen- i " This is wonderful in their tongue, 

tury, by Josiah Cotton of Plymouth, that sometimes one syllable spreads the 

The " Observations " of Jonathan Ed- virtue of its signification through the 

wards, the younger, on the Mohegan whole sentence." (President Dunster, 

dialect, though belonging to so late a Letter to Professor Eavis, in Mass. Hist, 

time as the last quarter of the last cen- Coll., XXXI. 253.) 
4* 



42 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

tion follow that of nature. The stars and some other in- 
animate objects belonged verbally to the animate class; 
an anomaly similar to what occurs in the application of 
masculine and feminine forms in inflecting languages. 

Like ourselves, the Indians for the most part marked 
only one case with a special termination, though occa- 
sionally a vocative form also appeared. The most com- 
mon relations they had no means of expressing abstract- 
ly. They could speak of a hatchet, as was necessary, 
because they might not know its owner ; but not of a fa- 
ther, son, head, or hand, except as my, your, or his father, 
and so on. As in a Syriac idiom, before the noun, when 
introduced as the object of an action, its appropriate pro- 
noun was inserted ; as, " John loves him Peter." Though 
there were a past and a future tense, the present was often 
employed in their place, perhaps for the liveliness of its 
effect. With an imperfect resemblance to the dual of 
the Greek, Hebrew, and other languages, a particular plu- 
ral was used, distinguishing few from many. As in the 
Shemitic languages, the root of the verb was in the third 
person singular of the indicative ; but it was in the present, 
not the preterite tense. There were no relative pronouns.-' 
The adjective had no degrees of comparison; its intricate 
combination with the verb stood in the way of such for- 
mations. There was an extraordinary absence of struc- 
tural anomalies. There was an affluence of words indica- 
tive of distinctions between persons in the same relations 
of consanguinity ; as between elder and younger brother, 
paternal and maternal uncle. And, what was more singu- 
lar, each sex had a separate vocabulary for its own use 
in speaking of such relations. There was a diminutive 
form of nouns. 

But, while the grammatical structure of languages ad- 

1 That carefol scholar, the late Mr. vertently confounded the interrogative 
John Pickering, says otherwise. (Mass. pronoun Tvith the relative. 
Hist. CoU., XX. 108.) But he inad- 



I.] AEORIGINAIi INHABITANTS. 43 

mits of an essentially uniform analysis, and the system 
of declension, conjugation, and syntax presents Their vocab- 
curious general analogies, as developed in dia- "^^'y- 
lects the most remote in time and place from each other, 
the character of their vocabularies will vary indefinitely, 
presenting in every case a faithful reflection of the com- 
plexion and extent of the people's thought. A nation 
has no names for ideas which it has not entertained : even 
Greeks and Romans, the sage nations of antiquity, had 
no equivalent for the word virtue, the most important in 
our dictionary. The puerile immaturity of the Indian's 
mind betrayed itself by the poverty of his language in the 
class of words which are the index, the result, and the 
instrument of mental generalizations. As he had not 
the cultivated reason which classifies, he had few or no 
names of genera, while he multiplied the names of species 
without regard to resemblances which to us seem essential 
and obvious. He attached to different kinds of oak de- 
nominations as different as those he gave to oaks and wil- 
lows. The exigencies of discourse lead to the attempt to 
supply by metaphors the want of abstract terms ; but met- 
aphorical language can never be that of discussion and 
study. The Indian was no philosopher, and his dialects 
were miserably barren of abstract terms of every sort.^ 
He had not so much as named time, space, or substance. 

The subject of their language is not without a bearing 
upon the credit of the transmitted accounts of Their re- 
what has been favorably styled the religion of ^'s'°"- 
the New-England Indians. The cautious inquirer will 
remark by what means the information was collected, so 
largely bequeathed to us by contemporary writers. All 
representations of the opinions of barbarous nations ought 
to be received with extreme caution ; and, in the compass 

1 I have not overlooked what is said loose expression of an enthusiast for his 

by Edwards on this matter (Mass. department of study, he will be satisfied 

Hist. Coll., XX. 96, 118). But if any by a little inspection of the vocabu- 

one has a doubt whether this was the laries. 



44 HISTOKY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

of human thought, there are no ideas more abstract than 
those of religion. Whatever information the European 
settlers obtained concerning the theories of the natives on 
this subject, reached them through the treacherous in- 
strumentality of a language, not only, at best, imperfectly 
understood by the hearer,^ but essentially unsuitable for 
explanations on such a subject, and, what was worse yet, 
unsuitable for conducting the speculations by means of 
which theories are framed. By and by, settler and native 
came to understand better each other's speech. But step 
by step, meanwhile, the original ideas of the natives had 
been modified by this intercourse ; and, in proportion as 
they were more capable of explaining their meaning, their 
meaning itself, the subject of their explanation, had been 
adulterated and confused; while, from first to last, the 
observers and writers, themselves men of religious theo- 
ries, whether Eomanist or Puritan, would insensibly be 
guided by their respective predilections in their expo- 
sitions of what the Indians told, and would compose a 
sense of their own out of the unmeaning or enigmatical 
communications which they received.^ 

The very first process of such an interpretation is illu- 
sory. The civilized man, having constructed or received 
some scheme of physics, metaphysics, or theology, imag- 
ines that every human mind must have some conceptions 
corresponding with it ; and, when encountered by strange 

1 "As for the language, it is very countries," &c. (Generall Historic of 
copious, large, and difficult. As yet we Virgmia, &c., 214, edit. 1626.) Else- 
cannot attain to any great measure where he forgets this becoming cau- 
thereof." (Winslow, Good Newes, &c., tion. "Some ..... report that the 
60.) This was written when Winslow people are so brute, they have no re- 
had been in communication with the ligion ; wherein surely they are de- 
Indians two years and a half. ceived ; for my part, I never heard of 

2 Smith, who overlooked few things any nation in the world which had not 
that came in his way, saw this, and a religion." (Ibid., 240.) Such was 
reported his observations with proper the sort of prepossession with which the 
allowance : " As I gathered from their strangers addressed themselves to the 
niggardly relations in a broken Ian- interpretation of what they heard and 
guage, during the time I ranged those saw. 



I.] ABORIGINAL INHABITANTS. 45 

forms of thought, he proceeds to dispose of them by expla- 
nations founded on that unsafe hypothesis. If the Indian 
word Manitou appeared to denote something above or 
beside the common aspects and agencies of nature, it 
might be natural, but it would be rash and misleading, 
to confound its import with the Christian, Mohammedan, 
Jewish, Egyptian, or Greek conception of Deity^ or with 
any compound of a selection from some or all of those 
ideas. In preaching to the Indians, Cotton of Plymouth 
was obliged to use the word God for the Supreme Being, 
for want of any equivalent sign in the language of his 
hearers,^ and Eliot in his translation of the Bible was 
driven to a similar expedient.^ It is on altogether too 
slender a basis of ascertained facts, that literature, alike 
of prose and of poetry, has built up a theology for 

" the poor Indian, ■whose untutored mind 
Sees God in clouds and hears him in the wind." 

Such an Indian is mainly an imagination of European 
sentimentalists; in the current conception of him, he is 
as fabulous as the griffin or the centaur.^ 

1 Specimens of his sermons are in ject among a few authorities is, that the 
the Mass. Hist. Coll., XXII. 249. Indians beUeved, — 1. that there are a 

2 Eliot, however, sometimes adopts good and evil spirit (a god and a devil) ; 
the word Manitou, especially in combina- 2. that they or some of them would live 
tion with Jeliovali. — "In the prayers a happy life after death; and 3. that 
and sermons made by the Indians in the place of that existence would be at 
their own language, they were taught the southwest. It is obvious how ready- 
to use the word Jehovah, or the English the inquirers were, as to the first two 
words God or Lord. Roger "Williams points, to put their own construction on 
uses the Indian word Manitou, by which what was said, or what was not said, by 
word they seemed rather to have ex- the other party, and how easy it was for 
pressed their admiration at anything them to exalt a eulogium of that south- 
whlch excelled, whether animate or in- west country,from which corn and beans 
animate." (Hutchinson, I. 421.) "It had come, into a description of an 
is probable the Indians run over a extra-mundane paradise. (See above, 
number of names to impose upon Mr. p. 27, note 2.) Kautontowit and Mut- 
Mayhew, or to get rid of his importu- cheshesunnetool, Keitan and Hobbo- 
nity, and that, from this authority only, mok, Tantum and Squantum, — these 
other writers have mentioned a plural- are pairs of names transmitted to us as 
ity of gods." (Ibid., 422.) designations of the good and evil spir- 
, 3 The sum of the statements in which it respectively. The last two appear 
there is a sort of agreement on this sub- oftenest. But so great is the uncer- 



46 



HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. 



[Chap. 



Several of the early French explorers of North America 
declared that tribes visited by them were absolutely with- 
out a notion of religion.^ There is not wanting testimony 
of the same kind in relation to the New-England tribes.^ 
The correct perception of some facts obvious to the senses 
was, at all events, not endangered by that inadequacy of 
oral communication which renders suspicious so much of 
the testimony on this subject ; and it is quite certain that 
the savages of New England had no temples, no pub- 
lic ritual, nothing which can be called social worship, no 
order of priests. In short, of the machinery of religion 
they were destitute. And this fact is a pregnant one. 
AVhere there has been preparation of the understanding 
and affections, the religious sentiment, however subject to 
be quickened by forms and by sympathy, can unaided by 



tainty of these representations, that one 
writer of almost the earliest English age 
(Levett, in Hist. Coll., XXVIU. 177) 
reverses their positions, and assigns to 
Tan to the role of Satan and the dwelling 
at the west. And yet elsewhere (Ibid., 
175) he makes Tanto only the messen- 
ger of death. 

1 Such was the conclusion of La 
Salle's company, who had rare opportu- 
nities for observation : " On peut dire 
de tous qu'ils n'ont aucune religion ; 
du moins de tous ceux que nous avons 
vu." (Joutel, Journal Historique, 225.) 
" Quant a nos Souriquois, et autres leurs 
Toisins, je ne puis dire sinon qu'ils sont 
destitues de toute connaissance de Dieu." 
(L'Escarbot, Histoire de la Nouvelle 
France, 11. 664. Comp. Ibid., 662. 
Champlain, Voyages de la Nouvelle 
France, 4.) 

2 " They are a people without any 
religion, or knowledge of any God." 
(Winslow in Mourt's Relation, 61.) 
Later, Winslow retracted this state- 
ment : " Whereas myself and others 

wrote that the Lidians about 

us are a people without any religion, 
or knowledge of any God, therein I 



erred, though we could then gather no 
better." (Good Newes from New Eng- 
land, 52.) But his later judgment is 
subject to uncertainty from the causes 
explained above. The "better" that 
he was able to "gather," after two 
or three years of communication, was 
not the more authentic. He says also : 
" Many sacrifices the Indians use, and 
in some cases kill children." (Ibid., 55.) 
But this statement is likewise too vague 
to inspire confidence. What he took for 
sacrifices, and especially human sacri- 
fices, are quite as likely to have been acts 
of an entirely different import; and when 
he comes to specifications, he lays the 
scene among the Narragansetts, of whom 
personally he knew nothing. — Morton 
says : " Methinks it is absurd to say they 
have a kind of worship, and not able to 
demonstrate whom or what it is they are 
accustomed to worship. For my part, I 
am more wilhng to believe that the ele- 
phants, which are reported to be the 
most intelligible of all beasts, do wor- 
ship the moon The natives of 

New England have no worship or re- 
ligion at all." (New Enghsh Canaan, 
Book I. Chap. V.) 



I.] ABORIGINAL INHABITANTS. 47 

them sustain its life in the solitary breast. But that 
among a people in a low state of culture anything en- 
titled to the name can exist without some provision for 
its public inculcation and expression, is a fact requiring 
to be established, before the existence of a religion among 
them can be made credible. 

The early observers fell into the error of regarding the 
sorceries used among the natives as religious practices. In 
this there was a mere confusion of ideas. The medicine- 
man, or ]powow, was not a priest, but a reputed conjurer.^ 
The causes of disease are mysterious. Its cure is effect- 
ed by agents seemingly inadequate. Agitations of the 
mind often expel or relieve it. He who conquers it by 
his nostrums or his spells may plausibly lay claim to a 
control over the powers of nature. To the ignorant, the 
man who can cool a fever seems likely to be the man that 
can still a storm. The temptation to such a practitioner 
to make the most of his power of imposture is great. 
He may challenge reverence and tribute for himself as a 
ruler of the elements, and excite a sort of superstition to 
acknowledge his claim. We may frame a definition of 
religion such as to include fancies and practices like these. 
But the definition would be arbitrary, and the use unprof- 
itable and inconvenient. So the murdering by the In- 
dians of their captives has been interpreted as a religious 
sacrifice. But to slay enemies and to ofier worship are 
not intrinsically the same act ; there must be something 
to bridge the chasm that parts them, before the mind can 
recognize a relation between the two." 

1 Wood, New England's Prospect, America, Book IV. § 7) was laboring 
Part II. Chap. XII. — Morton, New painfully aU the way through this part 
English Canaan, Book I. Chap. IX. of his task. He began with a theory, 

2 I have been brought to the conclu- and the materials for sustaining it failed, 
sions which I present by a careful read- He has been much followed by later 
ing of the original authorities. They writers. Williams (History of Ver- 
systematized too freely what they heard mont. Chap. VII., VHI.) has but 
and saw, and some of their successors abridged him, constantly copying even 
have been yet more adventurous. It his language. 

is evident that Eobertson (History of 



48 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

So, between the idea of mere revival after death and the 
idea of immortality, the difference is no less than infinite ; 
yet nothing is more common than to deal with them as 
if they were equivalent. The practice of burying with 
a man his arms and apparel was not an unnatural ex- 
pression of the thought that his course was finished, and 
that the separation from him was complete. It seemed fit 
that along with his breathless body the other familiar 
appendages of his life — his weapons, his ornaments, his 
utensils, his clothes, the mat which had been his couch — 
should be put out of the way and out of sight. We may 
further ascribe something of sentiment to the proceeding, 
as, if we leave the marriage ring on the cold finger, it is not 
because we expect it will ever again be worn, but because 
of an aimless reluctance to break so dear an association. 
If, especially in the particular of the deposit of provisions 
in graves, the custom imports an intention to furnish the 
departed with supplies for the wants of another life, still 
it neither appears that the practice was uniform, nor that, 
when observed, it was indicative of anything beyond the 
indulgence of a fond hope or imagination. The natural 
difficulty of subsiding into the conviction that acts and 
experiences long blended with our own are at an end, 
easily slides into a dreamy thought, poorly entitled to the 
rank of a tenet of religion, that the vanished existence 
is not extinct.^ But as to any belief in an interminable 

1 " One clay we asked a mandarin, a Journey through the Chinese Empire, 
friend of ours who had just offered a II. 213.) A learned friend, who late- 
sumptuous repast at the tomb of a de- ly made extensive examinations in the 
ceased colleague, whether in his opinion large Indian burying-place at Nantasket, 
the dead stood in need of food. ' How informs me that he did not find remains 
could you possibly suppose I had such of arms in any grave. In some there was 
an idea ? ' he replied, with the utmost with the skeleton a single utensil, as a 
astonishment ; ' we intend to do honor stone pestle. Many contained a quantity 
to the memory of our relations and of fragments of pottery,butinno instance 
friends, to show that they still live in did a careful excavation discover a whole 
our remembrance, and that we like to vessel of any sort, nor did it seem possi- 
serve them as if they were yet with us. He that any one should have been entire 
AVho could be absurd enough to beheve when deposited in the gi-ound. What 
that the dead need to eat ? ' " (Hue, use could it have been imagined that the 



I.] ABOEIGINAL INHABITANTS. 49 

existence or in a universal retribution on the other side 
of the grave, the authorities, partial as at best they must 
be considered, are profoundly silent. The New-England 
savage was not the person to have discovered what the 
vast reach of thought of Plato and Cicero could not attain. 

With the Indian, the social attraction was feeble. At 
the fishing season, he would meet his fellows of the same 
tribe by the shores of ponds and at the falls of rivers, and 
enjoy the most that he knew of companionship and fes- 
tivity. But much of his life was passed in the seclusion 
of his wigwam and the solitude of the chase. The habit 
of loneliness and of self-protection made him in- Their stoi- 
dependent and proud. His pride created an apti- '''^™" 
tude for the virtue which constituted his point of honor, 
and which he cultivated with assiduous attention. This 
was fortitude under suffering. In war, craft rather than 
valor stood high in his esteem. Stealth and swiftness com- 
posed his strategy. He showed no daring and no constancy 
in the field ; but it was great glory to him to bear the most 
horrible tortures without complaint or a sign of anguish. 

His brave endurance, however studied and scenic, or in 
whatever degree the symptom of a ruder nervous organi- 
zation, presented the bright side of his character.^ He 

revivified dead could have for broken ^ De Maistre (Soirees de Saint Pe- 
dislies ? Not only has the imagination tersbourg, I. 77), after quoting Robert- 
been at work in this matter, but at son's admission, which Robertson often 
work on materials partly of its own forgot, that it is necessary to distrust 
creation. " The fanciful historians have the representations of all ecclesiastics 
said much respecting the savage's hope respecting the red men, as being gener- 
of felicity in fine fields beyond the gates ally too favorable, proceeds : " C'est un 
of death, where he should meet his an- enfant dlfibrme, robuste, et feroce, en 
cestors, and be happy in a state of Im- qui la flamme de I'lntelllgence ne jette 

mortality But from any conver- plus qu'une lueur pale et intermittente. 

satlons had with the Indians here, or Une main redoutable appesantle sur ces 
from anything which can be gathered races devouees efface en elles les deux 
from those who have been most with characteres distlnctifs de notre gran- 
them, there is no reason to believe that deur, la prevoyance et la perfectlbilite. 
the Northern savages ever had ideas of Le sauvage coupe I'arbre pour cueillir 
that nature." (Sullivan, History of le fruit, 11 detelle le boeuf que les mis- 
Maine, 105.) sionaires viennent de lui confier, et le 

VOL. I. 5 



50 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. I. 

was without tenderness, and very few instances are re- 
corded of his appearing capable of gratitude. Cunning 
and falsehood, the vices of the undisciplined, the weap- 
ons of the imbecile, were eminently his. His word was 
no security. He could play the spy with a perfect self- 
possession ; and a treaty could not bind him, when he sup- 
posed it might be broken without danger. Exceptions 
Their infe- arc to bc allowcd for in every portraiture of a 
7otcMUz^- class of men. Everywhere and in all times there 
^'°"* are happy, natures that rise above the moral stand- 

ard of their place. But it remains true of the normal 
representative of this peculiar race, that his temper was 
sullen, jealous, passionate, intensely vindictive, and fero- 
ciously cruel. Good faith and good offices can never 
be wholly unavailing ; but, if it was possible that the 
red men of New England should ever have become other 
than bad neighbors, certain it is that all their history 
shows them to have been a race singularly unsusceptible 
of the influences of a humane civilization. 



fait cuire avec le bois de la cliarrue. upon the face of the earth. Perhaps 

Depuis plus de trois siecles il nous con- the Indians about the Massachusetts 

temple sans avoir rien voulu recevoir Bay "were some of the lowest among the 

de nous, excepte la poudre pour tuer American nations." (Hutchinson, I. 

ses semblables, et I'eau-de-vie pour se 414.) If, on the one hand, we are re- 

tuer lui-meme. Encore n'a-t-il jamais mote from the passions of that day, on 

imagine de fabriquer ces choses ; il s'en the other hand we are remote from its 

repose sur notre avarice." And more knowledge. Hutchinson's portrait of 

follows, of still greater strength. If this the natives is certainly dark. His in- 

is not, as it certainly is not, the Ian- valuable materials for the formation of 

guage of a calm philosophy, it is that a judgment are in great part lost. The 

of a writer of vast study and reflection, resentments which might have biassed 

" They that speak most favorably give it could hardly have been transmitted 

but an indifferent idea of the qualities to his time. Callender (Historical Dis- 

of their minds. Mr. "Wilson speaks course, in R. I. Hist. Coll., IV. 140) 

of them but with compassion, as the quotes a manuscript of Roger Williams, 

most sordid and contemptible part of of the date of 1658, to show that Wil- 

the human species. Mr. Hooker says liams thought more unfavorably of the 

they are the veriest ruins of mankind natives as he knew them better. 



CHAPTER II. 

For an unknown length of time the country and peo- 
ple that have been described had been hidden behind the 
ocean from the knowledge of civilized man. It is doubt- 
ful whether they were ever seen by European eyes till 
nearly five years had passed after Columbus i4g2_ 
found his way to the West India Islands. But °''' ^^^ 
the existence in the North of Europe of a traditional 
account of visits to the northeasterly parts of North 
America by Scandinavian voyagers, in the eleventh cen- 
tury and in the three centuries next following, has long 
been known to geographers ; ^ and original documents 
relating to this interesting problem have recently been 
placed in the possession of the reading world. 

It is no wise unlikely that eight or nine hundred 
years ago the Norwegian navigators extended Alleged 
their voyages as far as the American continent. Nonhmen'^ 
Possessing the best nautical skill of their age, ^o America. 



"b^' 



1 " La merite," says Humboldt (Exa- ta," and uses the words quoted by Hum- 
men Critique, H. 1 20) , " d'avoir reconnu boldt ; but he explains himself as having 
la premiere decouverte de I'Ame'rique in view the fisherman's adventures re- 
continentale par les Normands, appar- ported by Antonio Zeno in the fifteenth 
tient indubitablement au ge'ographe Or- century. (See below, p. 60.) —Belknap 
telius, qui annonca cette opinion des I'an- (American Biography, I. 52) credited 
ne'e 1570"; and then he quotes words his information of the discovery by the 
of Ortelius which, however, are not Northmen to Pontoppidan (History of 
found in the edition either of 1575 or Norway), Crantz (History of Green- 
of 1584, Indeed, it is clear from his Ian- land), and John Pteinhold Forster (His- 
guage (Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, edit, tory of the Voyages and Discoveries 
1584, p. 5) that as late as the latter date made in the North), all writers of the 
he had heard nothing of an ante-Colum- last century. — Malte-Brun (Pre'cis de 
bian discovery. In the edition of 1592 la Geographic, I. 395) referred to the 
(p. 6) he refers to reports of sucJi a spurious chapters (see below, p. 52, 
discovery as " qusdam haud vulgo no- note) in the lieimskrino-la. 



52 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

they put to sea in substantial ships, having decks and well- 
contrived rigging. Iceland they had undoubtedly reached 
and colonized ; and from Iceland, Greenland. From Cape 
Farewell, the southern extremity of Greenland, to the 
nearest point on the American continent in Labrador, the 
distance is no greater than the distance to Iceland from 
the point of departure in Norway. It is altogether credi- 
ble, that the rovers who explored every sea from the Baltic 
to the ^gean should, by stress of bad weather or by favor 
of good, have been conveyed a distance of only three or 
four days' sail from land to land. When they had often 
prosperously made the passage from their homes to Ice- 
land, they might well have had confidence for another 
like adventure, which would have brought them from 
Greenland to Labrador. And from Labrador, the explora- 
tion of as much more of the coast of North America as 
they might be disposed to visit would require only a 
coastmg voyage. 

The historical evidence upon this subject, which has 
been published from the manuscripts by the Royal So- 
ciety of Northern Antiquaries at Copenhagen,^ is found 

1 Antiqiutates Americanaa, sive Scrip- chapters appear in full in a manuscript 

tores Septentrionales Rerum Ante- called, from the place of its preservation, 

Columbianarum in America. — Samling the Codex Flateyensis, and have been 

af de i Nordens Oldskrifter indeholdte ascertained on good evidence to be a 

Efterretninger om de gamle Nordboers -work composed witliin the last fifteen 

Opdagelsesreiser til America, fra det years of the fourteenth century. A 

lOde til det 14de Aarhundrede. — Edi- translation of them is published by 

dit Societas Regia Antiquariorum Sep- Laing in the Appendix to his version of 

tentrionalium. Hafnite. 1837. 4to. the Heimskringla. Of the discovery of 

In 1G97, Peringskiold published the America, Sturleson had himself said no 

" Heimskringla, or Chronicle of the more than that " he [Leif] also found 

Kings of Norway," in the original Ice- Vinland the good." (Laing's Ileims- 

landic of Snorro Sturleson, who was kringla, I. 465.) 

born in 1178 and died in 1241. In The Codex Flateyensis furnishes the 

1705, Torfseus (Historia Vinlandia; first of the narratives lately published 

Antiqua?, Prjef) pointed out that Pe- by the Danish antiquaries, the same 

ringskiold from some foreign source "which was interpolated into Sturleson's 

had interpolated eight chapters which text by Peringskiold, and from which 

■were not to be found in any genuine the sketch in the text is abridged. The 

manuscript of Snorro's work. These second narrative in the Danish collec- 



II.] EARLY VOYAGES AND EXPLORATIONS. 53 

in extracts from compositions of some eighteen writers, 
most of them Icelandic. Their antiquity and. genuine- 
ness appear to be well established, nor is there anything 
to bring their credibility into question, beyond the gen- 
eral doubt which always attaches to the relation of what 
is new and strange. If they are trustworthy, the follow- 
ing facts are to be adopted into history. 

About a hundred years before the Norman conquest of 
Ene^land, one Biorne, or Biarne, sailed from Ice- 

^ ' _ ' ^ Voyage of 

land for Greenland, in search of his father, who Bknie. 
had gone thither. Overtaken by fogs, he lost his 
reckoning. AVhen the weather became clear, he found 
himself sailing in a northeasterly direction, with low and 
wooded land on the larboard side. He kept on the same 
course nine days, and at the end of them arrived in Green- 
land, reaching it in a direction opposite to that with 
which the voyage had been begun. 

The subject had been pondered several years, when 
Leif, with a single vessel and a crew of thirtv- 

^ Voyage 

five men, sailed from Greenland in quest of the ofLeir. 
land reported to have been seen by Biorne. He 
found it, went on shore, and gave it the name of Hellu- 
land, from a word signifying slate in the Icelandic tongue. 
Embarking again, and proceeding southwardly along the 
coast, he came to a country well wooded and level, except 
as it was broken along the sea by a succession of bluff's 
of white sand. This he called Ilarkland, in allusion to 
its ivood. Sailing two days more with a northeasterly 
wind, out of sight of land, he reached an island, and 
passed westward along its northern side. He disem- 
barked, built huts, and wintered on the mainland, which 
he named Vinland^ or Wineland, in consequence of a re- 

tion, the History of Thorfinn Karlsefne, extracts from different writers of the 

goes over much of the same ground, but eleventh and twelfth centuries, of more 

with some differences of detail. These or less interest as corroborating the 

two principal pieces are followed by main story. 

5* 



54 HISTOEY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

port from one of his men, a German, that, wandering in 
the woods, he had seen abundance of grapes such as wine 
was made from in his native country. 

On his return to Greenland, Leif gave over his ves- 
sel to his brother Thorwald, who set sail on an 

Voyage of 

Thorwald. cxpcditiou to explore the new country further 
towards the south. He passed a winter in Vin- 
land, and in the following summer found several uninhab- 
ited islands. After another winter, he sailed to 
the eastward and then to the north. Doubling 
a cape, which he called Kialarnes (keel-cape), and coasting 
along the shore of the bay within, he received a mortal 
wound from some natives by a woody promontory, which 
he called Krossanes, from the cross which he ordered to be 
set up at the head of his grave. His companions passed a 
third winter in Yinland, and then returned to Greenland. 
The next expedition was planned on a larger scale. 
Thorfinn, surnamed the Hopeful, a person of rank 

Voyage of ' _ J. J ^ i. ^ 

Thorfinn. and Avcalth, with a hundred and sixty men in 
three vessels, sailed from Greenland for Vinland 
for the purpose of establishing a colony. They touched 
at Helluland and ISIarkland, saw Cape Kialarnes as they 
steered south, and, passing by a long beach of sand, came 
to a bay extending up into the country, with an island at 
its entrance. To the island, which was covered with the 
eggs of eider-ducks, they gave the name of Straumoey 
(stream-island), and to the bay, the name of Sfraimi/iordr 
(stream-firth). Southwesterly from this island, they en- 
tered the mouth of a river, and passed up into a lake, upon 
whose banks Avheat and vines grew wild. The natives, who 
came about them in canoes, were of a sallow complexion, 
with large, ill-formed faces and shaggy hair. There was no 
snow, and the live stock which had been landed wintered 
in the fields. After some conflicts with the savages, Thor- 
finn relinquished his project of colonization, and returned 
with his company to Greenland. Accounts of two more 



IL] EAELY VOYAGES AND EXPLORATIONS. ' 55 

voyages to Vinland within the next three or four years 
make the last of these circumstantial narratives ; but the 
communication between the countries is represented as hav- 
ing been not entirely discontinued before the middle of the 
fourteenth century. When other objects were abandoned, 
visits may have continued to be made to the American shore 
on account of its excellent materials for ship-building. 

The name Helluland may have been given to what we 
call Labrador, or to Newfoundland ; Markland may answer 
to Nova Scotia; and it has been supposed that Vinland 
denotes E-hode Island and ,the southeastern part of Mas- 
sachusetts, that the island passed by Leif before reaching 
Vinland was Nantucket, and that Kialarnes, Krossanes, 
Straum/iordr, and Straumoey are respectively Cape Cod, 
Point Allerton in Boston harbor. Buzzard's Bay, and 
Martha's Vineyard. But the materials for an argument 
to identify these spots are insufficient; some of the par- 
ticular statements are self-contradictory or inconsistent; 
and the descriptions of the climate and of the native in- 
habitants are hardly to be reconciled with what is now 
known of the climate and the aborigines of New Eng- 
land.-^ There is an important statement respecting the 
length of the day in Vinland at the winter solstice, which 
has been so interpreted as to identify its latitude with that 
of Rhode Island. But the meaning of the passage is very 
doubtful.^ 

1 As to tlie natives, however, it must then the sentence imports that on the 
be owned that the Esquimaux, whom shortest day the sun rose in Vinland 
the description sufficiently well suits, at that hour, determining its latitude 
may, eight hundred years ago, have to be fifty-eight degrees and a half, 
dwelt as far south as Khode Island, and or the latitude, not of Ehode Island, 
have been driven into a higher lati- but of the part of Labrador near Hud- 
tude by invaders between the -visit of son's Strait, a region to which the de- 
the Northmen and that of Verazzano. scription of the climate and productions 

2 The sentence contains two words of of Vinland is still more inapplicable, 
uncertain meaning, eyhterstad and dag- The translation of Peringskiold, an ex- 
malasiad. If dagmalastad signifies, as pert in the Icelandic language, extracts 
was thought by Pontoppidan, the Ice- from the words the sense that the shortest 
landic breakfast-hour of nine o'clock, winter day in Vinland was of the length 



56 



HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. 



[Chap. 



The history of civilized New England does not call 
for a determination of the question as to a discovery 



of ten or twelve hovu\s, thus transporting 
that country to the tropics. The inter- 
pretation of Crantz and of Forster gives 
the sun a course of eight hours above the 
horizon, pointing to Newfoundland as 
the place of Vinland ; and Torfasus hes- 
itates between this hypothesis and that 
of six hours. The rendering adopted 
by Mr. Eafn, the learned editor of the 
Transactions of the Copenhagen Soci- 
ety, represents the sentence as declar- 
ing that, at the winter solstice in Yin- 
land, the hour of sunrise is half past 
seven, and the hour of sunset half past 
four, corresponding nearly to the lati- 
tude of forty-one degrees and thirty 
minutes, wlaich is the latitude of New- 
port. AVith an easy faith, perhajDS due 
to his Danish birth, Malte-Brun (Precis 
de la Geographic, I. 394) has assumed 
the correctness of this last interpreta- 
tion. It was, however, also approved 
by our eminent countryman, Mr. Whea- 
ton (History of the Northmen, Chap. 
II.). And Baron Alexander von Hum- 
boldt (Kosmos, Band II. ss. 269 et seq.) 
concludes positively that Leif "came 
as far as 31° 30' north latitude," and 
that Yinland " comprehended the coast 
between Boston aiid New York, and 
consequently Included parts of the pres- 
ent States of Massachusetts, Rhode Isl- 
and, and Connecticut." On the other 
hand, Laing (Heimskringla, I. 1C7 et 
seq.) has largely exposed the weak 
points of the Icelandic narrative, though 
(Ibid., 154) he sustains the main fact of 
visits of Scandinavian vessels to Amer- 
ica In the eleventh century. 

Other elements which have been 
brought into the discussion, but which 
may perhaps be said to be now dis- 
missed from It, are the Inscription on 
a rock in the town of Berkeley (opjio- 
slte to Dighton), on Taunton Blver, 
and the round stone tower near the 



Atlantic Hotel In Newport. The Ber- 
keley Inscription, viewed through the 
spectacles of the Imagination, has been 
variously regarded as composed of Phoe- 
nician, Scythian, or Koman characters, 
mingled with sketches of men and ani- 
mals; and some of the ostensible fac- 
similes of it which have been made at 
different times, and which, to the num- 
ber of nine, are published by the Co- 
spenhagen Society, exhibit a very Im- 
perfect resemblance to one another. 
Mr. Eafn supposes that he finds here 
a record in Runic letters of an expe- 
dition of the Icelanders to the spot. 

The Inscription, made upon a hard 
greywacke rock, must no doubt have 
cost some time and labor; and the work- 
man must have returned repeatedly to 
his task, as the tide leaves the sculp- 
tured face exposed only about three 
hours at a time. But It has been tor- 
tured altogether In vain for a confes- 
sion that it is the work of civilized 
men. ]Mr. Schoolcraft has perhaps fur- 
nished the most probable clew to its 
origin and meaning. (Ethnological Re- 
searches, I. 112 et seq., TV. 110 et seq. 
Comp. S. F. Haven, Archaeology of the 
United States, p. 133, In the Smithsoni- 
an Contributions to Knowledge, YHI.) 
He placed two delineations of it in the 
hands of an Algonquin chief, without 
acquainting him with the state of the 
question. The chief professed to im- 
derstand It, and explained it as a rec- 
ord of a battle between two parties of 
Indians. When I visited the spot In 
the summer of 1857, It was with the 
Intention of causing an authentic rep- 
resentation of the lines to be made by 
the daguerreotype process ; an inten- 
tion which I relinquished on learning 
that I had been anticipated by Mr. 
Schoolcraft (Ibid., lY. 120). 

If the depth of the incisions seems to 



II.] 



EARLY VOYAGES AND EXPLORATIONS. 



57 



of that country by the Northmen, however mteresting 
as a matter of antiquarian research. If a colony was 



require the supposition of iron instru- 
ments, there is no proof of their having 
been made before the time when iron 
had been largely furnished to the na- 
tives by the English. The earliest 
record of any notice of the inscription 
is in 1680, after Philip's war, when Mr. 
Danforth had a drawing made. 

The muse of Longfellow has deter- 
mined that the round tower at Newport 
shall never be forgotten ; else it would 
before now have lost the place in litera- 
ture to which it was elevated by an- 
tiquarian zeal meeting the universal 
taste for the marvellous. INIr. Rafn, 
happy to believe it to be a relic of the 
Norwegian occupancy of Rhode Island, 
has been at pains, by engraved delinea- 
tions, to furnish the readers of the Co- 
penhagen Transactions with the means 
of comparing it with ancient structures 
existing in the North of Europe, to 
the end of proving their resemblance. 
(Transactions of the Society of Northern 
Antiquaries for 1836-39, p.365.) The 
building is about twenty-three feet in 
diameter, and twenty-four feet and a 
half high, about half the height being 
taken up by eight Roman arches with 
their intervening piers, on which rests a 
circular wall pierced with four windows. 
Without doubt it Is extraordinary that 
no record exists of the erection of so sin- 
gular an edifice by early English Inhab- 
itants of Rhode Island. But It would 
be much more strange that the first 
English settlers should not have men- 
tioned the fact. If on their arrival they 
had found a vestige of a former civiliza- 
tion, so different from everything else 
within their "view. 

The first notice of It, known to exist, 
Is in the will of Governor Benedict 
Arnold, of NeAvport, dated December 
20th, 16 77. He therein directs his 
body to be burled at a certain spot, 



"being and lying in my land In or 
near the line or path from my dwelling- 
house leading to my stone-buiU icindmill, 
In the town of Newport, above men- 
tioned." And elsewhere In the same 
instrument that description Is used. 

It is known that, in the last century, 
the building served as a grist-mill, and 
afterwards as a powder-house. Edwai-d 
Pelham, husband of Governor Arnold's 
gi'anddaughter, called it In his will, 
dated In 1740, " an old stone mill." A 
tradition In the Arnold family, vouched 
by the Governor's great-grandson, who 
died within the last ten or fifteen years, 
declares it to have been built by Gover- 
nor Arnold. Peter Easton, an early 
settler at Newport, records in his jour- 
nal, imderthe date of August 28, 1675, 
" A storm blew down our windmill." It is 
natural to suppose that Arnold supphed 
its place by the stronger edifice which, 
making his will two years afterwards, 
he called " my stone-built windmill." 

That he calls it his, does not prove 
that he built It. It Is supposable that, 
finding an ancient Scandinavian for- 
tress, or baptistery, or whatever else, 
he may have fitted a mill-wheel to it. 
But at all events nothing of this kind 
was done In the earhest times, for as 
late as 1663 Easton wrote in his journal, 
" This year we built the first windmill," 
the same that was blown down in 1675. 
In 1675, Governor Arnold was a man 
of sufficient substance to be able to 
please his fancy ; and he was sixty years 
old, an age when men often Incline to 
be sentimental In respect to some object 
connected with the memories of their 
youth. The family of Arnold Is under- 
stood in Rhode Island, though I know 
not on what authority, to have come 
from Warwickshire ; and it Is a fact 
worthy of observation, that one piece 
of the Governor's property is specified 



58 



HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. 



[Chap. 



founded, it perished ; if a communication with Europe was 
opened, it was disused, till it was renewed in another 



in his -will as Lis "Lemmington farm," 
the name being apparently commemora- 
tive of the well-known place of luxuri- 
ous summer resort, two or three miles 
from the town of Warwick. 

We have here perhaps an explana- 
tion of what strikes every one as re- 
quiring to be accounted for, the singu- 
lar architecture of a building intended 
for the humble use of a windmill for 
a hamlet of humble colonists. Why 
these stone piers and arches, and this 
heavy mass of masonry in the wall 
above ? 

In the parish of Chesterton, in War- 
wickshire, three miles from Leaming- 
ton, on the property of Lord Willough- 
by d'Eresby, stands a windmill of the 
same construction. I describe it from 
personal inspection, having visited it in 
the summer of 1856. I was informed 
by the obliging clergyman who directed 
me from Tachbrook to the spot, that he 
had been told there were others in the 
neighborhood, of similar architecture, 
though he was himself almost a stran- 
ger there, and had not seen such. 
This building at Chesterton, known in 
the vicinity as "the stone windmill," 
stands on an embankment three feet 
high, walled around and with a fosse 
outside. The tower, built of square 
hammered blocks of stone, is between 
twenty-three and twenty-four feet in 
diameter, and, as I judged, (for I had 
brought no insh-ument to measure it,) 
about twenty-six feet high beneath the 
dome-like wooden roof. Above four of 
the six Roman ai'ches are square win- 
dows, iri the same horizontal plane, in 
pairs opposite to each other. The piers, 
four feet in diameter, are sr[uare, except 
that they are curved on the inner and 
outer sides to the circular shape of 
the tower. The loft, to which the win- 
dows admit lisht, is reached from the 



area within the piers by a rude wooden 
staircase. 




Mill at Chesterton. 



To this the building in Newport bears 
a strong general resemblance, as is 




Tower at Newport. 

apparent from a glance at the ac- 
companying delineations. It is known 



II] 



EARLY VOYAGES AND EXPLORATIONS. 



59 



quarter. Still less to the purpose would be a criticism 
of the curious tradition of the voyage of Madoc Alleged 
and his Welsh followers to this continent.^ The ofSoc. 
story is not without important corroboration, fur- ^^^°- 
nished by recent observations of travellers among the In- 
dian tribes. But if AVelshmen settled in America, it was 
not in New England. If the Welsh features, complexion, 
and language are found anywhere on this continent, it is 
in Florida and among tribes west of the Mississippi.^ Nor 
is it necessary to consider the mooted question of the au- 



to have had, -within a century, a hemi- 
spherical roof, and a floor above the 
arcade, though both have disappeared. 
The cokimns, with their bases and capi- 
tals, differ from those at Chesterton 
in being circular, and the whole ma- 
sonry is in a ruder style, as might be 
expected from the inferior materials 
and skill afforded by a new settlement. 
Supposing the uncovered Newport mill 
to have lost in time a course or two of 
stones from the top, its diameter and 
altitude may have been precisely copied 
from the other. There is a tradition 
that the Chesterton mill was built after 
a plan of Inigo Jones, and the story is 
the more credited, as the design not 
only may have been an archltectm-al 
capriccio to gratify some fanciful pro- 
prietor, but is said also to combine with 
architectural symmetry the utilitarian 
merit, by admitting a free passage of 
air through the arches, of avoiding an 
eddy, which makes a back sail and les- 
sens the power of the wind. Jones was 
more than sixty years old, when Arnold, 
about twenty years old, came to Amer- 
ica. If the Chesterton mill was standing 
at the time of Arnold's emigration, and 
if he came from Warwick, he had been 
acquainted with it as one of the wonders 
of the shire ; and he knows little of hu- 
man nature, who does not understand 
how the thriving man in the decline of 
his days should have been moved to 



renew, in the distant continent upon 
which Providence had thrown him, the 
likeness of a tenderly remembered ob- 
ject of his boyish admiration. 

I will but further suggest, that Arnold 
did not live on as good terms with the 
Indians as some of his Rhode Island 
compatriots ; and it is supposable that, 
in building a mill, he had in view at 
the same time to provide what might 
serve as a strong-hold in case of need, 
or what might at all events wear the 
appearance of preparation against mis- 
chief. 

These facts seem to me to afford the 
most probable explanation of the origin 
of this singular building. The prints 
(that of the English mill slightly altered 
to conform it to my own observation), as 
weU as many of the facts in this note, 
are taken from a little treatise entitled 
" The Controversy touching the Old 
Stone Mill," &c., published at Newport 
in 1851. 

1 Hakluyt, Book III. Chap. XXI. § 1. 
— Belknap, Amer. Blog., I. 68. 

2 Mr. Catlin (North American In- 
dians, I. 126, II. Appendix, A.) became 
confident of what he at first only pro- 
posed as a conjecture, that he had 
found descendants of Welshmen among 
the Mandans. Mr. Haven has treated 
the subject sagaciously and learnedly 
(Archaeology of the United States, pp. 
26 et seq.). 



60 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

thenticity of the relation of the Venetian brothers, the 
Voyages of Zeni, sinco, at all events, no result of the discov- 
cirlis'go, ery therein announced has taken a place in the 
John vas later history.^ If in the fifteenth century the Por- 

1463, ' tuguese John Vas Cortereal,^ or the Pole Szkol- 
andszkoi- iiej,^ reachod the American shore, it has never 

1476. been supposed to have been at a point further 
south than Newfoundland. 

The achievement of Columbus did not fail to attract in 
England the notice which its conception and promise had 
Discovery sollcitcd with SO little fruit. Among the mer- 
AraeriSby chauts whoui the peaceful commercial policy of 
thecabots. jjcury the Seventh had invited to that country 
was John Cabot, a Venetian settled at Bristol, then, and 
almost down to the present century, after London the most 
considerable mart in England. To him and his three sons, 

1495, one of whom, at least, Sebastian, was a native of 
March 5. Brlstol, royal letters-patent were issued (the first 
English letters-patent for discovery), authorizing them, 
with such companions as they should select, to " sail to 
all parts, countries, and seas of the East and of the West 
and of the North, under our banners and ensigns, with 
five ships, of what burden or quantity soever they may 
be, to seek out, discover, and find whatsoever isles, coun- 

1 The relation of the voyage of the therein named was Newfoundland, and 
Zeni was first published in 1558, from Drogeo, New England, and that the 
imperfect manuscripts, and was adopted natives described by the fisherman, 
into Ramusio's Collection (Navigation! from whom Antonio Zeno is repre- 
e Viaggi, Tom. 11. pp. 230 et seq.) in sented to have had his account, were 
1574, and thence into Halduyt's CoUec- "descendants from the Scandinavian 
tion of Early Voyages, &c. (III. 157). colonists of Vinland." (Precis de la 
The claim of the story to credit has Geographic Universelle, I. 405.) On 
begn in recent times more favorably the other hand, our learned country- 
viewed, since the discussions of it ia man, Mr. Biddle, (Memoir of Sebastian 
1808 and 1818 by the learned Vene- Cabot, pp. 328-333,) confidently con- 
tian, Cardinal Zurla. Malte-Brun, who eludes the whole story to have been an 
believed it, agrees with J. Eeinhold imposture. 

Forster (History of Voyages, &c., 199 2 Humboldt, Examen Critique, I. 2 78. 

et seq.) in thinking that the Esioiiland 3 Ibid., H. 152. 



II.] EAELY VOYAGES AND EXPLOEATIONS. 61 

tries, regions, or provinces of the heathen and infidels, 
whatsoever they may be, and in what part of the world 
soever they may be, which before this time have been un- 
known to all Christians." Such regions were to be occu- 
pied, subdued, possessed, and governed by them for their 
own behoof, but in the name of the king of England. The 
vessels were to return to Bristol, and the king was to 
have one fifth part of the profits of the enterprise.^ 

In command of three hundred men in two ships, per 
haps equipped and victualled wholly or partly at 1497 
the royal charge, and perhaps attended by one or ^^^^• 
two other vessels,^ Cabot sailed from Bristol, accompanied 
by his son Sebastian. The expedition touched at Iceland, 
and thence spread its sails for the mysterious West. Un- 
expectedly soon, for the adventurers hoped to come to a 
harbor in Cathay, on the eastern shore of Asia, 
their further course was arrested by the American 
coast of Labrador or of Newfoundland. This was more 
than a year before Columbus saw the American continent.^ 

1 The instiiiment is in Rvmer (Fee- Bristow, witli whom ventured also 

dera, XII. 595), Hakluyt (Collections, three small ships of London merchants." 

in. 25), and Hazard (Historical Col- (Lord Bacon, History of the Eeign of 

lections, I. 9). John Cabot was " Gov- Iving Henry the Seventh, 188.) 

ernor of the company of the merchants 3 A manuscript in the British Muse- 
of Cathay in the city of London." um (Additional MSS., 7099) is a copy 
(Strachey, History of Travaile into by Mr. Craven Orde from original en- 
Virginia Britannia, 139, This impor- tries, preserved in the Eemembrancer 
tant tract was edited in 1849, for the Office, of the privy purse expenses of 
Hakluyt Society, by that accomplished Henry the Seventh. The last of the fol- 
geographer, Mr. E,. H. Major, from a lowing entries for the month of August 
manuscript in the British Museum.) in the twelfth year of that monarch 

2 " This Gabato procured him may record the king's bounty for the 

[the king] to man and victual a ship at discavery of North America : — 
"Aug. 9 [1497]. For garnishing of a Salette [helmet] . £ 38 16 

20 Jacquetts of the best sorte 
Browdering of the same Jacquetts 
For the King's Horse Harnesse 
Garnishing of the King's sword 
"10 " To Mm that found the new isle 

I suppose that on the 10th of August ber. Nor was so small a gratuity as 
the Cabots were still at sea, and that ten pounds likely to be offered in any 
they did not reach England till Octo- case to so thriving a citizen as John 
VOL. I. 6 



19 


6 


4 


18 








21 


4 


10 


6 


10 


7 


10 









October. 



62 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

In vain search of the northwestern passage, the Cabots 
proceeded northwardly as far as the sixty-seventh degree 
of north latitude. The cold, though in July, being such 
as to discourage the crews, they prevailed on their com- 
mander to reverse his course, and he ran down the coast 
as far as the thirty-eighth (perhaps to the thirty-sixth) 
degree of north latitude, whence, his provisions failing, 
and the prospect of an accomplishment of the special 
object of the voyage appearing as remote as ever, he re- 
solved to return to England. He brought his 
vessels into port in safety, and three American 
savages were presented to the king as trophies of the ex- 
ploit.^ There is no reason to believe that the Cabots saw 
more of New England than some of its headlands, though 
they probably ran along the coast of Maine, and may have 
looked into Massachusetts Bay. 

The insurrection in favor of the pretended Duke of 
i498_ York being quelled, and the king again at lei- 
Feb. 3. sure, a new patent was issued, authorizing John 
Cabot, "by him, his deputy, or deputies sufficient," to 
" take at his pleasure six English ships," of not more 
than two hundred tons' burden, and renew the experi- 
ment. He died presently after ; but it has been supposed 
that the expedition proceeded, under the command of his 
son Sebastian. If Sebastian sailed, there is no doubt that 
he returned in safety, for he is known to have lived fifty 
years beyond this time. But the fact of a second expe- 
dition is so uncertain, and the accounts of it are so con- 
fused with those of the voyage which effected the first 
discovery of the North American continent, that, while 
some writers have maintained it to have been in the 



Cabot. It may be that, when the Cab- ^ " This year were brought unto the 

ots turned south after the discontents king three men taken in the new found 

among their men, a vessel left them, islands by Sebastian Cabato, before 

and returned to England with her re- named, in anno 1498 ; these men were 

port of the great news, and that her clothed in beasts' skins, and ate raw 

commander received this present. flesh." (Stowe, Annales, 483, 484.) 



II.] EARLY VOYAGES AND EXPLORATIONS. 63 

second voyage that the exploration towards the southwest 
was made, others have comprehended the whole course 
of transactions in the expedition commanded by John 
Cabot.^ Sebastian subsequently entered the service of the 
king of Spain. But in the well-nigh inextricable confu- 
sion of the accounts of his adventures, there ap- 
pears some reason to believe that at a still later 
period he made a third voyage from England to North 
America. 

The discovery by the Cabots laid the foundation of the 
claim of the British crown to its North American terri- 
tory.^ It could scarcely have been in ignorance voyage of 
of their exploit that the Portuguese admiral, Gas- f^Zu ^°'' 
par Cortereal, in command of a similar exploring i^oo-isoi. 
expedition, sailed along the same coast six or seven hun- 
dred miles, probably between Hudson's Strait and Cape 
Race. He returned with glowing reports of the fruitful- 
ness of the country in herbage and in trees fit for ship- 

1 Mr. Biddle, who, at all events, has phen Burrongh's ship from Gravesend. 

expended more diligence upon the sub- But even on that supposition he -was 

ject than any other writer, maintains only twenty-one years old at the time 

the paradox, that, in the first voyage, of the first expedition from Bristol, an 

John Cabot, unacquainted with nauti- age altogether too irnmature for the con- 

cal aSairs, and only mentioned in the duct of such an enterprise. Humboldt 

patent because the king meant to have (Examen Critique, II. 445) places his 

a money-guaranty for his own invest- birth in 1477. Mr. Patrick Frazer Tyt- 

ment, was but the subordinate, or the ler has discussed BIddle's theory of the 

irresponsible companion, of his forward insignificance of John Cabot (Histori- 

son (Memoir of Sebastian Cabot, p. cal View of the Progress of Discovery, 

A9etseq.). The king, however, in the Appendix). A projaer treatment of the 

second patent, authorizes John to take questions arising out of the voyages 

six ships, " and them convey and lead of the Cabots would occupy a volume 

to the lands and isles of late found Inj rather than a note. New and impor- 

the said John in our name and by our tant light will be thrown upon them by 

commandment." (OriginalPatent,found the work impatiently expected from 

by Biddle in the Rolls Chapel, as quoted the able hands of Dr. J. G. Kohl, on 

by him, Memoir, &c., p. 76.) Sebastian early voyages to the western continent, 
may have " frisked beneath the burden 2 « Old John Cabot, the father, from 

of fourscore," when in 1556 (Hakluyt, whom only, indeed, we have our ear- 

I. 306) " he entered into the dance him- liest claim and interest (as we may 

self, among the rest of the young and right well) to this country." Strachey, 

lusty company," on the sailing of Stc- 140. 



64 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND, [Chap. 

building, and with a number of captive Indians, whom he 
sold as slaves.-' 

An expedition to be followed by consequences much 

more important was that of the Florentine, John 
verazzano. Vcrazzano. Embarking for North America in 

the service of France, he kept the shore in view 
at intervals from the thirty-fourth to near the fiftieth de- 
gree of north latitude. He entered Hudson's Kiver more 
than eighty years before Hudson, and for fifteen days lay 
at anchor in the harbor of what is now Newport.^ The 
natives, who came about him in canoes, and were freely 
admitted on board, were well formed, with regular fea- 
tures, clear complexions, and long hair carefully dressed. 
What attire they had was of skins. The women were mod- 
est, and never visited the vessels. The seamen gratified 
their visitors with presents of beads and other trifles, and 
the parties separated from each other mutually pleased. 
Verazzano sailed up Narragansett Bay, and recorded his 
admiration of its beautiful scenery. Steering thence to- 
wards the northeast, and keeping the coast of Maine in 

sight for the distance of fifty leagues, he cast 

May 5. ^ . , , "^ i /• tvt 

anchor next m some harbor apparently oi JN ova 
Scotia. Here he found the landscape uninviting, and the 
inhabitants inhospitable. But partly by stealth, partly by 
intimidation, he succeeded in making an exploration of the 
interior country for some miles. He kept on his course 
among the islands to the northeast, till his pro- 
visions began to fail. After a six months' absence 
he arrived at the port of Dieppe, to report to his master 

1 Purchas, Pilgrims, I. 915. York Historical Society (New Series, 

2 The full narrative of Verazzano's 1. 39 et seq.). It presents considerable 
voyage, addressed by him to Francis the verbal variations from that used by 
First, was published by Ramusio (Navi- Kamusio. 

gationi et Viaggi, III. 420 et seq.). A Had the stone tower, so dear to the 

translation by Mr. J. G. Cogswell, from Northern Antiquaries, been standing in 

a manuscript copy in theMagliabecchian 1524, it is to the last degree extraordi- 

Library at Florence, has lately been nary that Verazzano should not have 

published in the Collections of the New mentioned it. 



IL] EARLY VOYAGES AND EXPLORATIONS. 65 

the important achievement of a survey of scarcely less 
than two thousand miles of the North American coast. 

Before Verazzano's voyage was known in Spain, Ste- 
phen Gomez, in a caravel of sixty tons' burden, fitted out 
at the joint expense of the Emperor Charles the Fifth and 
some merchants, sailed from Coruila in quest of 

1524 or 1525. 

the Northwest Passage. Having made the coast 
of Newfoundland, he steered southwardly, and coasted 
along "a pretty large extent of country,"^ "as far south 
as the fortieth degree of latitude."^ It is probable that 
he ran across from Cape Sable to Cape Cod, and then 
through Long Island Sound to Hudson's Eiver, named 
by him Rio de San Antonio, and that he finally left the 
coast at the Capes of the Delaware.^ 

A large field for industry, and a tempting source of 
profit, had been opened to the adventurers of Eu- ^ ^^ 
rope. Small fishino;-vessels from Biscav, Brit- fishermen 

1 -TVT Till 11 '■^"'^ °*"^ 

tany, and JNormandy had been only three years 
behind Cortereal. Denys, a Frenchman, had 
made a chart of the Gulf of St. Lawrence and 
of the adioinino; coast. Aubert, or Hubert, of 

'^ , ^ . . 1508. 

the same nation, had sailed up the river of that 
name. The Banks of Newfoundland were visited by 
fishermen, who may have pursued the cod and mackerel 
so far as to gain some acquaintance with the convenient 
harbors of Massachusetts Bay. Only twenty years had 
passed after the first voyage of the Cabots, when 
fifty ships, French, Spanish, and Portuguese, were 
employed in this business. Jacques Cartier, sail- 
ing up the St. Lawrence to Hochelaga, now Mon- 
treal, and buildins: a stockade on the hill at Que- 

. . , 1540. ' 

bee, niaugurated what was to become the vast 
domain of France on this continent. 



1 " Buen peda^o de tierra." Go- cidentales, Dec. III. lib. iv. cap. 20; 
mara (Histoiia de las Indias, Cap. 40). lib. vlii. cap. 8. 

2 Herrera, Historia de las Indias Oc- 3 The object of his expedition re- 

6* 



66 ■ HISTOKY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

It was 'half a century after Cabot had found North 
America for England, before English legislation gave any 
token of a sense of the value of the acquisition. A fruit- 
less exploring expedition, conducted with two 
vessels, was the only proof that the attention 
of Henry the Eighth Avas ever turned in that direction. 
At length an act of Parliament, in the first 
year of King Edward the Sixth, encouraged the 
fishery at Newfoundland by protecting those engaged in 
it from exactions which had been practised by the ad- 
miralty "in the few years now last past."-^ The impulse 
given to English affairs in all departments from the be- 
ginning of the reign of Elizabeth did not fail to manifest 
itself in this form of enterprise. But when there were 
fifty English vessels on the Newfoundland Banks, 
there were as many from Portugal, twice as many 
from Spain, and thrice as many from France.^ 

With the last half of the reign of that sovereign began 
an extraordinary development among her subjects of a 
passion for distant exploration and settlement, kept up for 
half a century against the discouragement of an almost 
unbroken succession of disasters and defeats. Mexico, 
Peru, Chili, and the West India Islands, conquered and 
colonized by Spain, were pouring immense wealth into the 
mother country, through the channels of trade as well as 
by the direct transportation of the precious metals. Lon- 
don and Bristol could not behold unmoved the strange 
prosperity of Cadiz ; and nothing better pleased the Eng- 
lish people of the coast than the prospect of a war with the 

quired him to look into the inlets. The and, if Hakluyt was correctly informed 

best inferences respecting his move- (III. 171), they exacted a sort of tribute 

ments are to be derived from a map for affording protection and keeping the 

published four years afterwards by the peace. See on this whole subject the 

cosmographer of the Emperor. important " Report on the Principal 

^ The act is in Hazard, State Papers, Fisheries of the American Seas," pre- 

I. 22, 23. pared in 1853, by Mr. Lorenzo Sabine, 

^ The English ships, however, were for the Treasury Department of the 

of a better class and better manned, United States. 



II.] EAELY VOYAGES AND EXPLORATIONS. 67 

great Catholic power, involving the plunder of rich galle- 
ons and the sack of American treasuries. But the genius 
of maritime adventure could not be always warlike. The 
same impulse which led Hawkins and Drake by rough 
ways to fame and fortune in the south, sent Frobisher on 
a more perilous errand to solve the problem of the polar 
seas. His wild adventures, begun with a renewed search 
for a northwest passage to Asia, and continued and ended 
with a quest for gold ingots under the Arctic Circle, do 
not connect themselves with the subject of this narrative. 
But a different fruit of the zeal for maritime exploit which 
revived in the palmy days of the virgin queen was the 
voyage of the heroic Sir Humphrey Gilbert,^ the first 
which was undertaken with a design of permanent oc- 
cupation of American territory by Englishmen. 

Gilbert, a friend and half-brother of Sir Walter Ealeigh, 
had been his fellow-soldier in the Protestant ar- 

Gilbert's 

mies of France, and had served in the English project of a 
Parliament. He was versed in geographical and 
commercial knowledge, and was known as a writer by 
a " Discourse to prove a Passage by the Northwest to 
Cathaia and the East Indies." With views more com- 
prehensive than were indicated by this treatise, he had 
cordially embraced with Raleigh the scheme of British 
colonization in North America. The queen gave jgyg. 
him a patent conveying privileges similar to •'"°^"- 
those conferred by her grandfather on Cabot.^ He was 
empowered to discover, possess, and govern all remote 
heathen and barbarous countries not occupied by any 
Christian people. He and his heirs and assigns were to be 
proprietors of such countries, on paying homage therefor 
to the crown of England, and one fifth part of any precious 
metals which might be found. They were to have admi- 



1 " Vir acer et alacer, belli pacisqne 2 Jt jg \^ Hakluyt (III. 1 74) and 
artibus clarus." (Camden, Annales, Hazard (I. 24-28), 
367.) 



68 HISTOEY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

ralty jurisdiction over the neighboring seas ; and all per- 
sons were forbidden to settle within two hundred leagues 
of any place which they should occupy within six years. 

Gilbert's first attempt miscarried, through the incon- 
stancy of some of the associates whom he had engaged, 
and the loss of one of his ships at sea. Renewing his 
1583. preparations with large pecuniary sacrifice, he set 
June 11. g^jj ^ second time, with two hundred and sixty 
men, embarked in five vessels. He approached 

July 30. ' . f, 

the American coast on the fifty-first parallel of 
north latitude ; and, shifting his course, entered 

Aug. 3. . ' ' O '^ 

in a few days the harbor of St. John's in New- 
foundland, where he found no fewer than thirty-six ves- 
sels of different nations. Pitching a tent on the 
shore, he commanded the presence of all mer- 
chants and ship-masters, English and Continental. There, 
his commission being read and interpreted, a turf and a 
twig were delivered to him in token of investiture, and 
proclamation was made of his authority to hold and gov- 
ern the country for two hundred leagues around. He 
promulgated three laws ; the first establishing the Church 
of England; the second declaring it treason to call in 
question the queen's title ; the third making the utterance 
of words disrespectful to her Majesty a misdemeanor pun- 
ishable with loss of ears and forfeiture of goods. A pillar 
was erected, to which were affixed the royal arms graven 
on lead, and grants of land were made in severalty for 
stages for the curing of fish. 

The search for precious metals was unavailing. The 
company were generally unused to hardship. Many sick- 
ened. Some died. Some deserted with one of the vessels. 
Some hid in the woods, till they should have an opportu- 
nity to escape.^ Before a month was out, it was plain 

1 The story in the most authentic she went down. (See Hakluyt, I. 679, 

shape is from the hand of Edward 111.143,184-208; Purchas, III. 808 ; 

Hayes, captain of the Hind, which was Harris, I. 583.) 
in company with Gilbert's vessel when 



II.] EARLY VOYAGES AND EXI^LORATIONS. 69 

that the heart of the enterprise was broken. Whether in 
search of provisions or for further discovery, Gil- 
bert put to sea from St. John with three of his 
vessels, leaving the other to bring away the sick. Off 
Cape Breton, one of the squadron was lost, with all but 
fourteen of her crew. Discouraged by this disaster added to 
the earlier adverse events, the admiral resolved to return 
to England. With the constancy Avhich belonged to his 
character, he chose for his place the place of greatest dan- 
ger, and refused to leave the less seaworthy vessel, which 
was but of ten tons' burden, and " overcharged with net- 
tino^ and small artillery." In a violent storm she 

^ •' . Sept. 9. 

went to the bottom, with all her company. He 
was sitting on her deck, calmly engaged in reading, the 
last time he was seen from the companion ship. The last 
words which had been heard from him were, " We are as 
near heaven by sea as by land." — And so ended the first 
attempt at British colonization on this continent. It was 
destined to have successors in its brave promise, and in 
its dismal fate. It wanted an element of force which the 
world could not yet supply. Rank, wealth, royal patron- 
age, were embarked in it. But the one thing needful was 
not there. 

The English claim to Newfoundland having been thus 
formally authenticated. Sir Bernard Drake visited 
it with an English squadron, and made prize of 
some Portuguese ships, with their cargoes of fish, oil, and 
furs. John Davis, in command of two barks, in 

. . , . Further ex- 

the service oi a private association of certain no- piorations. 
blemen and others, discovered Gilbert's Sound, 
Cumberland Straits, the Cumberland Islands, and Lum- 
ley's Inlet. George Waymouth conducted an- 
other profitless quest for the Northwest Passage. 
Silvester Wyat sailed up the Gulf of St. Law- 
rence for a cargo of whales' fins and oil. 

But as yet New England had been almost overlooked. 



1585. 



70 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

Before the seventeenth century, there was no exploration, 
properly so called, of any part of that country, nor appar- 
ently any project for its colonization. Though Yerazzano 
had landed, and not improbably others, Gosnold was not 
only the first Englishman, but the first European, who is 
known to have set up a dwelling on the soil of New 
England. 

After Gilbert's death his patent was renewed to Sir 
1584. Walter Ealeigh.^ The failure of Raleigh's at- 
March25. tcmpts to colomzc Virginia does not require to 
be related in this history. Among those who had sailed 
Voyage of i^ l^is servlco in that enterprise was Bartholomew 
Gosnold. Gosnold, a mariner of the West of England. 
Under his command, with the consent of Sir Walter 
Baleigh,^ and at the cost, among others, of Henry Wri- 
othesley, Earl of Southampton,^ the accomplished patron 
of Shakespeare, a small vessel, called the Concord, was 
equipped for exploration in " the north part of Virginia," 
with a view to the establishment of a colony. At this 
time, in the last year of the Tudor dynasty, and nineteen 
years after the fatal termination of Gilbert's enterprise, 
there was no European mhabitant of North America, ex- 

1 See Raleigh's patent in Hakluyt Historical Collections, the two former 
(in. 297) or in Hazard (I. 33-38). being reprinted from Purchas's "Pil- 

2 " By the permission of the Honor- grims," the last from the edition pub- 
able Knight, Sir Walter Ealeigh." lished at the time. Belknap, misled by 
(Title-page to Brereton's Brief and Purchas, ascribed the " Brief and True 
True Relation.) The three original au- Relation" to Rosier, -who afterwards 
thorltles on the subject of this voyage sailed with Waymouth ; but it Is In the 
are a short letter written by Gosnold to form of a letter to Sir Walter Raleigh, 
his father upon his return to England ; and is subscribed with Brereton's name 
"The Relation of Captain Gosnold's at length. Strachey evidently wrote 

Voyage delivered by Gabriel Ar- with Brereton's book in his hands ; but 

cher, a Gentleman in the said Voyage" he adds matter, probably obtained by 

(the same person who was afterwards oral information. 

so troublesome to Smith In Virginia) ; ^ Strachey (Historic of Travalle, &c., 

and the " Brief and True Relation " of 153). Belknap says (Amer. Blog., H. 

John Brereton, " one of the Voyage." 101), " At whose expense he undertook 

These documents are in the twenty- the voyage to the northern part of Vir- 

elghth volume of the Massachusetts ginia, does not appear." 



II.] EARLY VOYAGES AND EXPLORATIONS. 71 

cept those of Spanish birth in Florida, and some twenty 
or thirty French, the miserable relics of two frustrated 
attempts to settle what they called New France. 

Gosnold sailed from Falmouth with a company of 
thirty-two persons, of whom eight were seamen, 1G02. 
and twenty were to become planters. Taking ^^^'"'^~^- 
a straight course across the Atlantic, instead of the in- 
direct course by the Canaries and the West Indies which 
had been hitherto pursued in voyages to Virginia, at the 
end of seven weeks he saw land in Massachusetts 

May 14. 

Bay, probably near what is now Salem harbor.^ 
Here a boat came off, of Basque build, manned by eight 
natives, of whom two or three were dressed in European 
clothes, indicating the presence of earlier foreign voyagers 
in these waters. Next he stood to the southward,^ and 
his crew took great quantities of codfish by a headland, 
called by him for that reason Cape Cod, the name which 
it retains. Gosnold, Brereton, and three others, went on 
shore, the first Englishmen who are known to have set foot 
upon the soil of Massachusetts. They fell in with a young 
Indian,^ and observed the unbroken extent of the deep 
sand-heaps. Sounding his way cautiously along, first in 

1 The description agrees with this in breadth half a foot, for a breastplate ; 
part of the coast. Brereton says (Mass. the ears of all the rest had pendants of 
Hist. Coll., XXVIIL 86) that they copper." (Ibid., 75. Comp. Brereton, 
made land in the latitude of 43°, which Ibid., 91.) Notices to the same effect 
is that of the mouth of the Piscataqua. abound in the early voyages. Where 
But Waymouth found Gosnold's chart the aborigines of New England could 
to be erroneous in this part of the de- have suppUed themselves with plates of 
lineation. copper, remains a question. Perhaps 

2 Archer says they steered ivest (Ibid., they were small pieces of virgin ore, 
74). But this could not have been, picked up here and there. Perhaps 
Archer's account, owing not improba- they had worked their way from hand 
bly to errors in the printing, is ex- to hand, from the region of the Great 
tremely confused. Lakes. More probably they were the 

3 He " had certain plates of coppe fruit of traffic with recent foreign vis- 
hanging to his ears." (Archer, Ibid., itors. The last is Mr. Haven's opin- 
74.) Of the natives afterwards seen, ion (Archseology of the United States, 
"one had hanging about his neck a 108, in Smithsonian Contributions to 
plate of rich copper, in length a foot, Knowledge, VIII.). 



72 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

a southerly and then in a westerly direction, and probably 
passing; to the south of Nantucket, Gosnold next 

May 22. x o 

landed on a small island, now called No Man's 
Land. To this he gave the name of Martha's Vineyard, 
since transferred to the larger island further north, the 
western extremity of which, now known as Gay Head, he 
designated as Dover Cliff, in allusion to its resemblance 
to the chalk bluff bearing that name on his native shore. 
The island on which the landing was made, was, says 
Archer,^ " most pleasant, for we found it full of wood, 
vines, gooseberry-bushes, hurt-berries, raspberries, eglan- 
tine, &c. Here we had cranes, herns, shoulers, geese, and 
divers other birds, which there, at that time, upon the 
cliffs, being sandy with some rocky stones, did breed and 
had young. In this place we saw deer. Here we rode 
in eight fathoms, near the shore, where we took store of 
cod, as before at Cape Cod, but much better. This island 
is sound, and hath no danger about it." 

South of Buzzard's Bay, and separated on the south 
by the Vineyard Sound from Martha's Vineyard, is scat- 
tered the group denoted on modern maps as the Elizaheth 
Islands. The southwesternmost of these, now known by 
the Indian name of Cuttyhunk, was denominated by Gos- 
nold Elizabeth Island. It was " overgrown with wood 
and rubbish ; viz. oaks, ashes, beech, walnut, witch-hazel, 
sassafrage, and cedars, with divers others of unknown 
names. The rubbish is wild pease, young sassafrage, 
cherry-trees, vines, eglantine, gooseberry-bushes, haw- 
thorn, honeysuckles, with others of the like quality. 
The herbs and roots are strawberries, rasps, ground-nuts, 
alexander, surrin, tansy, &c., without count." ^ Here 
Gosnold found a pond two miles in circumference, sepa- 
rated from the sea on one side by a beach thirty yards 
wide, and enclosing " a rocky islet, containing near an 

1 Mass. Hist. Coll., XXYHI. 76. 

2 Archer, Ibid., 77. Comp. Brereton, Ibid., 88, 89. 



II.] EARLY VOYAGES AND EXPLORATIONS. 73 

acre of ground, full of wood and rubbish." This islet 
was fixed upon for a settlement. In three weeks, 

, ., PI May 28. 

while a part oi the com^Dany were absent on a 
trading expedition to the mainland, the rest dug and 
stoned a cellar, prepared timber, and built a house, which 
they fortified with palisades, and thatched with sedge.^ 

Proceeding to make an inventory of their provisions, 
they found that, after supplying the vessel, which was to 
take twelve men on the return voyage, there would be a 
sufficiency for only six weeks for the twenty men who 
would remain, A dispute arose upon the question whether 
the party to be left behind would receive a share in 
the proceeds of the cargo of cedar, sassafras, furs, and 
other commodities which had been collected. A small 
party, going out in quest of shell-fish, was attacked by 
some Indians. "With men having already, it is likely, lit- 
tle stomach for such cheerless w^ork, these circumstances 
easily led to the decision to abandon for the present the 
scheme of a settlement: and in the folio wins: , 

o June 18. 

month the adventurers sailed for England, and, 
after a voyage of five weeks, arrived at Exmouth. ^"'^ ^' 
The first attempt at European colonization in New Eng- 
land was made within what is now the State of Massa- 
chusetts, and this was its present issue. Gosnold lived 
five years longer, to take within that time an important 
part in the movement which brought about the perma- 
nent occupation of Virginia. 



1 " To this spot I went on the 20tli birds. We had the supreme satisfac- 

day of June, 1797 The protect- tion to find the cellar of Gosnold's store- 

ing hand of Nature has reserved this house, the stones of which were evi- 

favorite spot to herself. Its fertility and dently taken from the neighboring 

its productions are exactly the same as beach, the rocks of the islet being less 

in Gosnold's time, excepting the wood, movable and lying in ledges." (Bel- 

of which there is none. Every species knap, American Biography, 11. 114, 

of what he calls rubbisJi, with straw- 115.) Another party of antiquaries 

berries, pease, tansies, and other fruits identified the spot in 1817. (North 

and herbs, appear in rich abundance, American Eeview, V. 313.) 
unmolested by any animal but aquatic 

VOL. I. 7 



74 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

The expedition of Gosnold was pregnant with conse- 
quences, though their development was slow. The ac- 
counts of the hitherto unknown country, which were cir- 
culated by his company on their return, excited an earnest 
interest. Among others, Richard Hakluyt, a prebendary 
of Bristol cathedral, already known as a learned cosmogra- 
pher and author of a copious account' of English exploits 
in navigation,^ engaged actively in the scheme of further 
exploration in New England, or North Virginia, as, after 
Raleigh's designation, it still and for some years longer 
continued to be called. The consent of Raleigh, which 
his patent right was thought to make necessary, was 
promptly given. The sum of a thousand pounds sterling 
was raised by several of the civic governors and principal 
Voyage of mcrchauts of Bristol ; and under the command of 
S". Martin Pring, or Prynne, two small vessels, one 
April 10. q£ ^£^y tons' burden, the other of twenty-six tons', 
with a crew of forty-four men and boys, sailed from Mil- 
ford Haven early in the following year, the first year of 
James the First. They were provisioned for a voyage of 
eight months ; the lading, which consisted of clothes, hard- 
ware, and trinkets, designed to procure a return cargo of 
sassafras," being intrusted to Robert Salterne, who had 
been a companion of Gosnold in the preceding year. 
Pring approached the North-American coast between 
the latitudes of forty-three and forty-four decrees, 

June 7. , *^ .' o 

and, steering to the southwest, made some exam- 
ination about the mouths of the Saco, Kennebunk, York, 
and Piscataqua rivers. Not finding in this region the 

1 There was a family taste for these provement upon, Gilbert's enterprise, 

studies and undertakings. "Mr.Eichard It was appended, with several other 

Hakluyt, the elder, sometime student tracts of similar purport, to the second 

of the Middle Temple," had written, as edition of Brereton's letter to Ealeigh. 
early as 1585, a treatise entitled "In- ^ Sassafras Avas in great esteem for 

ducements to the Liking of the Voyage its medicinal virtue, being sujiposed to 

intended towards Virginia in 40 and 42 be a powerful diuretic, besides possess- 

Degrees of Latitude." This must have ing other useful properties, 
bad reference to a renewal of, and im- 



II.] EARLY VOYAGES AND EXPLORATIONS. 75 

commodity of which he was in quest, and seeing " goodly 
groves and woods, and sundry sorts of beasts," but "no 
people,"^ he turned his course first to Savage Rock, 
where Gosnold had had his first interview with na- 
tives the year before, and then to the islands south of 
Cape Cod, where he found convenient anchorage in a 
harbor which appears to have been that of Edgartown in 
Martha's Vineyard. The natives here being numerous, he 
built a hut with rude defences, and proceeded to collect 
his lading in the woods. The diminution of his force, by 
the departure of the smaller vessel when her cargo was 
made up, was followed by some threatening demonstra- 
tions on the part of the Indians, which induced ^^„ g 
him to hasten his embarkation ; and he arrived 

Oct. 2. 

at Bristol in early autumn, after a passage of 
seven or eight weeks, and an absence from England of 
less than six months. Some specimens, carried home by 
him, of the ingenious manufacture of the natives, among 
others a birch canoe seventeen feet long, helped to sustain 
the curiosity which had been awakened respecting this 
strange race of men,^ 

The peace with Spain, which immediately followed the 
accession of King James to the throne of England, made 
the seas more secure for English voyagers. Pring's ad- 
venture had been only for discovery and traffic, with no 
design of settlement. Meanwhile Lord Southampton had 
not lost sight of the larger scheme which Gosnold had 
failed to carry out. At a charge shared between him and 
his brother-in-law, Arundel Lord Wardour, a voyage of 
vessel with a crew of twenty-eight men, under ^coT°"''' 
the command of George Waymouth,'"^ who had ^^^i<^'^2^- 



1 Belknap suggests that the reason ^ For Pring's voyage see Purchas, 

of this was, that Pring was here at the IV. 1654 et seq. 

season when the natives were absent at ^ James Rosier, " a gentleman em- 

their fishing stations up the rivers, ployed in the voyage," wrote " A True 

(Amer. Biog., n. 126.) Eelation" of it, extracts from which 



76 



HISTOEY OF NEW ENGLAND. 



[Chap. 



been on the coast twelve years before, was despatched 
from the Thames, ostensibly perhaps for the discovery of 
the long-sought Northwestern Passage.-^ A six weeks' 
voyage brought Waymouth in sight of the island 
of Nantucket. Shifting his course to the north, 
he entered the Kennebec or the Penobscot Eiver,^ and, in 
a shallop " brought, in pieces, out of England," ascended 
it to a distance of " not much less than threescore miles." 
He kidnapped and carried away five of the natives.^ 
Except for this, and for some addition to the knowledge 
of the local geography, the voyage was fruitless. But the 



were published by Purchas (Pilgrims, 
IV. 1659). The whole tract is in the 
Collections of the Massachusetts Histor- 
ical Society (XXVIII. 125). 

1 So says Belknap (Amer. Blog., II. 
135), and after him the exact Holmes. 
Yet I have not observed their authority 
for the statement. If this design was 
professed, it was probably but a precau- 
tion against the jealousy of the French, 
whose hope of an occupation of the 
country began now to be disclosed. 
This jealousy is cautiously referred to 
in Eosier's Preface. He had delayed, 
he says, to publish the journal which 
Lord Wardour had employed him to 
make, "because some foreign nation, 
being fully assured of the fruitfulness 
of the country, have hoped hereby to 

gain some knowledge of the place ; 

and this is the cause that I have neither 
written of the latitude or variation most 
exactly observed by our captain with 
sundry instruments." The true pui'pose 
of the voyage, as Rosier understood it, 
is manifest elsewhere : " Because we 
found the land a place answerable to 
the intent of our discovery, namely, fit 
for any nation to inhabit, we used the 
people with as great kindness as we 
could devise, or found them capable 
of." (Mass. Hist. Coll., XXVIII. 138.) 
" We supposing not a little present 
private profit, but a public good and 



true zeal of promulgating God's holy 
Church by planting Christianity, to be 
the sole intent of the honorable set- 
ters forth of this discovery," &c. (Ibid., 
153.) 

2 It was the Penobscot, according to 
that interpretation of the journal of the 
voyage which has been approved in this 
country since Belknap wrote. But 
Strachey (159) understood the river to 
be the Sagadahoc, or Kennebec, and 
this opinion has recently been revived. 
(McKeen, in Maine Hist. Coll., V., 
Art. 4.) The Kennebec agrees best 
with Waymouth's observation of the 
latitude. I may add, that the subse- 
quent choice of the Kennebec by Gorges 
and his friends, as the site of a planta- 
tion, aifords a presumption on this side,, 
so much of the information upon which 
they proceeded having been derived 
from Waymouth. 

3 "I opened the box and showed 
them trifles to exchange, thinking 
thereby to have banished fear from 
the other, and drawn him to return; 
but when we could not, we used little 
delay, but suddenly laid hands upon 
them ; and it was as much as five or six 
of us could do to get them into the light 
horseman [the boat], for they were 
strong, and so naked as our best hold 
was by their long hair on their heads." 
(Mass. Hist. Coll., XXVIII. 145.) 



II.] EARLY VOYAGES AND EXPLORATIONS. 77 

beauty and convenience of the river had enchanted the 
strangers. " Many who had been travellers in sundry 
countries and in the most famous rivers, yet affirmed them 
to be not comparable to this they now beheld." It seemed 
" the most rich, beautiful, large, and secure harboring 
river that the world affordeth." Though, by such of 
them as had made personal observation, the Orinoco, the 
Eio Grande, the Loire, and the Seine were allowed to be 
" great and goodly rivers," yet it was " no detraction from 
them to be accounted inferior to this." After a stay of 
less than five weeks, they left the coast, and a , 

' •' ' June 16. 

voyage of the same length brought them to Dart- 
mouth, where they had set sail from England. 

Meantime, New England was in imminent danger of 
passing into the hands of French masters. While j^^^ ^^^^^ 
the discovery by Cabot was the basis of the claim ^'^^"'='* °'=- 

-' '' . I, cupation of 

of England to the possession of North- American NewEng- 
territory, the voyage of Verazzano was relied 
upon as establishing a similar title for her hereditary 
rival on the other side of the Channel. A conspicuous 
member of the Protestant party of France, the jgos. 
Sieur de Monts, had obtained from King Henry ^°''- ^• 
the Fourth a patent for the principality of Acadie, defined 
as the American coast from the fortieth to the forty-sixth 
degree of north latitude, with provisions for the govern- 
ment of the country and the control of trade within those 
limits.^ Setting sail in the following spring with ico4. 
four vessels, having Pontgrave and De Poutrin- ^^""^^i^- 
court for his lieutenants and Champlain for his pilot,^ De 
Monts made some explorations in and about Nova Scotia, 
in the course of which he examined an inviting harbor of 
the Bay of Fundy, on the north side of that peninsula ; 

1 Hazard (I. 45) reprints the patent 2 Charlevoix, Illstolre et Description 
from L'Escarbot (HIstoire de la Nou- Generale de la Nouvelle France, I. 
Telle France, 432). L'Escarbot, a law- 173, 174. 
yer, went out with De Poutrincourt as 
his man of business. 

7* 



78 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

the same post which, under French and English sway, 
has borne at different times the names of Port Royal and 
Annapolis. Dissatisfied with the rigorous climate of that 
region, he embarked the next summer for an ex- 
amination of the shores of Maine and Massachu- 
setts, and was upon that coast nearly at the same time 
with Waymouth.^ He proceeded as far as Cape Cod, but 
the unfriendly disposition of the natives and the inade- 
quacy of his force combined to discourage him from a 
further prosecution of the undertaking. In the ensuing 
year, after his return to France, it was renewed by his com- 
panions. Pontgrave, following in his track, lost 
a vessel by shipwreck, and scarcely saved her 
men and stores. De Poutrincourt went later, and 

October. r^ r~i -i 

sent a party on shore at Cape Cod to erect a 
cross and take possession in the name of his sovereign.^ 
The savages attacked his men, killed two, and wounded 
others. Bad weather, now coming on, obstructed further 
movements, and made his situation dangerous ; the French 
returned to Port Poyal, and the enterprise was not re- 
sumed. New England was to be impressed with the his- 
tory of another family of men. 

The last unsuccessful attempt to establish a colony in 
that country was made on a large scale. Among the 
persons engaged in it. Sir John Popham, Chief Justice of 
the King's Bench, was the most considerable, and Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges among the most active. 

Little is known of Gorges previous to the time when 
Sir Ferdinan- ^hat agcucy of his began, which has made his 

Gorges, jiauic SO promiueut in New-England history. 



do 



1 Probably Waymouth bad left tbe and Champlain was the extremity of 
neigbborhood a week or two before De Cape Cod, where now is Provincetown. 
Monts came to it. Malabar appears to have been Nauset 

2 L'Escarbot, Liv. IV. Chap. 7 ; Harbor, and Cap Fortune the south- 
Champlain, Voyages, Liv. II. chap, easterly point of Chatham. 

6, 7. The Cap Blanc of L'Escarbot 



II.] " EARLY VOYAGES AND EXPLOEATIONS. 79 

His birthplace, or at least his home, was in Somersetshire.-^ 
His Italian baptismal name is no sign of a foreign extrac- 
tion. It had somehow come to be much used in England 
in those times.^ Gorges, or Gorge, was the name of an 
old family in the West Country. In the fourteenth cen- 
tury, Eleanor, daughter and heiress of Ealph de Gor- 
ges, married Sir Theobald Russell. Their eldest son, 
the ancestor of Sir Ferdinando, took the name of his 
mother's family, and it is from a younger son that the 
ducal house of Bedford is descended. Sir Ferdinando 
had probably some connection by marriage with both 
Popham and Ealeigh.^ 

Of the little which is recorded of the early life of Gor- 
ges, not all is to his credit. He was a partner 

. . 1601. 

m the conspiracy of the Earl of Essex, then con- 
veyed intelligence of it to Sir Walter Raleigh, and, on the 
Earl's trial, testified against him. The consequences of 
this proceeding followed Gorges, as well as Raleigh, to 
his latest hour. They had frequent occasion for favor in 
whatever quarter it could be had, but the popular leaning 
was always against them. For the English people found 
a strange fascination in Essex, and never forgave any 
who had harmed him except the queen, who, they be- 



1 " Sir Ferdinando Gorges of Ashton from the first discovery down to the 
Phillips in Somerset." (Josselyn, Voy- civil war ; memoirs, journals of voy- 
age, &c., p. 197.) Few things would be ages, charts, charters, minutes of argu- 
more gladly welcomed by the student ments, letters, sketches of projects, lists 
of New-England history than the dis- of partners, — everything to illustrate 
covery of the papers of Gorges, which the events and their causes, and to dis- 
it is not extravagant to suppose may, play the actors. 

undreamed of by their possessor, be 2 gij. Ferdinando Fairfax is a familiar 

now feeding the moth in the garret of instance ; but the Instances were fre- 

some manor-house in Somerset or Dev- quent. 

on, or In some crypt of London, which 3 Raleigh's mother was of the Devon- 
vast city has always been the rccep- shire family of Champernowne. Pop- 
tacle, often the final hiding-place, of ham's daughter married one of that 
such treasures. Gorges had among name, and the Champernowne who 
his papers all sorts of materials for came to Sagadahoc Avas a nephew of 
the history of English North America, Gorges (Hazard, I. 458). 



80 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

lievecl, at heart loved him with an affection beyond their 
own. 

Gorges served in the royal navy during the war with 
Spain. At the peace, the king made him Gover- 
nor of Plymouth. Here he was living the listless 
life of an officer in garrison, when Waymouth returned 
from his voyage to North America. The active mind of 
Gorges now found an object which occupied it nearly to 
the end of his days. With his uncommon talent for busi- 
ness and indefatigable love of labor, he would hardly 
have failed to find a sphere of activity at home, had he 
not been obstructed by the bad repute of those trans- 
actions which have been referred to. The soldiers and 
seamen of the late war had liberty to take service abroad ; 
but Gorges was one of those who " thought it better be- 
came them to put in practice the reviving recollection of 
those free spirits that rather chose to spend themselves 
in seeking a new world, than servilely to be hired but as 
slaughterers in the quarrels of strangers. This resolution 
being stronger than their means to put it into execution, 
they were forced to let it rest as a dream, till God should 
give the means to stir up the inclination of such a power 
able to bring it to life." 

Means were not easily forthcoming to Gorges, for Puri- 
tanism had a special fondness for Lord Essex, and the 
money-bags of the city were in Puritan keeping. When 

1605. Waymouth brought to Plymouth his Indian cap- 

"^"'^'- tives, he inspired the Governor with the hope of 
enlisting for his darling scheme allies more able to pro- 
mote it. " This accident," Gorges says, was " the means 
under God of putting on foot and giving life to all our 
plantations." He took three of the natives into his house, 
caused them to be instructed in the English language, and 
" kept them full three years." By degrees he obtained in- 
formation from them of the " stately islands and safe har- 
bors" of their native country, "what great rivers ran up 



II.] EARLY VOYAGES AND EXPLORATIONS. 8l 

into the land, what men of note were seated on them, 
what power they were of, how allied, what enemies they 
had, and the like."^ 

His representations to Sir John Popham^ engaged that 
eminent person to exert his influence with his friends in 
high quarters to obtain authority for a renewal of opera- 
tions in North America. At the same time with this move- 
ment in the West of England, "certain noble- i„corpora- 
men, knights, gentlemen, and merchants in and virginVa" 
about the city of London " were desiring to renew •=°'ni'*"'^^- 
the attempts which had been abortively made under the 
auspices of Raleigh in Virginia. A joint application was 
easily arranged, and they obtained from the king jgoe. 
an incorporation of two companies, called respec- ^p'" ^^• 
tively in the patent the First and the Second Colony.^ 
The suit was facilitated at court by considerations of the 
expediency of finding harmless employment for the nu- 
merous active spirits left at leisure by the recent peace. 

Both companies were to be under the supervision of a 
body, called the Council of Virginia, consisting of thirteen 
members, appointed from time to time by the crown, and 
exercising their authority agreeably to royal instructions. 

1 " Briefe Narration of the Original their affairs, all his partners and assigns 
Undertakings," &c., in Mass. Hist. Coll., may have voluntarily come into the n°ew 
XXVI. 50, 51. scheme, or have surrendered their rights 

2 Popham had been released by Gor- under the old. Possibly, Tvith a freedom 
ges when placed in his custody by Es- too common in these prero<Tative trans- 
sex at the tune of that nobleman's mad actions, that clause in Ealeigh's patent 
attempt upon London. (Hume, A. D. (Hazard, I. 36) which gives a power of 
^^'i^;}, . government to such of his assigns as 

Themstrumenti3inHazard,I.50. should become inhabitants within six 
In justification of this grant, it is common years, may have received a violent con- 
to say (as in Holmes, Annals, I. 122) struction, such as to make it mean that 
that Raleigh's rights had been forfeited the patent had conveyed no title except 
by his attainder. But Raleigh had made to such lands as should be discovered 
an assignment of them, or at least ad- and possessed within that time. On that 
nutted others to a partnership!, in 1589 construction, the rights which Ealeigh 
(the grant is in Hazard, I. 42), and his and his assigns had obtained by posses- 
subsequent attainder could not vacate sion had been long lost by non-user, 
the rights thus conveyed. It is not im- Virginia had been° abandoned nearly 
probable that, in the desperate state of twenty years. 



82 HISTOEY OF NEW ENGLAND. . [Chap. 

Each colony was in like manner to be governed for the 
king, and agreeably to his ordinances, by a council of his 
appointment, residing on the spot. To the First, or Lon- 
don Colony, was assigned the territory of South Virginia, 
extending from the thirty-fourth to the forty-first degree 
of north latitude, with a breadth of fifty miles inland. 
The Second, or Plymouth Colony, under the management 
of " sundry knights, gentlemen, and other adventurers, of 
the cities of Bristol and Exeter, and of the town of Ply- 
mouth, and of other places," was to plant in North Vir- 
ginia, anywhere within the same distance from the shore, 
and between the thirty-eighth and the forty-fifth parallels 
of latitude. To prevent interference as to the territory 
granted to both alike, it was provided that neither com- 
pany should make a settlement within a hundred miles 
of land previously occupied by the other. Colonists and 
their descendants were to have all the rights of British 
subjects. The companies might expel intruders, coin 
money, impose taxes and duties for their own use for 
twenty-one years, and, for seven years, import goods from 
other parts of the British dominions, free of duty. On 
the other hand, they were held to pay into the royal treas- 
ury twenty per centum of the products of gold and silver 
mines which might be discovered, and from copper mines 
one third of that rate. Neither the name of Gorges, 
nor that of Sir John Popham, appears among the paten- 
tees. Hakluyt was one of the persons incorporated in the 
London Company. Of the Plymouth Company, George 
Popham, brother of the Chief Justice, and Raleigh Gil- 
bert, son of the earlier navigator and nephew of Sir Wal- 
ter Raleigh, were original associates. 

A vessel despatched from Bristol by Sir John Poj)ham 
made a further survey of the coast of New England, and 
returned with accounts which infused vigorous life into 
the undertaking;^ and it was now prosecuted with eager- 

^ " Captain Prin brings with him the most exact discovery of that 



II.] 



EARLY VOYAGES AND EXPLORATIONS. 



83 



ness and liberality. But in little more than a year " all 
its former hopes were frozen to death." Three jco?. 
ships sailed from Plymouth with a hundred set- ^^"^ ^^• 
tiers, amply furnished, and taking two of Gorges's Indians 
as interpreters and guides. After a prosperous voyage 
they reached the mouth of the river called Saga- ^^g g 
dahoc, or Kennebec, in Maine, and on a proiect- ^"^mpted 

^ 'f settlement 

ing point ^ proceeded to organize their commu- omheKen- 
nity. After prayers and a sermon, they listened 
to a reading of the patent and of the ordinances under 
which it had been decreed by the authorities at home that 
they should live. George Popham had been constituted 
their President, Raleigh Gilbert was Admiral, and Har- 
low, Robert Davis, Best, Scammon, James Davis, and 
Carew were invested respectively with the trusts of Mas- 



coast tliat evex* came to my hands since ; 
and indeed lie •vvas the best able to per- 
form it of any I met withal to this pres- 
ent, which, with his relatioil of the 
country, wrought such an impression 
in the Lord Chief Justice, and us all 
that were his associates, that, notwith- 
standing our first disaster, we set up 
our resolutions to follow it with effect." 
(Gorges, Briefe Narration, in Mass. 
Hist. Coll., XXVI. 53.) This "first 
disaster " was the capture by the Span- 
ish of an exploring ship which had been 
sent out by Gorges, as Prin's was by 
Popham. In the State Paper Office, in 
a parcel entitled " America and West 
Indies, 459," there is a letter of Gorges 
to his captain, whose name was Cha- 
lons, in which (March 13, 1607) he 
advises him not to be hasty in accept- 
ing satisfaction for losses in his recent 
voyage (comp. Belknap, I. 349), assur- 
ing him that he will do better to wait. 
I understand Popham's captain to have 
been the navigator who had been in 
New England three j-ears before. Pur- 
chas (V. 1827) and Harris (Voyages, I. 
851) say that Thomas Hanham com- 



manded Popham's vessel, and that Mar- 
tin Prinn sailed with him. Hanham 
was one of the Plymouth Company, 
named in the patent. Later writers 
speak of a Captain Prynne. Gorges's 
authority is the best, though 'his differ- 
ent spelling may be thought to leave 
some question resjsecting the identity 
of Prin. Strachey (163) seems to 
have been ill informed respecting these 
transactions. 

1 Probably Cape Small Point, in what 
is now the town of Phlppsburg (Fol- 
som. Discourse, in 1846, before the 
Maine Historical Society, 28). "At 
the mouth of Sagadahoc, in a westerly 
peninsula," says Purchas (I. 939), who 
pubhshed in 1616. It has been sup- 
posed (Williamson, History of Maine, 
I. 198), but without sufficient evidence, 
that the adventurers disembarked on 
Stage Island, and subsequently re- 
moved to the mainland before winter. 
On Stage Island, in 1778, Sullivan 
(History of Maine, 1 70) saw what he 
thought to be ancient cellars and wells, 
and the remains of a fort and of chim- 
neys of EngUsh bricks. 



84 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

ter of the Ordnance, Commander of the Forces, Marshal, 
Secretary, Governor of the Fort, and Revenue Officer. 
Lilliput had its type m the stately littleness of Fort St. 
George. 

The adventurers dug wells, and built huts. More than 
half of the number became discouraged, and returned with 
the ships to England. Forty-five remained through the 
winter, which proved to be very long and severe. In 
the midst of it their storehouse took fire, and was con- 
sumed, with great part of the provisions. And when the 
President sickened and died, and, presently after, a vessel 
despatched to them with supplies brought intelligence of 
the death of Sir John Popham, and of Sir John Gilbert, 
— the latter event calling for the presence of the Admiral, 
Gilbert's brother and heir, in England, — they were ready 
to avail themselves of the excuses thus afforded for re- 
treating from the distasteful enterprise. All yielded to 
their homesickness, and embarked on board of the return- 
ing ship, taking with them a small vessel which they had 
built, and some furs and other products of the country. 
Statesmen, merchants, and soldiers had not learned the 
conditions of a settlement in New England.^ 

'' The country was branded by the return of the planta- 
tion, as being over cold, and in respect of that not habit- 
able by Englishmen." Still the son of the Chief Justice, 
" Sir Francis Popham, could not so give it over, but con- 
tinued to send thither several years after, in hope of better 
fortunes, but found it fruitless, and was necessitated at 

1 Of Popham's colonists Sir William never satisfaction." Stracliey (History 
Alexander says (Map and Description of Travaile, 162-180) has a detailed 
of New England, p. 30), that they journal — the only one, I suppose, in 
were easily discouraged, because they existence — of the transactions of this 
" went thlthei-, being pressed to the en- colony. That part which is subject to 
terprlse, as endangered by the law or a comparison with other authorities con- 
by their oAvn necessities, no enforced tains some manifest inaccuracies. But 
thing proving pleasant; discontented they relate to transactions previous to 
persons suffering whileas they act, they the sailing of the fleet, 
can seldom have good success, and 



n.] EAELY VOYAGES AND EXPLOEATIONS. 85 

last to sit clown with the loss he had already undergone." 
Sir Francis Popham's enterprises were merely commercial. 
Gorges alone, " not doubting but God would effect that 
which man despaired of," persevered in cherishing the 
project of a colony. Chance having thrown in his way 
a native who had been kidnapped from Martha's Vine- 
yard, and " been shown in London for a wonder," ig^. 
he sent him out in a trading-vessel as another •'""^• 
medium of communication. The savage, who, to secure 
his return, had told seductive stories of a gold mine which 
he could point out, no sooner touched the shore than he 
absconded, though Gorges had given strict orders that he 
should be closely watched, beside " clothing him with 
long garments fitly to be laid hold on, if occasion should 
require."^ . . uj i 

The coast still remained open to the occupation of Eng- 
lishmen. Henry Hudson had visited it in the Hudson's 
service of the Dutch East India Company; but 
though he landed on Cape Cod, it had not de- "^"^u 
tained him from his explorations in Delaware Bay and 
the river which bears his name. A party of The French 
French, who had intrenched themselves on Mount "^V''^ ^^' 

nobscot. 

Desert, near the mouth of the Penobscot, had, leis. 
after a few weeks' occupancy, been dislodged by Argal, 
Governor of Virginia, on a chance visit of his to that 
neighborhood. 

Meanwhile, by strange experiences in other parts of 
the world, an extraordinary man had been pre- captain 
paring himself for co-operation with Gorges ; and ■'°^" ^""'''" 
a movement was made towards New England not less 
energetic than any that has been described, though des- 
tined to scarcely better fortune. John Smith len. 
sailed from London for this coast with two ships, ^p"' ^" 
fitted out by some private adventurers. 

The history of Smith is of that description that its 

1 Gorges, Briefe Narration, &c., in Mass. Hist. Coll., XXVI. 56, 60. 

VOL. I. 8 



visit. 

1609. 
?ust. 



1592. 



86 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

place would seem to be rather among the legends of a 
mythical age, than in the annals of the prosaic seven- 
teenth century. He was of a good family in Lincoln- 
shire. His father's death, when he was thirteen 
years old, left him competently provided for, and 
at the same time interrupted a plan which he had medi- 
tated. " His mind being even then set upon brave adven- 
tures," he had " sold his satchel, books, and all he had, 
intending secretly to get to sea." His guardians appren- 
ticed him to a merchant, from whose service he soon 
found his way to France ; his friends " liberally gave him, 
but out of his own estate, ten shillings to be rid of him." 
An English neighbor fell in with him at Orleans, and 
furnished him with money for his journey home. But 
he had another use for it ; and, going to Holland, he took 
service in the Netherlands army. After three or four 
years thus disposed of, he returned to Willoughby, his 
native place, and, "being glutted with too much com- 
pany, wherein he took small delight, he retired himself 
into a little woodland pasture, a good way from any town, 
environed with many hundred acres of other woods. Here 
by a fair brook he built a pavilion of boughs, where only 
in his clothes he lay," and employed himself in studying 
the science of war, and practising military exercises. 

His next appearance in public was in some connection, 

which he does not explain, with Tattersall's in London, 

to which establishment he was attracted by his passion 

for horses. " Desirous to see more of the world, and to 

trv his fortune against the Turks," he bent his 

Smith's ad- ♦' tD 

ventures in courso towards tho Imperial camp, which he 
found before the fortress of Lymbach in Hun- 
gary. On the way, he had met with various adventures. 
He had been robbed of all his eifects by his companions 
on the passage to France. " In a forest, near dead with 
grief and cold," he had been found and relieved by a 
]Deasant. He had refilled his empty purse by a share in 



II.] EAELY VOYAGES AND EXPLORATIONS. 87 

the prize-money of a rich Venetian argosy captured by 
the French vessel in which he had embarked from Mar- 
seilles for the Levant. He had hardly saved his life by 
swimming to an island, after being thrown into the Medi- 
terranean by a company of pilgrims whom he had joined, 
and who attributed a storm which had overtaken them 
to their having received a heretic on board. 

Arrived at the army. Smith speedily recommended him- 
self by the ingenious management of a telegraph,^ estab- 
lishing a communication with the garrison which there 
was an endeavor to relieve. Next he invented two or 
three new sorts of fireworks, one of them called " fiery 
dragons," which did good execution. Lymbach was re- 
lieved, the Turks withdrew, and Smith was made a cap- 
tain of horse. 

The belligerent hosts being intrenched opposite to 
each other, three Turkish champions, " to delight the 
ladies," successively challenged some cavalier of the Chris- 
tian army to mortal combat. The adventure fell by lot to 
Smith, who encountered them one after another, and cut 
off their heads. Made prisoner by a Tartar prince, with 
many of his countrymen, after a bloody battle, he was 
sold in a slave-market near Adrianople. A Pacha bought 
him for his mistress, " the young Charatza Tragabigzan- 
da." Taking compassion on him, and fearing that he 
might be sold out of her reach, she sent him for g,„i,h ;„ 
safe-keeping to her brother in a fortress by the '^''^• 
Black Sea. A letter bespeaking for him indulgent treat- 
ment produced the opposite effect. The Pacha suspected 
his sister of a tenderer sentiment than pity, and wreaked 
his displeasure on the captive. " He caused his drub- 
man to strip him naked, and shave his head and beard 
so bare as his hand, a great ring of iron, Avith a long 

1 Smith's metliod was hardly an in- is the same as that described in the 
vention. He was probably indebted fragment of the tenth book of Polybius 
for it to his early classical reading. It (cap. 43-47). 



88 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

stalk bowed like a sickle, riveted about his neck, and 
a coat made of Ulgries hair, guarded about with a piece 
of an undressed skin. There were many more Christian 
slaves, and near an hundred forgados of Turks and Moors, 
and he, being the last, was slave of slaves to them all. 
Among these slavish fortunes there was no great choice ; 
for the best was so bad, a dog could hardly have lived to 
endure, and yet, for all their pains and labors, no more 
regarded than a beast." 

Smith was not a man to despair in the worst of times. 
Day by day he performed his task, took his beatings, 
made his observations, and mused on the means of escape. 
" All the hope he had ever to be delivered from his thral- 
dom was only the love of Tragabigzanda." But "God 
beyond man's expectation or imagination helpeth his ser- 
vants, when they least think of help, as it happened to 
him." Profiting by the opportunity of an unwitnessed 
interview, " he beat out the Tymor's brains with his 
threshing-bat, for they have no flails, and, seeing his es- 
tate could be no worse than it was, clothed himself in his 
clothes, hid his body under the straw, filled his knapsack 
with corn, shut the doors, mounted his horse, and ran 
into the desert at all adventure, two or three days thus 
fearfully wandering he knew not whither. And well it 
was he met not any to ask the way, being even as taking 
leave of this miserable world. God did direct him to 
the great way of Castragan, as they call it, which doth 
cross these large territories." 

He got back among Christians, and indulged his ruling 
passion by long wanderings in Russia, Poland, the Aus- 
trian and other German states, France, and Spain. 
" Being thus satisfied with Europe and Asia, understand- 
smith in hig of the wars in Barbary, he went from Gibral- 
^^"•^^- tar to Guta [Ceuta] and Tangier." Here he 
acted the part of only a peaceable traveller, being disin- 
clined to take his usual stirring part in affairs, " by reason 



II.] 



EARLY VOYAGES AND EXPLORATIONS. 



89 



of the uncertainty, and the perfidious, treacherous, bloody 
murders, rather than war, amongst those perfidious, bar- 
barous Moors." While his further plans were unde- 
cided, he made a visit on board of an English man-of- 
war in the harbor of Safiee in Morocco. Its hospitality 
detained him into the evening, when a storm arose, which 
made it necessary to slip the anchors and put to sea, and 
did not cease till the ship was miles away upon the At- 
lantic. After a short absence, enlivened by a desperate 
engagement with two Spanish ships of war, the vessel re- 
turned to her port, and Smith soon sailed for England.^ 



1 The True Travels, Adventures, 
and Observations of Captain Jolin 
Smith, Chap. I. -XX. — I presume I 
am not the first reader "who has been 
haunted by increduhty respecting some 
of the adventures of Smith. How far 
"we have his own authority for state- 
ments printed under his name, is a 
point remaining to be ascertained. I 
■was not able to learn in England that 
any autograph of his is in existence. 
Of course this is not a decisive fact as 
to his having been a writer, for almost 
the same thing could be said of Shake- 
speare. But hack-writers abounded in 
London at the time. Smith was just 
such a person as, for the salableness of 
his narratives, would naturally fall into 
their hands, and into the hands of their 
masters, the booksellers. They would 
be disposed to give large room to the 
element of the marvellous in his stories ; 
and how strictly they would confine 
themselves to his representations would 
partly depend on the degree of control 
which he could exert over them, and 
the degree of responsibility which he 
felt for the veracity of what they pub- 
lished. That he was not himself proof 
against a traveller's temptation to ex- 
aggerate, is rendered but too probable 
by the engravings which illustrate his 
books, and which it is natural to suppose 
must, if anything, have passed under his 
8* 



eye. Among their other remarkable 
representations, those which exhibit him 
as taking the kings of Pamunkee and 
Paspahagh prisoners with his own arm 
show those monarchs as taller than him- 
self by more than a head. He seizes 
the giants by their long hair, which he 
is scarcely able to reach. 

The subscriptions to some of the 
tracts, " J. S." and " John Smith writ 
this with his own hand " (General His- 
torie of Virginia, &c., 39, 248, et al), 
ai-e no more likely to be his own cer- 
tificate of authorship than an artifice of 
book-making. Nor can much more credit 
be claimed for such a statement as that 
in which Smith, or the writer who per- 
sonates him, says, " We spent our time 
about the isles of the Azores, where, to 
keep my perplexed thoughts from too 
much meditation on my miserable es- 
tate, I writ this discourse, thinking to 
have sent it to you of his ISIajesty's 
Council by some ship or other." (Ibid., 
224.) Dedications are more trustwor- 
thy declarations. According to the 
Dedication (to the Earl of Pembroke) of 
the " True Travels, Adventures, and 
Observations of Captain John Smith," 
it was he himself who " compiled this 
true discourse," and " envy had taxed " 
him " to have writ too much and done 
too little " ; and the Dedication of the 
" General History of Virginia, New 



90 



HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. 



[Chap. 



A fugitive slave was to be the founder of Virginia. At 
the time of Smith's return to his native country, the inter- 
est excited by the recent voyage of Gosnold, and by other 



England, and the Summer Isles" to 
" the Illustrious and most noble Prin- 
cess, the Lady Frances, Duchess of 
Richmond and Lenox," is full to the 
same effect. 

In part the treatises brought together 
in Smith's volumes are professedly ac- 
counts of the voyages of other persons, 
related in their own words, and inserted 
bodily into the narrative without notice 
of a transition. After stating, for in- 
stance, the occasion of the voyage of 
Amidas and Barlow, when Smith was 
but five years old, he, or the compiler 
who represents him, presently proceeds 
without notice to transcribe their jour- 
nal, " We passed by the sea-side," &c., 
and so to the end. (Generall Historic, 
2.) The same course is pursued with 
Grenville's voyage the year after (Ibid., 
5), and with various others. Frequent- 
ly at the close of a narrative is given 
the name of its author, as, "Written 
by Mr. Ralph Lane, Governor" (Ibid., 
9) ; " Written by Thomas Heriot, one 
of the Voyage" (Ibid., 12); "Written 
by Master John AVhite" (Ibid., 16); 
" AVritten by John Brereton " (Ibid., 
18) ; "Written by James Rosier" (Ibid., 
20), &c. The third book of the Gen- 
erall Historic, though a narrative of pro- 
ceedings in which Smith was a prom- 
inent actor, and, in great part, of his 
personal adventures, professes (Ibid., 
41) to have been compiled by " William 
Simons, Doctor of Divinity." The 
fourth book (Ibid., 105) embodies the 
" examinations " of the same person. 
The fifth book, on the Bermudas, in- 
corporates the relations of different 
writers. The sixth book relates to 
New England, and here, appended to 
the narrative of Smith's own observa- 
tions and transactions, is an abstract 
(Ibid., 231 et seo.) from the journals of 



Bradford and Winslow, as published in 
London in 1622, in Mourt's Relation. 
The progress of things in New England 
is recorded (Ibid., 247) in a brief sketch 
down to the year 1624. And a later 
work, " Advertizements for the Unex- 
perienced Planters of New England," 
continues the narrative to 1630, the 
year of the emigration, under Win- 
throp, of " a great company of people 
of good rank, zeal, means, and quality." 
A comparison of Smith's narrative 
with the authentic history of the South- 
east of Europe leads to conclusions on the 
whole favorable to its credit. The route 
from Capo d' Istria on the Adriatic, by 
" Lubbiano " (Laybach) and " Grates " 
(Gr'atz), to Vienna, is correctly de- 
scribed. (True Travels, &c., Chap. III.) 
Smith enlisted in the regiment of Henry 
Volda, Count of Meldri, whom he calls a 
Transylvanian, and who was probably a 
Wallachian. Kanlsa was surrendered to 
the Turks on the 20th of October, 1600 ; 
and, as Smith went immediately after to 
the army (Ibid., Chap. IV.) which was 
engaged in the attempt to relieve " Olum- 
pagh" (Limbach,onthe Mur),the time of 
the commencement of his service is ascer- 
tained to have been early in November 
of that year. The time of the siege and 
battle of" Stowlle-Wesenburg " (Stuhl- 
Welssenburg) was from September 9 to 
October 15,1601. Smith's description of 
them (Ibid., Chap. V.) is entirely accord- 
ant with history. The author says that 
the Earl of " Rosworme" (Russworm) 
found " means to surprise the Segeth and 
suburb of the city." Now the key of the 
position was an island under the town, 
on which one of its suburbs was built ; 
and sziget is the Hungarian word for 
island, a fact which Smith, hearing in 
the camp about the importance of szi- 
get, did not know. Here is a strong 



II-] 



EAELY VOYAGES AND EXPLORATIONS. 



91 



causes, was takinoj form in the application for , . 

•^ *-' '- '- His connec- 

the patent of the Council for Virginia, and in the ^i"" with 

_ . . , . . 1 • T "'® London 

arrangements tor American colonization which company. 



indication tliat the narrator was an eye- 
witness, ignorant of the Plungarian lan- 
guage. 

" Duke Mercury " is Philip Emanuel 
of Lorraine, Due de Mercoeur, who 
figures in French history in the time of 
Henry the Fourth (Sully, Memoires, 
Liv. XI., Xn.). After the raising of 
the siege of Kanisa, November 18, 1601, 
a perplexity occurs in the narrative. 
Smith, enlisted in the regiment of Mel- 
drl, Is in the service of the Emperor 
Eudolph, king of Hungary, in a war 
against the Turks. But suddenly he 
re-appears as a soldier of Prince Slgls- 
mund Bathory of Transylvania, the 
enemy of the Emperor, and the ally of 
Turks and Tartars. Smith says (Ibid., 
Chap. VI.) that Meldri was sent with 
his regiment to Transylvania, to re- 
inforce the imperial general, George 
" Busca" (Basta) ; but the Count, being 
a Transylvanlan (Ibid., Cap. VII.), per- 
suaded his troops to " assist the Prince" 
(Sigismund Bathory, the Emperor's 
enemy) " against the Turks " (mth 
whom he was at peace), " rather than 
Busca" (the imperial general, Basta) 
" against the Prince." The truth is, 
that Meldri went over with his merce- 
naries from the Emperor to the Prince, 
and was made his Quartermastei--Gen- 
eral ; and, while In fact the Count was 
in the service of the ally and tool of 
the Turks against the Emperor, either 
Smith or his editor appears to wish to 
have it appear that he continued to 
fight the Turks, unless we prefer to 
think that Smith's editor merely blun- 
dered, from ignorance of the relations 
of the subject. 

The Transylvanlan names wlilch oc- 
cur in the narrative cannot be so well 
identified as the Hungarian. By the 
land of Zarham, " where there were 



some Turks, some Tartars, but most 
bandlttoes, renegadoes, and such like," 
(Ibid.,) Is probably to be understood the 
Zeckler-land, one of the three divisions 
of Transylvania, the Magyar-land and 
the Sachsenland being the others. Of 
the names of the three champions killed 
by Smith (Ibid.), only the first is Turk- 
ish. The other two sound as If "Walla- 
chian. 

The subsequent events, the submis- 
sion of Prince Sigismund to the Em- 
peror, and the overthrow of Moyses 
Tzekely, are correctly related (Ibid., 
Chap. VIII.), and it is highly probable 
that (Ibid., Chap. X.) Basta sent the 
treacherous regiment against the Wal- 
lachlans beyond the Carpathian range, 
to take their chance of being cut up or 
of conquering the country. 

Some chronological statements raise 
a doubt. Count Meldri went to Tran- 
sylvania In November, 1601. Prince 
Sigismund concluded the armistice with 
Basta, the Emperor's general, March 1, 
1602. Thus Smith's narrative com- 
presses the siege of Kogal and the ad- 
A'entures In Zarkam Into three or four 
winter months, at a period when win- 
ter campaigns were rarely undertaken. 
Perhaps, however, instead of the date 
of Siglsmund's armistice, we should 
assume that of his formal abdication, 
which did not take place till the 1st 
of July, down to which time Tzekely, 
and Meldri under him, might have been 
making war against the loyalists, not- 
withstanding the truce. 

There is a similar scant allowance of 
time for Smith's captivity and wander- 
ings. The battle at " Eottenton " (Ro- 
then Thurm), where, south of Herman- 
stadt, the capital of the Saxon-land, is 
the pass into Wallachia, took place No- 
vember 18, 1602. In that action Smith 



92 



HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. 



[Chap. 



1606. 
Dec. 19. 



were presently made by the London and the Plymouth 
Companies. Smith, then twenty-seven years old, sailed 
with the first squadron despatched by the Lon- 
don Company, in whose service his genius and 
heroism won for him a name eminent in the catalogue of 
the founders and benefactors of states. His history for 
the next three years is the history of the establishment of 
the Ancient Dominion. 

When he came again to America, it was to a more 
northerly latitude. He claims to have then 

His voyage *' 

toNewEng- " brought ISTcw England to the subjection of the 
kingdom of Great Britain." ^ If this is too strong 



is related to have been taken prison- 
er. (Ibid., Chap. XI.) On the 9th of 
December, 1603, he was at "Llpswick" 
(Lobkortz) with Prince Sigismund, who 
then and there (though no longer a sov- 
ereign) is said to have given him a pass- 
port, and a coat of arms (to be seen in 
Smith's book) which quartered the lUies 
of France. In this last period of less than 
thirteen months, he had been sold near 
Adrianople, and sent to Constantinople, 
and thence by the straits of Kertsch 
and Theodosia to a hold of the Tartars 
on the Don. After passing some time 
there in servitude, he had escaped, and 
travelled through Southern Russia, LIol- 
davia, Transylvania, " high Hungary 
hj Fileck [which does not lie in the 
way], Tooka [Tokay], Cassovia, and 
Unduoroway [Unter Arva], by Ulmicht 
[Olmiitz] in Moravia, to Prague in Bo- 
heinia." (Ibid., Chap. XI., Xn., XVII.) 
So long a journey within the time 
specified cannot be called impossible. 
But it argues marvellous despatch. 
Many of the names can be identified, 
both in Turkey and in the Crimea. 

On the whole, the reader perhaps in- 
clines to the opinion that John Smith 
was not the sole author of his books, 
but that they passed, for embeUishment 
at least, through the hands of some 



craftsman, who was not perfectly pos- 
sessed either of Smith's own story, or of 
the geography or public history to which 
it related. 

1 " Now to conclude the travels and 
adventures of Captain Smith, how first 
he planted Virginia, and was set ashore 
with about an hundred men in the wild 
woods ; how he was taken prisoner by 
the savages, by the king of Pamaunke 
tied to a tree to be shot to death, led up 
and down their country to be shewed 
for a wonder ; fatted, as he thought, 
for a sacrifice for their Idol, before 
whom they conjured him three days 
with strange dances and invocations, 
then brought him before their Emperor 
Powhatan, that commanded him to be 
slain; how his daughter Pocahontas 
saved his life, returned him to James- 
town, relieved him and his famished 
company, which was but eight and 
thirty to possess those large dominions; 
how he discovered aU the several na- 
tions upon the rivers falling into the 
Bay of Chisapeacke ; stung near to 
death with a most poisoned taQ of a 
fish called stingray ; how Powhatan out 
of his country took the kings of Pa- 
maunke andPaspahagh prisoners, forced 
thirty-nine of those kings to pay him 
contribution, subjected all the savages ; 



n.] EAELY VOYAGES AND EXPLORATIONS. 93 

a statement of the success of his endeavors to that end, 
at all events they were of extreme importance. AVhile his 
ambition contemplated no less than the ultimate founding 
of a colony, the object of the partners with whom he had 
engaged for a voyage, after the relinquishment of his con- 
nection with the London patentees, was, he says, "to take 
whales, and also to make trials of a mine of gold and 
copper." In the last resort, a freight of fish and furs 
was relied upon to defray the expenses of the 
undertaking. Sailing with two ships from the March 3. 
Downs, he made the land at Monhegan, an April so. 
island lying twenty miles southwest from the mouth of 
the Penobscot, and already a rendezvous for fishermen. 
Not meeting with success in the search for whales, Smith, 
with eight men in a small boat, left the ships and the 
rest of the party to be employed in fishing, while he 
ranged the neighboring coast to the southwest in quest 
of furs. He availed himself of the opportunity to " draw 
a map from point to point, isle to isle, and harbor to har- 
bor, with the soundings, sands, rocks, and landmarks " ; ^ 
and he was the first to give to the country the name of 
Neiu England, in the place of North Virginia, by which 
name it had hitherto been known. While he was absent 
on this survey, Hunt, the master of one of the vessels, 
kidnapped a number of the savages, whom he carried to 
Spain and sold as slaves.^ 

how Smith was blown up with gunpow- his men drowned, when God, to wliom 
der, and returned for England to be be all honor and praise, brought him 
cui-ed ; also how he brought our new Eng- safe on shore to all their admirations that 
land to the subjection of the kingdom escaped ; you may read at large in his 
of Great Britain ; his fights with the Pi- general history of Virginia, the Sum- 
rates, left alone amongst a many French mer lies, and New Eno-land." (True 
men of War, and his ship ran from Travels, &c., 58.) 
him ; his sea-fights for the French against ^ Generall Historie, 207. 
the Spaniards ; their bad usage of him ; ^ a q^^ Thomas Hunt, the master of 
how in France in a little boat he escaped this ship (when I was gone) , thinking 
them ; was adrift all such a stormy night to prevent that intent I had to make 
at sea by himself, when thirteen French there a plantation, thereby to keep this 
ships were split, or driven on shore by abounding country still in obscurity, 
the He of Ree, the general and most of that only he and some few merchants 



94 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

On his return to England, Smith was permitted to pre- 
His later ^ont a copj of his map and of a journal of his 
enterprises, yoyage to the klug's socoud son, afterwards King 
Charles the First, who, at his solicitation, gave names, 
principally of English towns, to some thirty points upon 
the coast.^ The map was published, with the names 
attached. Only those of Plymouth, Charles River, and 
Cape Ann have permanently adhered to the objects they 
were thus selected to designate. The names of Boston, 
Hull, Cambridge, and some others, were subsequently 
adopted, but in connection with different localities from 
those to which Prince Charles had affixed them. 

Arriving at Plymouth, Smith was immediately ap- 
proached by Gorges, who engaged him in the 
service of the Plymouth Company. To this ser- 
vice, though solicited again by the London Company, he 
adhered, on the plea that he was pledged ; a considera- 
tion which was probably enforced by his sense of the ill- 
treatment he had received from the latter body in respect 
to his proceedings in Virginia, though he generously or 
prudently abstained from crimination.^ 

"Much labor," he says, "I had taken to bring the 
Londoners and them to join together, because the Lon- 
doners have most money, and the Western men are most 
proper for fishing; yet by no means I could pre- 

more might enjoy wholly the benefit of reduced scale, of that published by 
the trade and profit of this country, be- Smith in the first edition of his Be- 
trayed four and twenty of those poor scription of New England (1616). 
savages aboard his ship, and most dis- 2 uj g^d still my refusal incun-ed 
honestly and inhumanly, for their kind some of their displeasures, whose love 

usage of me and all our men, carried and favor I exceedingly desired 

them with him to Maligo, and there for It is their error, not my fault, that occa- 
a little private gain sold those silly sav- sions their dislike, for, having engaged 
ages for rials of eight." (Generall His- myself in this business in the West 
torie, 205.) According to Mourt's Country, I had been very dishonest to 
Relation (33), Hunt's captives were have broken my promise, nor will I 
twenty from Plymouth and seven from spend more time in discovery or fish- 
Cape Cod. ing, till I may go with a company for a 
1 Generall Historic, 205. The ac- plantation. For I know my grounds," 
companying map Is a fac-simile, on a (Ibid., 206.) 

















\ 







>l«- fJ***!* -* 







New Ex\61a.ni, ?a.is. 94 



r'/i^Co -L^h^yrap/ie<i by I^H^radfercC . 



IL] EAELY VOYAGES AND EXPLOEATIONS. 95 

vail, so desirous they were both to be lords of this fish- 
ing."^ The Plymouth Company remained embarrassed 
and discouraged by the ill-success of their undertaking 
seven years before ; and it was not without " a labyrinth 
of trouble " that he was enabled to set sail again iei5_ 
for New England with two ships, the one of two ^^''""'• 
hundred, the other of fifty tons' burden. They had not 
jDroceeded far to sea, before they were separated in a 
storm. Captain Dermer, in the smaller vessel, proceeded 
on his voyage, but with too little force to accomplish 
anything beyond obtaining a freight, which he 
brought to England within a few months. 
Smith's ship was dismasted, and, returning into port, 
was pronounced unseaworthy. Never disheartened, he 
set sail again with thirty men in a bark of sixty tons, 
but was taken by a French squadron, and after a long 
cruise, in which he was made serviceable by his captors 
in engagements with Spaniards, was set free with empty 
pockets at Rochelle. 

After a series of other adventures and exploits, such as 
trod in each other's steps from first to last of his strange 
career, he made his way back to Plymouth, and 
prepared once more to set sail with three vessels. 
But adverse winds kept him in port, till other obsta- 
cles occurred, and the expedition never put to sea. He 
travelled about the South and AVest of England, distrib- 
uting books and maps,^ and endeavoring to awaken an 

1 Generall Historie, 221. me no more good than so much waste 

2 Ibid., 220. " I caused two or three paper, though they cost me more. It 
thousand of them to be printed, one may be it was not my chance to see the 
thousand with a great many maps both best." (Ibid., 207.) 

of Virginia and New England." — I have not made diligent search 

" The coast [of New England] is yet for maps dehneating the New-England 

still [1624] but even as a coast un- coast, of an earlier date than that of 

known and undiscovered. I have had Smith's visit to it in 1614. Maps which 

six or seven several plots of those north- I have seen are of the years indicated 

ern parts, so unlike each to other, or as follows : — 

resemblance of the country, as they did 1500. A copy of the map of John 



96 



HISTORY or NEW ENGLAND. 



[Chap. 



interest in his darling enterprise. "A great many maps" 
he " presented to thirty of the chief companies in Lon- 
don at their halls." But " all availed no more than to 



de la Cosa of tlils year was published 
by Humboldt (Examen Critique, Tome 
V.) from the original in the collection 
of the late Baron Walckenaer. It is a 
delineation of the eastern coast of the 
American continent, and exhibits not 
ill the chief features of the West-India 
Islands and the Spanish Main. An 
incorrect representation of a country 
northwest of the Azores bears the name 
Mar Discuhierto por Yngleses. Such as 
it is, it denotes New England. It must 
have been derived from some draft, or 
perhaps only some description, of the 
discoveries of the Cabots. 

1520. The American Antiquarian 
Society has Peter Apian's Map of the 
World bearing this date, and professing 
to be made after the representation of 
the cosmographer Ptolemy, and the ex- 
plorations of Americus Vespucius and 
others. The equator and the parallels 
of southern, as well as of northern lati- 
tude, are represented by large curves, 
convex towards the south. North and 
South America are divided from each 
other by a strait, and North America is 
represented as not a tenth part as large 
as Africa. This map, which was pub- 
lished by Gamers (the Italian Vellini) 
in his edition of Solinus, is that in which 
the name America is seen for the first 
time. (Le Visconte de Santarem, Ke- 
cherches sur Americ Yespuce et ses 
Voyages, 169.) 

1529. The Spanish map of Diego 
Kibero, pvibUshed at Weimar in 1795. 
It exhibits the eastern coast of America, 
from Labrador to Cape Horn, with the 
portion of the western coast extending 
ten degrees on each side of the equator. 
I am indebted for a sight of it to Dr. 
Kohl. As to New England and the 
parts adjacent, which it calls the Land 
of Stephen Gomez, it records the obser- 



vations of that navigator (see above, p. 
65). Its Cape of Many Islands is prob- 
ably Cape Cod. The best part of its 
delineation in this region is the part 
between that cape and Hudson River. 

1554. Francisco Lopez de Gomara's 
" Historia General de las Indias " (Ant- 
werp, 16mo) contains a rude chart of 
both coasts of South America, and of 
the eastern coast of North America. 
It is on a small scale, and inaccurate ; 
tolerably good as to South America, of 
no value for New England. 

1560. A map of the world published 
at Venice, in which the outlines of 
North and South America are well 
drawn. America, Europe, and Africa 
occupy the centre of the sheet ; about 
three quarters of Asia being represented 
on the right side, and one quarter on 
the left. 

1566. A Venetian map of North 
America, of inferior correctness and 
execution. The two maps last men- 
tioned are in the British Museum. 

1675. The map of the New World, 
published by Ortelius in this year, and 
repeated in the later editions of his 
book, exhibits no indications of im- 
proved knowledge as to New England. 

1577-80. The Dutch map of J. 
Hondius was compiled to illustrate 
Drake's voyage in these years, and 
Cavendish's voyage in 1 586 - 88. The 
Hakluyt Society republished it in 1854 
with their edition of Drake's " World 
Encompassed." The purpose of the 
map did not direct attention to the 
delineation of North America, and no 
pains were bestowed upon it. 

1582. Hakluyt's " Divers Voyages" 
contains two maps ; one engraved from 
"the forme of a Mappe sent 1527 from 
Sivill in Spain to Dr. Ley," ambassador 
from Henry the Eighth to the Spanish 



II.] 



EARLY VOYAGES AND EXPLORATIONS. 



97 



hew rocks with oyster-shells."^ The suspense attending 
the fruitless solicitation, he says, "was to me a greater 
toil and torment, than to have been in New England 
about my business with bread and water, and what I 
could get there by my labor; but in conclusion, seeing 
nothing would be effected, I was contented as well with 
this loss of time and charge as all the rest."^ 



court. It Las in the northwestern cor- 
ner an outline of a coast, drawn by 
mere guess, with the note, " Terra hasc 
ab Anglis primum fuit inventa." The 
other, dedicated to Sir Philip Sidney 
by Michael Lok, of London, was partly 
made up from "an old excellent mappe" 
given by Verazzano to Henry the 
Eighth, and in the year of Hakluyt's 
publication was "in the custody of 
Master Locke." An island on it, called 
Norumhega, corresponds to New Eng- 
land, but the resemblance is very faint. 

1587. Hakluyt's edition of Peter Mar- 
tyr's book "De Orbe Novo" (Paris) con- 
tains a map of North and South America 
of singular beauty and finish of execu- 
tion, and of remarkable correctness for 
the smallness of the scale. There are two 
copies of the book in the British Mu- 
seum. The map is in the copy belong- 
ing to the Grenville Collection. A note 
in Mr. GrenviUe's handwriting is, "I 
should not know where to find another 
copy of the map." 

1589. The edition of Hakluyt's Nav- 
igations, &c. of this year contains a map, 
very well executed, of the western and 
southern coasts of the old continent, of 
South America, of the eastern coast of 
North America, and of the western 
coast as far as the latitude of 50 de- 
grees. In respect to the part compre- 
hending what is now the United States, 
it is less correct than some earlier de- 
lineations. 

I know of no map,IncludingNewEng- 
land, published between 1589 and 1612, 
when L'Escarbot illustrated his History 

VOL. I. 9 



with a delineation of New France. In 
1613, Champlain prefixed another to his 
" Voyages." Both are on a small scale, 
and indicate a very rude knowledge of 
the geography of the region. The map 
published by Hondius, also in 1613, 
in his edition of IMercator's Atlas, is 
scarcely anything more than a copy of 
that of Ortelius. Smith's map excels 
in correctness anything of the kind of 
earlier date. 

1 Advertizements, &c., 25. 

2 Generall Historic, 230. — Smith 
finds a place for taste and sentiment, as 
well as for love of profit, among the 
motives with which he plies his readers. 
"Here nature and liberty affords us that 
freely which in England we want, or it 
costeth us dearly. What pleasure can 
be more than, being tired with any 
occasion ashore, in the planting vines, 
fruits, or herbs, in contriving their own 
grounds to the pleasure of their own 
minds, their fields, gardens, orchards, 
buildings, ships, and other works, &c., 
to recreate themselves before their own 
doors in their own boats upon the sea ? 

What sport doth yield a more 

pleasing content than angUng with a 
hook, and crossing the sweet air fi-om 
isle to isle, over the silent streams of a 
calm sea, wherein the most curious may 
find profit, pleasure, and content?" 
(Ibid., 219.) — In the State Paper Of- 
fice ("America and West Indies," 441) 
is a MS. copy of a letter, of twelve pages, 
from John Smith to Lord Bacon, which 
has not been published, so far as I know. 
According to a memorandum upon it, 



98 HISTOEY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

Several years more passed before his death ; but it does 
1S31. not appear that his designs respecting New Eng- 
junesi. 2^-|^^ were ever renewed, though his later publi- 
cations, after he learned that " some hundreds of Brown- 
ists" had gone "to New Plymouth, whose humorous 
ignorances caused them for more than a year to endure 
a wonderful deal of misery, with an infinite patience,"-^ 
show his affection to it to have been still alive. Smith 
valued himself on being "not so simple to think that 
ever any other motive than wealth will ever erect there 
a commonwealth, or draw company from their ease and 
humors at home, to stay in New England."^ In this case, 
more simplicity proved to be superior wisdom. No trading 
adventurers were so capable and resolute as to be able to 
plant that soil. 

" Under color of fishing and trade," the indefatigable 
Gorges sent out Richard Vines with a party, to make 
observations on the country, and cultivate acquaintance 
with the natives, while the ship's company should be 
engaged in collecting a cargo. Vines remained 
saco. with his companions at a camp on the river Saco, 

through a winter.^ One important piece of in- 
telligence was the fruit of his expedition. A great part 
of New England was almost depopulated by war and 

it was " -written in 1618." Annexed to it to tlie utmost of their power with their 
it, in double columns, is the list of In- purses. And I shall be ready to spend 
dian and English names of places in both life and goods for the honor of my 
New England, which had been printed country and your Lordship's service, 
in the " Description of New England." with which resolution I do in all humil- 
It sets forth the flattering prospects of ity rest, at your Honor's service," &c. 
that country, and solicits Lord Bacon's ^ True Travels, &c., 46. 
approval. " Truth is more than wealth, ^ Generall Historic, &c., 219. 
and industrious subjects are more avail- -^ I suppose the first winter of Vines's 
able to a king than gold." " Had I but residence in Maine to have been that 
the patronage of so mature a judgment of 1616-17; yet it is singular that 
as your Honor's, it would not only in- Gorges (Briefe Narration, Chap. X.) 
duce those to believe what I know to places the account before that of trans- 
be true in this matter, who will now actions of 1614 and 1615. (Comp. 
hardly vouchsafe the perusal of my re- Chap. XH., XHI.) 
lations, but also be a means to further 



II.] EARLY VOYAGES AND EXPLORATIONS. 99 

pestilence. " The country was in a manner left void of 
inhabitants." It was afterwards found that the plague 
had swept from Penobscot River to Narragansett Bay.^ 

" This course," says Gorges, " I held some years to- 
gether, but nothing to my private profit ; for what I got 
one way I spent another ; so that I began to grow weary 
of that business, as not for my turn till better times." ^ 
He did not weary of it, however, but continued to watch 
for opportunities of better promise. Rocraft, the com- 
mander of one of his expeditions, disobeying his 
orders, went to Virginia, where he was killed in 
a brawl, and his vessel was shipwrecked. The voyage of 
Dermer, Smith's former associate, who was to have joined 
Rocraft, was scarcely more prosperous. It has an interest 
from the fact that, returning from Virginia, whither he 
had sailed along the coast from the Kennebec, he trav- 
ersed part of the country not long after to be Demerat 
occupied by the Colony of Plymouth. He was ^'^I'^aX^*'' 
at Nauset on Cape Cod,^ where he had an encoun- "'"°®- 
ter with the natives ; at Namasket, now Middleborough, 
where he met the two chiefs of the Pokanoket tribe, after- 
wards well known to the Plymouth colonists ; and at the 
spot which he recognized as " that place from whence 
Squanto, or Tisquantum, was taken away, which in 
Captain Smith's map is called Plymouth," and at which 
Dermer wished " that the first plantation might be seated, 

1 What was the nature of this fright- yellow garment they showed me), both 

ful epidemic has never been ascer- before they died and afterwards." It 

tained. It has been thought to have was reasonably thought extraordinary 

been the yellow fever ; but this opinion at the time, that none of Vines's com- 

is not approved by the medical science pany, living in the midst of the sick- 

of the present time. Gookin, who ness, were attacked by it. 

wrote in 1674, and who places the sick- 2 Briefe Narration, &c., Chap. X. 

ness in 1613 or 1614, says (Mass. Hist. 3 The name Cape Cod is equivocal, 

Coll., I. 148), " I have discoursed with being used for the whole peninsula, 

some old Indians, that were then youths, sixty miles long, as well as for the 

who say that the bodies aU over were headland in which it terminates, 
exceeding yellow (describing it by a 



lOQ HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. II. 

if there came to the number of fifty persons or upward."^ 
The expression of his hope preceded its fulfilment by- 
only five months. Dermer noticed the ravages of the 
recent pestilence. " I passed along the coast, vs^here I 
found some ancient plantations, not long since populous, 
now utterly void." He was severely wounded in a skir- 
mish with the Indians of Martha's Vineyard, and soon 
afterwards died in Virginia.^ 

1 Letter of Dermer, of June 30, 1620, 2 Gorges, Briefe Narration, &c., 
in Deane's Bradford, 96. Chap. XV. 



CHAPTEE III. 

A RELIGIOUS impulse accomplished what commercial 
enterprise, commanding money and court favor, had at- 
tempted without success. Civilized New England is the 
child of English Puritanism. 

The spirit of Puritanism was no creation of the six- 
teenth century. It is as old as the truth and manliness 
of England. Among the thoughtful and earnest island- 
ers the dramatic religion of the Popes had never struck 
so deep root as in Continental soil.^ They had been co- 
erced into unquestioning conformity as often as the state 
of public affairs had made it necessary for the Crown to 
court the Church ; but the government of princes strong 
in the goodness of their title and in the popular regard 
had often been illustrated by manifestations of discontent 
with the spiritual despotism which had overspread West- 
ern Europe. 

A succession of Saxon versions of the Bible, from al- 
most the beginning of the Heptarchy to the Nor- Free spirit 
man Conquest, attests the demand of the times for Eni'usr''^ 
Scriptural knowledge; and, in the Anglo-Saxon ^''"«<=^- 
ritual of the Mass, the Gospel and the Epistle were read 
in the vernacular tongue.^ Under the early princes of the 

1 Hume describes England as "the and clergy in England, and between 

kingdom Tvliicli of all others had long the English clergy and the court of 

been the most devoted to the Holy See." Kome, had sufficiently prepared the 

(History, Chap. XXX., A. D. 1532.) nation for a breach with the Sovereign 

But his "long" must be interpreted of Pontiff." (Chap. XXXI, A. D. 1534.) 
the time which began with the Lancas- 2 Lingard, Antiquities of the Anglo- 

trian dynasty. Elsewhere he says, that Saxon Church, Chap. VI. § 2. — Sharon 

" the ancient and almost uninterrupted Uurner, History of the Anglo-Saxons, 

opposition of interest between the laity Book X. Chap. HI. 
9* 



102 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

Norman line, the Church, as the natural ally of the people 
against their lords, easily conciliated the popular senti- 
ment to an acquiescence in its claims. But, on the other 
hand, the occasional contumacy of the kings^in their rela- 
tions to the papal power laid up a lesson for the people's 
use in later times ; while cases were not wanting in which 
English ecclesiastics themselves, on questions of the priv- 
ileges of their order, were found practising a doubtful 
submission to the successor of St. Peter.-^ William the 
Conqueror had come near to a quarrel with the Holy 
See, when he forbade his bishops to obey its ci- 

1076. . . , . . , 

tation to Rome, and required spu'itual causes to 
be tried in the hundred or the county courts. With the 
right on his side and the good wishes of his people, Henry 
the Second appeared to have a fair prospect of ultimate 
success in his struggle with the clergy, when he lost his 
advantage by the murder of the Archbishop of 
Canterbury. The progress made by the lay 
judges, in the time of the rash but feeble Henry the 
Third, in narrowing the jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical 
tribunals, emboldened the spirit of the people, while it 
extended their legal securities. The barons of Edward 
the First had no scruples as to repelling, in the 
most positive language, the claim of supremacy 
set up at Eome in the dispute about the crown of Scot- 
land ; ^ and his Statute of Mortmain was an efficient 
measure of protection against priestly and monkish cu- 
pidity. 

National revolutions, religious or political, are never 
sudden. When they appear to have been so, it is because 
the agencies that had been preparing them have been at 
work, where they are most powerful, beneath the surface. 

1 Tlie larger and better portion of III. 42, 328.) There were married 

the clergy had wives in the reign of priests in England as late as the fif- 

Henry the First, and this with the mon- teenth century. (Wilkins, Concilia, 

arch's approval. (Lyttelton, History #f III. 277.) 

the Life of King Henry the Second, 2 Eymer, Foedera, H. 873. 



1301. 



III.] PURITANISM IN ENGLAND. 103 

A mine does swifter execution than a battery, and takes 
more time to construct. The English mind, in the first 
three centuries after the Norman Conquest, was Discontent 
not eminently apt for speculation of any sort ; but ^alticai" °' 
it had had some training to practical wisdom, and ''^'''^'■ 
its constitutional love of reality and right had not been 
broken down. The movement connected in history with 
the name of WickliiFe had its origin in the reflections and 
resentments of earlier times. The scandal and discontent 
occasioned by priestly and monastic licentiousness and 
arrogance had naturally been aggravated by the jealousy 
felt by Englishmen of Continental interlopers. A palpa- 
ble cause of oflence was supplied when it was known that 
year by year immense sums were drawn from England 
into the cofiers of Italian ecclesiastics.-^ The local clergy, 
who bore a large share of the burden, themselves sympa- 
thized in the disaffection. The rough hand of Edward 
the First redressed some of the existing abuses. The 
hostility to church usurpation excited by his courageous 
policy was strong enough to live through the distractions 
which followed in the reign of his son. And the spirit of 
the nation had been raised to its highest tone by the vic- 
tories of Edward the Third in France, when 

- 1 n 1 Wickliffe. 

Wickliffe came forward to direct agamst the false 
doctrine of the Church of Rome the indignation which 
had been provoked by its rapacious and domineering prac- 
tice. The circumstances and sentiments of the time se- 
cured him a hearing. Rather, the time had educated 
him to utter its own voice. 

With all his energy and talent, "Wickliffe, like Cranmer 
in later times, was not more the leader than the follower 
of the king, court, and people, in the movement which 
is called by his name. He was still an obscure young 
scholar at Oxford when the famous Statute of 
Provisors asserted for the English Church, in an 

1 Matthew Paris, Historia, I. 666 - 668, 698 - 702. 



104 HISTOKY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

important particular, independence of the see of Rome.-^ 
He was known only for the courage with which he had 
conducted a local controversy with some monks, when, on 
a demand from the Pope for an annual tribute which had 
been promised by King John, the Lords and Commons in 
Parliament, in the fortieth year of Edward the 
Third, unanimously disallowed the claim, and 
pledged to the monarch the resources of the nation " to 
resist and withstand, to the utmost of their power." ^ A 
tract published by Wickliffe on the question, while it 
presently made him famous, had its influence on his sub- 
sequent career. Like Luther afterwards, by increasing op- 
position he was impelled to extended inquiries, and by 
these to new discoveries and convictions. Determined by 
political considerations, the favor of the court harmonized 
with that good-will of the people which is sometimes won 
by a bold assault upon social wrong ; and Wickliffe went 
on for ten years in a course of study and of controversy, 
which brought him with each succeeding year to a wider 
departure from the orthodox standard. He asserted the 
sufficiency of the Scriptures as a rule of faith. He denied 
the Pope's supremacy, the real presence in the eucharist, 
the validity of absolution and indulgences, and the merit 
of penance and monastic vows. He protested against 
the ecclesiastical ceremonies, festival days, prayers to 
saints, and auricular confession. Finally, he denounced 
the canonical distinction between priests and bishops, and 
the use of set forms of prayer. --■■ '■- 

Wickliffe had found an effectual security in the friend- 
ship of John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, who, in his 
father's declining years, had administered the kingdom. 
With the fall of that prince from power at the accession 
of his young nephew, the Eeformer was thrown more 
upon the protection of the people, the native clergy, and 
the Parliament ; a defence which did not fail him, though 

1 Parliamentary History of England, I, 118. 2 ibid., 130, 



III.] PURITAMSM IN ENGLAND. 105 

his occasional timidity gave painful indications that he 
did not properly confide in its steadiness. The House of 
Commons, by a large majority, threw out a bill 
to suppress his translation of the Bible.^ The 
University of Oxford sustained him in his refusal to ap- 
pear before the primate to answer to a charge of heresy. 
A bill which had passed the Lords, requiring sheriffs to 
execute process issued by the bishops against heretics, 
was lost in the Lower House. And a yet more signifi- 
cant step was taken, when, unwillingly yielding to a pe- 
tition from the Commons, King Richard revoked the 
licenses which, on the failure of the proposed law, he 
had granted to the bishops for the same purpose. 

Meanwhile, Wickliffe's numerous writings, many of 
them in the English tongue, circulated everywhere, and 
were read with avidity by all sorts of people.^ There was 
no doubt of the tendency of opinion in England towards 
religious reform. Nor was its leader even now without 
support from the most exalted personages. Among his 
friends, if not thoroughly his disciples, were the queen, 
and the king's mother, widow of the Black Prince. The 
recent Great Schism in the Church, occasioned by the dis- 
puted papal election, had already been not without effect 
in weakening the Church's hold on the reverence of the 
faithful. There had begun to be an English literature, 
and it was on "Wickliffe's side. Piers Ploughman's 

Vision^ Tale, and Crede are full of satire on the super- 

• 

1 " The whole Bible was long before 2 " j^g a writer of those times tells 

his [Wickliffe's] days by virtuous and us, when you met two persons upon 

well learned men translated into the the road, you might be sure that one of 

English tongue, and by good and godly them was a Lollard." (Gilpin, Life of 

people with devotion and soberness well John Wickliffe, p. 54.) The ifs of his- 

and reverently read." (Sir Thomas tory are insoluble; but it seems as if, 

More, Dialogues concerning Heresyes, had the life of Edward the Third been 

&c., Book m. Chap. IV.) Some Eng- prolonged, or had his eldest son sur- 

llsh versions of the Psalms made before vived to come to the throne, the Eng- 

■ Wickliffe's time are still preserved in hsh Reformation might have had an 

manuscript. (Wickliffe's Bible, edit, earlier date, and have proceeded more 

Oxford, 1850, Preface, ill. -vi.) wisely and more radically. 



106 HISTOKY OE NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

stitions of the Church and the lives of the clergy.^ Chau- 
cer, courtier as he was, is believed to have been Wick- 
liiFe's personal friend. Nothing could have better served 
the Eeformer's purpose than that free dealing of the poet 
with the Church, the clergy, and the friars, which at the 
same time indicated and influenced the direction of the 
cultivated intelligence of England.^ 

Through many dangers and some shifts, WicklifFe 

reached the peaceful end of a life of sixty years. 

The chord which he had not struck alone, but 
only with an eminently cunning hand, did not cease to 
vibrate when his touch was withdrawn. It was nine 

years after his death when the Statute of Pramu- 

1393. 

iiire prohibited under heavy penalties the bring- 
ing of papal bulls into the kingdom for the translation of 
bishops and for other specified purposes. 

The influence of the court took a different direction, 
Religious when the unsteady throne of an unlineal house 
Lai7as°tri?n Toquired to be propped by the spiritual power. 
kings. j^^ j^-g accession, Henry the Fourth thought it 
prudent to make proclamation that he would protect the 
ecclesiastical unity and purity against the Lollards; and 
one of the first acts of his legislation, visiting her- 

1403. . , ° . , . . 

esy with severe penalties, testified the variance in 

1 A passage In the Vision (w. 6217 of these songs, in Latin, (pp. 27 and 
-6263) is a sort of prophecy of the 44,) belonging to the beginning of the 
Eeformation. thirteenth century, a song in Norman 

2 Chaucer's treatment of this subject French (p. 137) of a Httle later period, 
may be one feature of his imitation of and a poem (p. 323) " on the evil times 
his masters, the Trouveres. But it of Edward II.," written in the begin- 
cannot the less be regarded as a re- ning of the reign of his son, may be 
flection of a style of thought of those referred to as characteristic specimens. 
Englishmen for whom he wrote. The Of the collection of poems attributed 
reader who is curious to know how the to Mapes, the editor says (xxi.), "They 
poets dealt with the clergy in those are not the expressions of hostility of 
days will do well to look also at the one man against an order of monks, 
Latin poems of Walter Mapes of the but of the indignant patriotism of a 
twelfth century, and at Wright's Politi- considerable portion of the English na- 
cal Songs, published, as were Mapes's tion against the encroachments of eccle- 
poems, by the Camden Society. Two siastical and civil tyranny." 



III.] PUEITANISM IN ENGLAM). 107 

his opinions, or in his politics, from those of his father.^ 
In the following reign, Lord Cobham forfeited his high 
favor at court by avowing in the royal presence his convic- 
tion that the Pope was " the great Antichrist foretold in 
Holy Writ," and ultimately paid the price of his heroism 
at the stake.^ In the infancy of the "meek usurper" 
who next succeeded, an idle vengeance was taken by 
the burning of the great Reformer's bones. But it was 
not without strenuous opposition from a watchful House 
of Commons that any one of the three Lancastrian Henrys, 
father, son, and grandson, studied to win ecclesiastical 
support by encroachments on the liberties of English- 
men. 

The period of the Wars of the Roses was too much 
agitated with military violence and political vicissitudes 
to permit questions of religion to retain their recent prom- 
inence in the public view. But the Church did not fail 
to derive advantage from a perilous juncture of affairs 
which tempted both parties to court its favor; and the 
crafty prince who inaugurated the new dynasty took 
care not to hazard the displeasure of the priest on whose 
bull he relied to heal his defective title. Meanwhile the 
seed planted in earlier times had not perished, but shot 
firm root in a congenial soil ; and when the self-will of 
Henry the Eighth dictated the secession from Rome, the 
movement was sanctified and secured by an honest re- 
ligious sense widely difi'used among his subjects. 

The reformation from Popery in England would not 

1 This act provided that, upon sen- Cobham as having had a principal hand 
tence against heretics by the bishop or in giving stability to the opinions he 
his commissary, the mayors, sheriffs, or embraced. He showed the world that 
bailiffs should " in some high place reUgion was not merely calculated for a 
burn them to death before the people." cloister, but might be introduced Into 
This was the first law for burning In fashionable life ; that it was not below 
England. There Is much doubt, how- a gentleman to run the last hazard 
ever, whether It ever had the assent of In Its defence." (Gilpin, Life of Lord 
the Commons. Cobham, p. 153.) 

2 " We cannot but consider Lord 



108 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND, [Chap. 

be properly described as the work of the king and court. 
What that resolute monarch might have done 

The refor- ° 

mationfrom in the facc of obstaclcs greater than actually 
confronted him, it would be bootless to inquire. 
But the principle of more considerable changes than those 
which took place under his auspices had long been ger- 
minating. Nothing came to the birth in the sixteenth 
century that had not lain m embryo, in Wickliffe's time, 
under the common heart of England.-*^ 

When, after the convulsions which swept the house of 
Tudor to the throne, affairs had settled into their former 
channel, the Commons moved sooner than the king. 
When the second monarch of that line wrote the book 
against Luther which earned for the sovereigns of Eng- 
land the title of " Defender of the Faith," his immediate 
aim was the security of his own subjects against the 
spreading heresy to which he saw them earnestly in- 
clined. Eight years later, when the impediments thrown 
by Rome in the way of his divorce had prepared him for 
a different policy, the action of Parliament in 

1530. , . -, . 

passing several bills unfriendly to the clergy^ in- 
dicated the temper on which he could rely in that quarter, 
should he resolve to pursue his quarrel with the Pope; 

and an enactment which cut oif a large source of 

1532. ° 

supply to the Papal treasury from the English 
Church, and commanded disregard of any censures with 
which the Pontiff might resent that measure, afforded 
further proof of the determined spirit which had been 
aroused. Parliament readily seconded, or anticipated, the 
king's wishes in prohibiting appeals to Pome in 
cases belonging to the jurisdiction of the eccle- 
siastical courts; m subjecting monasteries to his 
visitation ; in providing for the appointment and 

1 That important work, Froude's (Chap VI.) the state of religious senti- 

" History of England from the Fall of ment in England before the Reforma- 

Wolsey," &c., published since this chap- tion. 

ter -was -written, luminously exhibits 2 Parliamentary History, I. 507. 



m.] PUKITANISM IN ENGLAND. 109 

institution of bishops without the Papal sanction ; ^ and 
in other measures of similar import and of equal bold- 
ness. The clergy generally were not behind the rest of 
the people in zeal for these reforms. And when alle- 
giance to Rome was sundered by the act of Parliament 
which declared the sovereign of England to be the head 
of her Church, the popular sympathy and approval sus- 
tained that momentous measure. 

In looking back upon these events, it is unavoidable to 
see that, in the public sentiment which preceded, accom- 
panied, and was stimulated by the emancipation from the 
authority of Rome, one great element was the desire to 
become acquainted with, and to be directed by, the sincere 
truth of the Gospel. But it is no matter of surprise, if 
the politicians about the throne neither strongly symj)a- 
thized with this desire, nor knew how to estimate its 
force. For one who regarded the passing change from 
the point of view of Cranmer, the king's most trusted 
counsellor, the policy of that eminent prelate was not dis- 
honest. To conciliate all sorts of men to the new order 
of things was a reasonable and a rightful aim ; and if he 
erred in overrating the continued influence of the Romish 
Church on the public mind, and the consequent impor- 
tance of obtaining favor by as large concessions to the 
Romish doctrine and ritual as would be consistent with 
the practical reforms accounted indispensable, the error 
was a natural incident of the prejudices of a churchman's 
education. At all events, relief from the control and the 
exactions of the Papal See was substantially all that was 
obtained, in the reign of Henry the Eighth, in the way 
of religious reformation. 

In the last years of that reign, the reformation re- 
ceded rather than stood still ; but the severity of the laws 
found necessary to keep it in check shows the restlessness 
and wide difi'usion of the impatience for further reform. 

1 Parliamentary History, I. 624-527. 
VOL. I. 10 



110 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

A royal edict, registered by the Convocation, declared 
the real presence in the consecrated elements, 

1536. . ^ „ 

and the obligation of penance, of auricular con- 
fession, of the invocation of saints, of the use of images, 
and of the ecclesiastical vestments and observances in 

general. The Statute of the Six Articles con- 

1540. 

demned to forfeiture of estate, and to death by 
burning, whosoever should deny the doctrine of transub- 
stantiation ; and denounced imprisonment and confisca- 
tion for the first off"ence, and death for the second, against 
such as should "in word or writing speak against" the 
celibacy of the clergy, the communion in one kind, vows 
of chastity, private masses, or auricular confession.^ A 
later law forbade the using or keeping, in the 
king's dominions, of the Scriptures in Tindal's 
recent translation, and of " all other books contrary to 
the doctrine set forth" in a Body of Divinity published 
by royal authority under the title of " The Erudition of a 
Christian Man."^ " All spiritual persons who preached or 
taught contrary to the doctrine set forth in that book," 
were for the first off"ence to be permitted to recant ; for 
the second, they were to bear a fagot ; and for the third, 
to be burned.^ 

Nor was it left doubtful whether the brutal king meant 
to execute his heinous threats. A gentleman named Bain- 
ham, accused of Lutheran opinions, after being scourged 
and put to the rack under the eye of Sir Thomas More, 
was burned at Smithfield. Bilney, a jDriest, expiated the 
same offence by the same fate. Three hurdles conveyed 
to the place of execution each a Catholic and a Protestant, 
the former to be hanged for adherence to the supremacy 

1 Parliamentary History, I. 538-540, "a select number" of clergymen, act- 
— Burnet, History of the Eeformation, ing " by virtue of a commission from 
I. 259, edit. 1681. — Cranmer -was at the king confirmed in Parliament." 
first strongly opposed to this ferocious (Ibid., 286.) 

measure. (Ibid., 265.) 3 ibid., 322. Parliamentary History, 

2 This was a fruit of the labors of I. 557. 



in.] PURITANISM IN ENGLAND. HI 

of E-ome, the latter to be burned for dissent from its doc- 
trines. The second year preceding the death of Henry, 
Ann Askew suffered at the stake for a denial of transub- 
stantiation. 

The strong tendency of thought in England towards 
a reformed religion, embarrassed as it was in its natural 
progress, had still been materially developed by the events 
of this reign. Whatever had been left undone or ad- 
versely done, emancipation from the Papal sway had been 
attained. The accession of Edward the Sixth 

1 1*1 /^ ' 1 T ^ ^ Progress of 

opened a brighter prospect. Gruided by those thereforma- 
calculations which, under the most absolute gov- Sgnof '^ 
ernments, politicians never fail to make of the g||X"^*''^ 
direction of the popular sentiment, and assured by 
their reliance on the devout Protestant inclinations of the 
child in whose name they ruled, the Duke of Somerset 
and his coadiutors proceeded confidently with a 

1547. 

different work from any in the contemplation of 
the late monarch ; and under their better auspices the 
reformation became too strong to be overcome by the 
stakes and scaffolds of the one, or the corrupting state 
caresses of the other, of the next two following reigns. 

The thunder of the SLv Articles was permitted to die 
away. Prisoners for heresy were set at liberty, and fugi- 
tives wfjre allowed to return from the Continent. Church 
images were destroyed. Preaching, which had fallen much 
into disuse, was revived. The Bible in English was placed 
in every church. Before the close of the new king's first 
year, bills were passed directing the dispensa- 
tion of both elements of the eucharist to the 
laity, and repealing the penal laws against the 
Lollards and the Statute of the Six Articles. 
Soon followed the important step of providing 1559. 
for the uniformity of public worship by requiring ^p'^'^- 
all ministers to use the liturgy which had been prepared 
under the superintendence of Cranmer, the same substan- 



112 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

tially which guides the devotions of the Church of Eng- 
land at the present day.^ Altars, incense, candles, and 
holy water were condemned, as instruments of a super- 
stitious worship. The use of the ecclesiastical habit — 
the rochet, the cape, and the surplice — was still required. 
The conflicts of great principles have often taken their 
^ . , shape from seeminsjly trivial occasions. The 

Question of -■- '-> •> 

clerical cos- qucstiou rcspectiug clerical costume, destined to 
dismember the Protestant Church of England, 
came forward into prominent importance during this 
reign. The advocates of uniformity in sacred habiliments 
maintained that it contributed to the seemliness and de- 
cency of public worship ; that unnecessary departures 
from the practice of the Romish Church were inexpedient, 
as giving needless displeasure to its friends ; and that only 
a factious temper, which deserved no indulgence, could 
oppose the will of rulers in respect to a matter so indif- 
ferent. On the other hand, it was contended that in the 
popular mind the clerical habit was intimately associated 
with the idolatry of Rome; that it was represented by 
the priests, and believed by their dupes, to be essential 
to the efficacy of the public prayers and ordinances ; that 
it was part and parcel of the mischievous machinery of 
the mass; and that a Christian minister owed it to the 
simplicity and godly sincerity which became his vocation 
to abstain from all that might implicate him as a sharer 
in such imposture. John Hooper, appointed 
Bishop of Gloucester, resolved to decline the pro- 
motion sooner than submit to the dishonor of clothing 
himself in the episcopal robes. His abilities and popular- 
ity were such that the episcopate could ill spare him. 
The young king would have had him indulged ; but the 
pertinacity of Cranmer and Ridley was not to be over- 
come. They plied their impracticable brother with argu- 
ment. They put him in gaol. At length, by alternate 

1 Parliamentary History, I. 593, 594. 



III.] PUKITANISM IN ENGLAND. 113 

severity and persuasion, lie^ was induced so far to abate 
his scruples as to consent to wear the habit of his order 
at his consecration, and once afterwards in preaching at 
court. This done, he put it on no more. And his exam- 
ple was presently followed with impunity by some bishops, 
and by numbers of other clergymen. 

The course of a man like Hooper, taken with such 
deliberation, is not hastily to be set down as irrational, 
even had it not been, as it was, pertinaciously defended 
and followed by thousands of calm and single-hearted men 
in his own and in later times. The association Avhich 
in their minds connected a dress with a principle or senti- 
ment has become faint.^ The vital point of honor and con- 
science that belonged to it now attaches to other things. 
But it is impossible correctly to judge the obligations and 
necessities of one age by the circumstances and views of 
another. Undoubtedly honest minds might determine 
differently the question which was soon to divide the state 
Church and the Non-conformists. But as certainly the 
doctrine of the Puritans concerning the connection and 
mutual influences between forms and opinions, so far 



1 A sentiment deteniiined tlieircourse, sooner have received each others' swords 
more cogent than all the learned ar- into their bosoms than have exchanged 
gument they expended on its defence, their decorations. A national flag is a 
A man of honor will not be bribed to few square yards of coarse bunting ; 
display himself in a fool's cap ; — yet but associations invest it, which touch 
why not In a fool's cap as soon as in whatever is strongest and deepest in 
any apparel associated in his mind, and a nation's character. Its presence com- 
In the minds of those whom he respects, mands a homage as reverential as that 
with the shame of mummery and false- which salutes an 'Indian idol, and tor- 
hood ? To these men the cape and sur- rents of blood of brave men have age 
pllce were the livery of Rome. They after age been poured out to save it from 
would not put on the uniform of that affront. Tlie putting off of the surplice 
hated power, while they were marshal- was as much the fruit and the sign of 
ling an array of battle against its ranks, the great reality of a religious revolu- 
An officer, French, American, or Eng- tlon, as a political revolution was be- 
lish, would be outraged by the proposal tokened and effected when the cross of 
to be seen In the garb of a foreign ser- St. George came down from over the 
vice. The wearers respectively of the fortresses along fifteen degrees of the 
white and of the tricolor cockades would North American coast. 
. 10* 



114 HISTOKY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

from being fanciful or fastidious, had foundations as deep 
as anything in moral truth or in human nature. In- 
deed, it did but recognize that very principle of intel- 
lectual association on which the rulers of the Church 
had proceeded in introducing the occasion of the dis- 
pute. 

On the one side in this contest were statesmen desiring 
first and mainly the order and quiet of the realm. On 
the other side were religious men desirous that, at all 
hazards, God might be worshipped in purity, and served 
with simplicity and zeal. It is easy to understand the 
perplexities and alarms of the former class, but the per- 
sistency of their opponents is not therefore to be accounted 
whimsical and perverse. It is impossible to blame them 
for saying : " If a man believes marriage to be a sacrament 
in the sense of the popes and councils, let him symbolize 
it by the giving of a ring ; if he believes in exorcism by 
the signing of the cross, let him have it impressed on his 
infant's brow in baptism ; if he believes the bread of the 
eucharist to be God, let him go down on his knees before 
it. But we believe nothing of the kind, and, as honest 
men, we will not profess so to believe by act or sign any 
more than by word." Theirs was no struggle against the 
Church, but against the State's control over it. The State 
proved, for the time, too strong for those who truly repre- 
sented the Church's will. In the next century their turn 
of transient victory came. In the revolutions of thought 
which have followed each other, the ancient ensigns and 
emblems have well-nigh lost the significance which enabled 
them to stimulate a stubborn contest; and now we are 
tempted to wonder at a pertinacity which in its time was 
as considerate as it was inflexible. 

The arrangement by which the Princess Mary succeed- 
AcceRsionof ^d to tho throuo, involved a singular mixture of 
aueenMary. ^]^g popular aud tho despotic elements of author- 
ity. Irrespective of the question concerning her legiti- 



Ill] PURITANISM IN ENGLAND. 115 

macy, which the fluctuating decisions of the tribunals had 
rendered practically insoluble as a question of law, her 
title was founded on the testamentary settlement of her 
father, which settlement he had been empowered by act 
of Parliament to make. . Henry the Eighth had be- 
queathed his kingdom as if it had been personal prop- 
erty, but the Peers and Commons had consented that he 
should so bequeath it ; if, on the one hand, there was an 
amazing departure on the side of prerogative from the 
principle of hereditary right, there was a no less striking 
deflection from it, on the other, towards the notion of a 
discretion vested in the Estates in respect to the succes- 
sion of the crown. Edward had no such sanction for the 
settlement by which, in his will, he gave the monarchy of 
England to Lady Jane Grey. If, with the existing feelings 
of Englishmen respecting the indefeasible character of the 
royal dignity, the young legatee had had any chance of 
being established on the throne, it was forfeited by the 
extreme unpopularity of the Duke of Northumberland, 
her champion. To add to the complications of the time, 
the regard entertained in the Protestant circles for Ann 
Boleyn, and now transferred to her daughter, Elizabeth, 
prevented a concentration of the Protestant interest in sup- 
port of Lady Jane ; for the settlement of Edward, which 
set aside the claims of the Princess Mary, disposed in the 
same manner of those of his younger sister, whom, had it 
taken effect, it would have placed for ever out of the line 
of succession. 

Mary promised the Suffolk malecontents, who were 
mustering for resistance, that she would " make no altera- 
tion in religion." When her prospect brightened, 1553. 
she still assured the Council, that, " though her '^"^- ^~- 
conscience was settled in matters of religion, yet she was 
resolved not to compel others but by the j)i'eaching of 
the word." Under these circumstances, there seemed no 
course open to her Protestant subjects but to submit 



116 HISTOEY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

tliemselves to her goyernment, and hope the hest from 
her mdulgence and her integrity. When such hopes were 
Her hard clolefully frustratod, the time of oppression was 
treatment of not long cnough to admit of organizing the 

means of redress. Tlie disastrous failure of the 
ill-concerted and ill-conducted insurrection in Kent helped 
to establish the queen's authority. Some time was neces- 
sary to discover that no mercy was to be expected at her 
1554. hands. Her marriage soon followed her acces- 
juiy 7. g^Qj^ , ^^-^^ when it became probable that she would 
be childless, the hope of a better order of things, naturally 
becoming identified with the hope of the succession of 
Elizabeth, many years her junior, repressed the idea of 
obtaining relief by any hazardous proceedings. An easy 

or terrified Parliament rescinded at a single blow 

all the laws respecting religion which had been 
passed in the last reign. ^ The history of Protestantism 
in England under Queen Mary is the history of the sufier- 
ings of its confessors. Nearly three hundred persons, 
among them five bishops, were burned ; imprisonments 
and confiscations followed one upon another ; numbers of 
dissentients sought safety in exile, and those who remained 
at home were reduced to silence. Members of the Lower 
House were fined for absenting themselves from Parlia- 
ment, where they could not with good conscience pro- 
mote the policy of the court, and could not with safety 
oppose it. At length this shocking misrule, having lasted 
1558. more than five years, was brought to an end by 
N°^-^^- Queen Mary's death. 
The accession of the younger daughter of Henry the 

Eighth revived the policy of that monarch, with 

Accession of ^ 

Queen Eiiz- somo uiodificatious, due less to any difference in 

the character of the new sovereign than to the 

altered condition of the times. The temper of EKzabeth 

was as absolute as her father's, and she had, on the most 

1 Parliamentary History, I. 609, 610. 



III.] PURITANISM IN ENGLAND. 117 

favorable estimate, a scarcely better sense of religious con- 
siderations as overruling those of politics. But England 
was no longer protected, as in Henry's time, by friendly 
relations with the Continental powers. The most impor- 
tant of those relations which lately subsisted had been 
just severed by the death of the queen at once of Eng- 
land and of Spain, and England had but herself to rely 
upon in a critical conjuncture of affairs. The Protestant 
interest in that country had been acquiring strength, by 
reason both of the natural progress of the sentiment of 
reform, and of disgust at the cruelties of the late reign. 
And the queen's maternal parentage and early associations 
implied influences neutralizing those influences of per- 
sonal temperament which inclined her to the pageantry 
and despotism of Rome. 

Her long reign began with the restitution of the Prot- 
estant order of things by a re-enactment of the laws con- 
cerning religion which had been passed in her brother's 
time. Presently followed the two memorable statutes de- 
nominated the Act of Supremacy and the Act of Umform- 
ity ; — the former requiring of ecclesiastics and 
official laymen an oath of renunciation of the au- prenTacytnd 
thority, whether temporal or spiritual, of any for- fonJty!^"'' 
eiffn priest or prelate, and of recomiition of the ^^^^' 

c -*- ^ o May. 

sovereign's " supremacy in all causes ecclesiastical 
and civil " ; the latter forbidding all ministers to conduct 
public worship otherwise than according to the rubric, un- 
der the penalty of imprisonment for life for a third offence. 
Besides those Catholics who were punished by imprison- 
ment and forfeiture of estates, two hundred suf- The queen's 
fered death for their religion in this reign. Still :So'man- 
the queen's sympathies were to a great extent '""• 
with the professors of the old faith, and her resentments 
the strongest against those of her subjects who desired to 
subject it to the most thorough reform. She had an altar, 
with tapers and a crucifix, set up in her private chapel; 



118 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

she said prayers to the Virgin ; she censured a preacher 
for denying the real presence; and she lost no opportu- 
nity to express her displeasure at marriages of the clergy. 
At different places on the Continent, to which fugitives 
from the persecution of Mary had withdrawn, particularly 
at Frankfort on the Maine, Avhere Cox, afterwards Bishop 
of Ely, and John Knox, were the opposing champions, 
there had been a vehement discussion of the questions 
which divided such as were content with an establishment 
of religion like that of Henry the Eighth, from others 
who desired further reforms, and leaned to the simplicity 
of the institutions of Calvin. The dispute was transferred 
to England on the return of the exiles to their country 
after the accession of Elizabeth. The Puritans, as they 
had come to be called, resisted the impositions of the 
rubric as to the use of the cross in baptism, of the ring 
in marriage, of the kneeling posture at the communion, 
and especially of the ecclesiastical vestments. The cler- 
gymen eminent for character, ability, and learning were 
almost unanimously opposed to these observances,^ which 
accordingly seemed going fast into disuse, the neglect of 
them by officiating ministers being connived at by the 
rulers of the Church. A proposal for their formal 

1563. . . -^ -^ 

abolition was lost in the Lower House of Convo- 
cation by a majority of only one in a hundred and seven- 
teen votes, — a majority determined by the proxies of 
clergymen who had not heard the debate. 

1 "Except Arclibishop Parker Anglican establishment is ascribed." 

and Cox, Bishop of Ely, all the (Hallam, Constitutional History of Eng- 

most eminent churchmen, such as Jew- land, I. 188.) Even Whitgift, after- 
ell, Grindal, Sandys, Nowell, were In wards Archbishop of Canterbury, then 
favor of leaving off the surplice, and Lady Margaret Professor of Divinity at 
what were called the Popish ceremo- Cambridge, signed the remonstrance of 
nies. Whether their objections are to that University (November 26, 1565) 
be deemed narrow and frivolous or against the use of " the old popish hab- 
otherwise, it is inconsistent with veracity its." (Strype, Life of Archbishop Par- 
to dissemble that the queen alone was ker. Appendix, No. 39; comp. Strype, 
the cause of retaining those observances Annals of the Reformation, Vol. I. 
to which the great separation from the Chap. XLI.-XLIV.) 



III.] PUEITANISM IN ENGLAND. 119 

But upon this point the queen was resolute to allow no 
diversity and no freedom. Parker, the primate, was of 
the same mind ; — perhaps from conviction ; perhaps from 
the petulant pertinacity so natural to churchmen in high 
place ; possibly, as has been surmised, froin fear that, if 
the reform should proceed too far, his mistress would 
lapse into E-omanism. A royal proclamation re- Prociama- 

-t • p • , • I I ci tionforcon- 

quired uniiormity m peremptory terms. bum- fonnity. 
moned for contumacy before the Archbishop and ^^''^^ 
Grindal, their diocesan, thirty-seven London ministers out 
of ninety-eight, men distinguished among their fellows by 
gifts and graces, were suspended and deprived of their 
cures. Some of them having proceeded to collect their 
disciples for worship and the administration of 
the ordinances at Plumer's Hall, in London, the 
government broke up the meeting and sent fourteen or 
fifteen persons to gaol. 

The JSTon-conformists, however, had the good-will of not 
a few of the most powerful and trusted courtiers. Besides 
the prelates, most of whom scarcely disguised their re- 
spect for a course which they could not make up their 
minds to follow, no less considerable persons than the 
Earl of Leicester, Sir Nicholas Bacon, and Chief Justice 
Walsingham, either more or less favored their views, or 
were disposed to treat them with indulgence; and even 
Burleigh, whose ostensible place was by the primate's 
side, did not hesitate to express regret for his severity. 
So manifest was the imprudence of driving from the 
Church a large number of its most capable servants, and 
leaving it in the charge of ministers of doubtful fidelity 
to the Protestant cause, that the queen and her advisers 
shrank, for the moment, from the severe course on which 
they had entered. The more earnest spirits took advan- 
tage of this hesitation and inactivity. Cartwright, Profes- 
sor of Divinity at Cambridge, published a treatise 
against episcopacy and the royal supremacy in 



120 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

ecclesiastical matters, maintaining presbytery to be the 
original and only rightful form of church government. 
When the Thirty-Nine Articles of the Church, matured 
ten years before, were submitted to Parliament for ratifi- 
cation, the Puritan interest was so strong in that body, 
that the legal obligation of clergymen to subscribe the in- 
strument was limited to those parts of it which relate to 
the Christian faith and sacraments, the portions treating 
of church government and ceremonies being left without 
that security. 

The contest between Archbishop Parker and the Puri- 
tans, growing continually more acrimonious, and opening 
to the discontented party a wider range of inquiry and 
speculation, was terminated before long by the death of 
1575 that able prelate. The accession of Grindal to 
May 17. ^]-^g primacv, and of Sandys to the archiepiscopal 

Accession or -•■ •' • ■'••'- 

Archbishop see of York, both of whom proved to be men of 
moderate temper and principles, encouraged the 
friends of further reform ; and the danger of a Catholic 
succession in case of the queen's death deterred the Prot- 
estant statesmen from outraging a party to which the 
Protestant cause might presently have to look for defence, 
and which, counting its adherents and its well-wishers 
together, was now probably the most numerous, as it was 
certainly the most resolute and active, of the three parties 
into which Englishmen were distributed.^ 

At Grindal's death, the austere Whitgift was taken from 

1583. the cloisters of Trinity College, and from a nar- 

sept. 23. j,Q^^ a^^(j absolute rule over gownsmen, to be the 

Accession of ,, . 

Archbishop first peer of England, and governor of its Church. 
The appointment indicated the queen's resolution 
to keep terms with dissentients no longer. Whitgift had 
been formerly a friend of Cartwright, and lately a bitter 
adversary. Nothing could have been more welcome to 
him than the royal command to "take resolute order "^ 

1 Hallam, Constitutional History, 116. 2 Strype, Life of Whitgift, 121. 



III.] PUEITANISM IN ENGLAND. 121 

for enforcing the discipline of the Church, and the uni- 
formity established by law. And in the week of his 
consecration, he issued instructions to the bishops his severe 
of his province to forbid and prevent preaching, p'^o'^^edings. 
catechizing, and praying in any private family, in the 
presence of persons not belonging to it, and to silence 
all preachers and catechists who had not received orders 
from episcopal hands, or who refused or neglected to read 
the whole service, or to wear the prescribed clerical hab- 
it, or to subscribe to the queen's supremacy, the Thirty- 
Nine Articles, and the Book of Common Prayer. 

The Puritans had counted the cost. The queen and 
the new primate designed no vain threat, and in Whit- 
gift's first year two hundred and thirty-three ministers 
were suspended in six counties of the province of Canter- 
bury. By the Act of Supremacy in the first year of her 
reign, the sovereign had been authorized to appoint a 
" Court of High Commission," with povv^er " to visit, re- 
form, redress, order, correct, and amend all errors, her- 
esies, schisms, abuses, contempts, offences, and enormities 
whatsoever." That act recognized the head of the State 
as at the same time the head of the Church ; and the High 
Commission Court was the royal tribunal for legal admin- 
istration in ecclesiastical afiairs, as the courts in Westmin- 
ster Hall were for administration in matters of a civil 
nature. Whitgift received the queen's direction 
to put this tremendous engine of despotism into 
active service. 

Forty-four commissioners, of whom twelve were bish- 
ops, were empowered to take cognizance of all constitution 
offences against the Acts of Supremacy and Uni- commission 
formity ; to make inquisition respecting heretical ^°""' 
opinions, seditious books, contempts, conspiracies, false 
rumors or talks, and slanderous words and sayings, for- 
bidden by those acts ; to punish persons absenting them- 
selves from church; to deprive clergymen holding doc- 

VOL. I. 11 



122 HISTORY or NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

trines contrary to the Thirty-Nine Articles ; to examine 
suspected persons on oath ; to amend the statutes of col- 
leges, cathedrals, and schools ; and to exact and adminis- 
ter the oath of supremacy. Clergymen suspected of Puri- 
tanism were examined under oath by a series of questions, 
which Burleigh characterized as " so curiously penned, so 
full of branches and circumstances, as he thought the in- 
quisitors of Spain used not so many questions to compre- 
hend and to trap their preys." -^ But the prelate had the 
queen and the law on his side, and the cautious states- 
man's discontent effected nothing. By an "Act for the 
Punishment of Persons obstinately refusing to 
come to Church," it was provided that such as 
should absent themselves for a month, or dissuade others 
" from coming to church to hear divine service or receive 
the communion according as the law directs, or be present 
at any unlawful assembly, conventicle, or meeting, under 
color or pretence of any exercise of religion," should 
be imprisoned till they should make a prescribed decla- 
ration of conformity, and, in default of such declaration, 
should go into perpetual banishment, under penalty of 
death if they were found within the realm. The law of 
England declared England to be uninhabitable by Non- 
conformists. 

The public manifestation of Puritanism, as an. element 

in church politics, is properly enough considered to have 

taken place when Hooper refused to be conse- 

crated ni the ecclesiastical vestments, in like 

manner Non-conformity takes its date from the 

1563. 

refusal of Bishop Coverclale and other eminent 
churchmen to subscribe to the Liturgy and ceremonies. 
Separatism followed immediately after, when several of 
the deprived ministers, " seeing they could not 
Rise of Sep- havo thc Avord freely preached, and the sacra- 
ments administered without idolatrous gear, 

1 Strype, Life of Whitgift, 157, 160. 



III.] PUEITANISM IN ENGLAND. 123 

concluded to break off from the public churches, and 
separate in private houses."-^ 

This was schism, which Puritanism and Non-conformity 
alone were not. Four years before the appointment of 
Whitgift's High Commission Court, the great controversy 
of the time had assumed a new phase and made a further 
advance. Robert Brown, a man of honorable de- jjgo. 
scent, a clergyman of the diocese of Norwich, ^°''"' 

' OJ ' Brown 

took to travelling about the country, declaiming and the 

.. . 1^1 Brovviiists. 

agamst the disciplme and ceremonies oi the 
Church, and calling upon the people to come out and be 
separate, and not touch the unclean thing. In many 
places, he found ready listeners. After a long struggle, 
in the course of which, as he afterwards boasted, he had 
" been committed to thirty-two prisons, in some of which 
he could not see his hand at noonday," ^ he withdrew with 
some followers to Middleburg, in Zealand, where they es- 
tablished a conOTCffation. It was dissolved after 

^ " 1589. 

a few years, and Brown returned to England, 
where, perhaps under the influence of his relative. Lord 
Burleigh, he conformed to the Established Church, and' 
was beneficed. He fell into irregular habits, and died at 
an advanced age. He takes a place in history from his 
connection with a great religious movement, which he by 
no means originated, and which he did quite as much to 
prejudice as to promote. From him the rigid separatists 
from the Church of England, who advocated the inde- 
pendence of each Christian congregation in respect to all 
others, were nicknamed Brownists. 

The temper of the Archbishop, who survived the 
queen, was too stern, and the measures of the 

-*- Punishment 

High Commission Court were too energetic, to ofseparat- 
admit of opposition, except from such as were 
prepared for ruin. A fair proportion of such persons 
appeared. There were some capital punishments. Two 

1 Strype, Life of Parker, 242. ^ Marsden, History of the Early Puritans, 141. 



1588. 



124 HISTOKY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

men, named Thacker and Coppins:, were handed 

1583. . . J. ^. o^ t) 

for circulating a tract written by Brown ; the 
heroic John Udal died in prison, under sentence 

1590. in T • . 

of death lor a religious treatise indicted as a 
libel ;^ Barrow, a gentleman of Gray's Inn, and Green- 
wood and Penry, ministers of London, were condemned 

and executed for writings of the same descrip- 

1592 1593. 

tion, — the last-named for an unpublished com- 
position found among his papers. There were other in- 
stances of capital punishment for like transgressions, 
and many instances of long imprisonment and ruinous 
fines. But for the most part the ecclesiastical history 
of the last twenty years of Queen Elizabeth's reign re- 
cords only the suppression of open manifestations of dis- 
sent from the state Church, and the intelligent and steady 
growth of dissent in secret. The crisis of the 
Spanish war excited a universal ardor of loyalty, 
strongest among those in whom the anti-Catholic feeling 
was most intense, while in return it prompted all the 
gratitude and tenderness, towards all classes of a united 
people, of which the queen was capable. Her clemency, 
which had at no time gone beyond connivance, passed 
away, indeed, as soon as the worst of the danger was over ; 
and the most cruel legislative measure of her reign against 
Non-conformists was taken four years after the defeat of 
the Armada. But as she grew old, and the succession of 
a Presbyterian king was looked for, opposition and perse- 
cution both were checked; the former from anticipation 
of a peaceable relief from existing grievances, the latter 
from a salutary fear, on the part of courtiers, of the retal- 
iation which it might provoke.^ 

1 " A Demonstration of tlie Disci- Cross Street, London, I fell upon a 
pline which Christ hath prescribed in curious collection, in three manuscript 
his Word for the Government of the volumes, of old letters and various other 
Church in all Times and Places untill pieces. Among them are two papers 
the World's End." entitled, respectively, " Lamentable Es- 

2 In Dr. Williams's Library, in Eed- tate of the Ministers in Staffordshire," 



III.] 



PURITANISM IN ENGLAND. 



125 



In the progress through, the House of Commons of the 
act "for reducino: disloyal subiects to their obe- 

<=> J ^ 1593. 

dience," Sir Walter Raleigh had said, "I am 

afraid there is near twenty thousand Brownists in Eng- 



and " View of the State of the Churches 
iu Cornwall." The former is without 
date, but I believe there can be no 
hesitation about referring it to the latter 
half of the reign of Elizabeth. It con- 
sists of a full list of Staffordshire par- 
ishes, with the names and characters 
of their ministers attached. It closes 
with this summary : " So that there 
be 118 congregations which have no 
preacher, neither have had (for the 
most) now more than forty years; 
there be 18 congregations served by 
laymen, by scandalous, 40." " Lewd," 
" a bad liver," " of scandalous life," 
"very ignorant," "drunkard," " a com- 
mon drunkard," " a grievous swearer," 
" of a loose life," " a mere worldling," 
" a gamester," are entries continually 
occurring against the clerical names. 
One minister is " a weaver," having 
been " a gentleman's household servant 
many years " ; one is " very famous for 
his skill in gaming, and especially in 
bowling." The Cornwall record, which 
bears the date of 1586, has such descrip- 
tions of the clergymen named in it as 
these : " a man careless of his calling," 
" a very lewd man," " a dicer," " a very 
lewd fellow," " a pot-companion," " a 
good dicer and carder both night and 
day," " a common alehouse-haunter and 
gamester," " his conversation is most in 
hounds," " he was lately a serving-man." 
One is qualified as " a common dicer 
and burned in the hand for felony, and 
full of all iniquity " ; one is " the best 
wrestler in Cornwall " ; another, "a very 
bad man." Very few are favorably 
represented. The document does not 
furnish the means of ascertaining its 
history. But the particularity of its 
statements, in their appropriate columns, 
11* 



of the population of the places specified, 
the value of the cures, the names of 
patrons, &c., indicate that it was made 
by intelligent and responsible joersons. 
There is also a petition of the same 
period from the people of Cornwall to 
the Parliament " gathered together by 
the Queen's Majesty's appointment to 
look to the wants, to behold the miseries, 
the ruins, decays, and dissolutions of the 
Church of God and Commonwealth of 
tlie Ilealm of England." The petition- 
ers say : " V^^e have about eight score 
churches, the greatest part of which 
places is supplied by men who, through 
their ignorance and negligence, are 
guilty of the sin of sins, of the sin of 
soul-murder Some are forni- 
cators, some adulterers, some felons, 
bearing the marks in their hands for the 

same offence, some drunkards, 

some quarrellers, some spotted with 
whoredom, and some with more loath- 
some and abominable crimes than these." 
Such representations confirm the 
complaints which reach us from that 
time, through various channels, of the 
wretched provision which reinalned for 
the service of the churches, when hun- 
dreds of exemplary clergymen were 
displaced by the Act of Uniformity. 
I presume that they are to be connect- 
ed with the memorials which in 1584 
came up to the Privy Council, and in 
1586 to Parliament, from Lincoln, Kent, 
Oxford, Suffolk, Essex, Norfolk, Cam- 
bridge, and other counties, setting forth 
the mischief done by the enforcement 
of that act. (See Neal, History of the 
Puritans, Chap. VII. Marsden, 99,123, 
157, et seq.) According to Neal (His- 
tory of the Puritans, Chap. VII.), a 
" survey," laid at this time before Par- 



126 HISTOEY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

land." ^ Some of the principal Separatist ministers, with, 
companies of their followers, had withdrawn to Amster- 
Emigration ^lam and other cities of the United Provinces, 
to Holland, ^yjigj-e tho succcss of the insurrection against 
Spain had provided an asylum for Protestants. 

The accession of James the Sixth of Scotland to the 

throne of the sister kingdom was generally regarded 

jgo3_ as an event auspicious to the friends of re- 

Mavch. liwious reform, thouo-h the Catholics too were not 

Accession of c ^ o 

King James "witliout agreeable expectations from the son of a 
queen whose cause they had assiduously served 
through such a season of storms. He had been bred in 
the straitest sect of Calvinism and presbytery ; after com- 
ing to man's estate, he had subscribed the Book of Disci- 
pline of the Kirk ; in the disputations of which he was so 
fond, he had been the ostentatious champion of the most 
anti-prelatical dogmas of the Continental churches; and 
up to the mature age of thirty-six, at which he had now 
arrived, he had given little reason to suspect the sincerity 
of his professions of attachment to the religious settlement 
of his native kingdom.^ But his constitutional love of 

llament, represented that, "after twenty- tioned are entered in the Catalogue, if 
eio'ht years' estabhshment of the Church the memorandum which I made is cor- 
of England, there were only 2,000 rect, at page 14 (11). I am glad of an 
preachers to serve near 10,000 parish opportunity to express my gratitude to 
churches." The Privy Counsellors the estimable librarian, !Mr. Cogan, for 
were much disturbed, and remonstrated affording me every facility for the ex- 
with the primate in a paper bearing amination of the treasures in his charge, 
such signatures as those of Burleigh, l Townshend, Account of the Pro- 
Warwick, Hatton, Leicester, and Wal- ceedings of the Four Last Parliaments 
singham. (Strype,Lifeof Whitgift,16G.) of Queen Elizabeth, 76. 
But they wasted their labor. Elizabeth 2 Jn 1588, in a speech to the Scottish 
and Whitgift had their minds made up. Parliament, he said that " ho minded 
" Dr. Williams's Library " was found- not to bring in Papistical or Anglicane 
ed and endowed by Dr. Daniel Williams, bishops." In the General Assembly at 
a Presbyterian minister, who died in Edinburgh, in 1590, he praised God 
London in 1716. Its twenty thousand that he was "born in the time of the 
printed volumes, and nu,merous valua- light of the Gospel, and in such a place 
ble manuscripts, contain rich materials as to be king of such a Church, the sin- 

for the history of Non-conformity and cerest Church in the world As 

Dissent. The papers which I have men- for our neighbor Kirk of England, their 



III.] PUEITANISM IN ENGLAND. 127 

despotic rule, the idiocy of feeble, as it is the frenzy of 
strong minds, was forced at once into morbid activity by 
the sudden escape from restraints which at home had 
vexed him from his cradle. Perhaps a congenital obliqui- 
ty, due to the unnatural relation between his parents, 
may be assumed to explain and palliate the portentous 
absurdities of his character and career. It was by no 
means owing alone to a figure and presence singularly 
eifectual to excite contempt, that, invested when he left 
Scotland with an unbounded popularity on the part of 
his English subjects, he is said to have lost it all before 
he arrived at London. His impatience to play the tyrant 
brooked not the delay which would have made his fantas- 
tic tyranny appear less indecent.^ 

In his progress to the capital, he received the 3£iUena- 
ry Petition, signed by more than eight hundred TiieMiuena- 
clergymen belonging to twenty-five counties. It »y ^'^''tion. 
represented, that " neither as factious men affecting a 
popular party in the Church, nor as schismatics aiming 
at the dissolution of the state ecclesiastical, but as the 
faithful ministers of Christ and loyal subjects to his Ma- 
jesty, they humbly desired the redress of some abuses." 
In respect to the Church service, they prayed for a dis- 
continuance of the use of the cap and surplice, of the ring 
in marriage, of the cross in baptism, of the rite of con- 
firmation, and of the reading of the Apocryphal books; 
for an abridgment of the Liturgy, and a more edifying 

service is an evil-said mass in English. James had "thanked God that he had 

They want nothing of the mass but the settled both kirk and kingdom, and left 

liftings. I charge you, my good minis- them in that estate which he intended 

ters, doctors, elders, nobles, gentlemen, not to hurt or alter anyways." (Cal- 

and barons, to stand to your purity, derwood. History of the Church of Scot- 

and to exhort the people to do the land, 473.) 

same ; and I, forsooth, as long as I l " I hear our new king hath hanged 

brook my life, shall maintain the same." one man before he was tried. 'T is 

The Viaa-iXiKov Acopov indeed, printed strangely done. Now if the wind 

In IGOO, contains matter of a different bloweth thus, why may not a man be 

tenor. But it was little known ; and, tried before he has offended ? " (Har- 

on leaving Edinburgh for England, rington, Nugse Antlquas, I. 180.) 



128 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

style of sacred music; for a stricter observance of the 
Lord's day; and for dispensation from the observance of 
other holidays, and from the rule to bow at the name of 
Jesus. They asked that none but able men should be 
admitted to the ministry, and that ministers should be 
required to reside in their parishes and to preach on the 
Lord's day. They entreated to be relieved from all sub- 
scriptions except that required by law, which covered 
only the articles relating to doctrine and to the royal su- 
premacy. They proposed other measures of reform and 
security, but nothing adverse to the episcopal government 
as legally established. And they concluded by saying of 
the matters of which they complained : " These things we 
are able to show not to be agreeable to the word of God, 
if it shall please your Majesty to hear us, or by writing 
to be informed, or by conference among the learned to be 
resolved." 

The foolish king's first puerile elation at his great ad- 
vancement was not over, when he j)ublished a proclama- 

J603. tion " touching a meeting for the hearing and 
Oct. 24. £qj. ^Yie determining things pretended to be amiss 
in the Church." The friends of the existing ecclesiastical 
order had lost no time in approaching and studying him, 
and that they were installed in his confidence was made 
evident by the terms of the proclamation. He announced 
therein his persuasion, " that the constitution of the 
Church of England was agreeable to God's word, and 
near to the condition of the primitive Church " ; and he 
" commanded all his subjects not to publish anything 
against the state ecclesiastical, or to gather subscriptions 
or make supplications, being resolved to make it appear 
by their chastisement how far such a manner of proceed- 
ing was disagreeable to him; for he was determined to 
preserve the ecclesiastical state in such form as he found 
it established by law, only to reform such abuses as 
should be apparently proved." 



III.] PURITANISM IN ENGLAND. 129 

In the sad comedy of the conference held at the palace 
of Hampton Court, the km^ was chief actor. 

^ ' y, . The confer- 

The Puritan cause was represented by four mm- ence at 
isters, of whom the principal, Dr. Eeynolds, was coim."'' 
reputed to be unsurpassed in scholarship by any j^^^^^/'^q jg 
man in England. On the other side were nine 
bishops and eight other Church dignitaries. The re- 
quests presented by the ministers embraced four matters : 
" 1. That the doctrine of the Church might be preserved 
pure, according to God's word; 2. That good pastors 
might be planted in all churches, to preach in the same ; 
3. That the Book of Common Prayer might be fitted to 
more increase of piety; 4. That Church government 
might be sincerely ministered according to God's Avord." 
The first day's conference was between the king and a 
select party of the bishops and deans. Through the last 
two days the ministers were browbeaten by the coarse 
annoyance of Bancroft, Bishop of London, and insulted 
by the king with indecent jesting. 

The deportment of James on this occasion struck the 
High-Church spectators with joyful surprise. Whitgift, 
who, now past the age of threescore and ten, had left the 
chief management of his cause in younger hands, was 
impelled to exclaim, " Your Majesty speaks by the special 
assistance of God's spirit " ; and Bancroft fell upon his 
knees and said, " I protest my heart melteth for joy, that 
Almighty God, of his singular mercy, has given us such 
a king as since Christ's time ha§ not been." " No bishop, 
no king," was the apothegm in which the monarch ex- 
pressed at once the gratuitous fixedness of his determi- 
nation respecting the hierarchy, which was not assailed, 
and the nature of the argument which had satisfied his 
mind. As to indulgence to private consciences, " I will 
have," said he, " one doctrine, one discipline, one religion 
in substance and ceremony; never speak more to that 
point, how far you are bound to obey." He ended the 



130 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

second day's conference by telling Dr. Reynolds, " If this 
be all your party have to say, I will make them conform, 
or I will harry them out of this land, or else worse." The 
third day manifested no improvement of his temper or his 
manners. " I will have none of this arguing ; therefore 
let them conform, and that quickly too, or they shall hear 
of it ; the bishops will give them some time, but if any 
are of an obstinate and turbulent spirit, I will have them 
enforced to conformity." ^ In a letter to a Scottish friend, 
he boasted that he had " kept such a revel with the Puri- 
tans these two days, as was never heard the like ; where 
I have peppered them as soundly as ye have done the 
Papists They fled me so from argument to ar- 
gument, Avithout ever answering me directly, as I was 
forced at last to say unto them, that if any of them had 
been in a college disputing with their scholars, if any of 
their disciples had answered them in that sort, they would 
have fetched him up in place of a reply ; and so should 
the rod have plyed upon the poor boys."^ 

An edition of the Book of Common Prayer was pres- 
ently published, containing some trifling amendments, 
and accompanied by a proclamation in Avhich 

March 5. , , . . . 

the kmg required all his subjects to conform to 
the prescribed ritual and discipline, " as the only public 
form established in this realm," and admonished them not 

1 Barlo'w, Dean of Chester, printed other account of the Conference, by 

an account of the Hampton Court Con- Harrington (Nugte Antique, I. 181), 

ference. A copy is in the library of the royal buifoon appears to even 

Harvard College. Reynolds and liis greater disadvantage than in Barlow's. 

associates complained that it represent- " The king rather used ujjbraid- 

ed them unfairly. But there was much ings than argument, and told the pe- 

discontent among the Puritan ministers titioners that they wanted to strip 

at what they thought a timid and inef- Christ again, and bid them away with 

ficient defence of their cause. Some their snivelling The bishops 

of them, while they disputed the cor- said his Majesty spoke by the power 
rectness of Barlow's report, made known of inspiration. I wist not what they 
their desire for another hearing for rea- mean ; but the spirit was rather foul- 
sons which implied that that report was mouthed." Yet Harrington was a stout 
not altogether unjust. But no notice anti-Puritan, 
was taken of their proposal. In an- 2 Strype,LifeofWhitgift, App.No.46. 



ni.] PUEITANISM IN ENGLAND. 131 

to expect any further alterations, inasmuch as his resolu- 
tions were unchangeable. The proclamation was followed 
up by the committal to prison of ten of the subscribers 
of the Millenary Petition, and by a declaration of the 
Council, that " thus combining in a cause against which 
the king had showed his niislike, both by public act and 
proclamation, was little less than treason."^ 

In less than a year, the prospect had been completely 
chano;ed. The friends of religious reform in Ener- 

c . Gloomy proa- 

land had never seen so hopeless a time as that pectofthe 
which so soon lollowed the time or their most 
sanguine expectation. In the gloomiest periods of the 
arbitrary sway of the two daughters of Henry the Eighth, 
they could turn their eyes to a probable successor to the 
throne, who would be capable of more reason or more 
lenity. Now, nothmg better for them appeared in the 
future, than the probably long reign of a prince wrong- 
headed and positive alike from imbecility, prejudice, 
pique, and self-conceit, — to be succeeded by a line of 
others, born to the inheritance of the same bad blood, 
and educated in the same preposterous principles. It is 
true that, as history reveals the facts to us, almost with 
the reign of the Scottish alien that better spirit began to 
penetrate the English Parliament which ultimately drove 
his noxious family into perpetual exile. But, as yet, the 
steady reaction from old abuses was but dimly apparent 
even to the most clear-sighted and hopeful minds; and 
numbers of devout and brave men gave way to the con- 
viction, that, for such as they, England was ceasing for 
ever to be a habitable place, and were considering to what 
part of the world they might escape to secure freedom of 
belief and worship, and build up a community worthy 
of the English name. Many passed over at once to the 
Low Countries, while others for the present sought a 
precarious safety in concealment, and awaited a more 

1 Win-wood, Memorials of Affairs of State, &c., II. 3G, 48, 49. 



132 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. III. 

convenient season for some more effectual measure of 
relief. 

Six weeks after his great triumph at the Hampton 
Court Conference, Whitgift died, and Bancroft, Bishop of 
Bancroft Loudou, a uiau equally arbitrary, more enterpris- 
f/?ame!-'' ii^8' ^y I'eason of his fewer years, more sycophan- 
^^^- tic on the one hand and more offensive on the 

other, succeeded to the primacy. He at once followed 
up with unswerving rigor the advantage supplied by the 
king's conversion. In the convocation which soon after met, 
he procured a ratification of a Book of Canons ^ of 

1604. -^ . . 

his own composition. Its one hundred and forty- 
one articles embodied the loftiest pretensions of the Estab- 
lished Church, and submission to them was challenged 
under penalties of deprivation for the clergy, and excom- 
munication, imprisonment, and outlawry alike for clergy 
and laity. The number of Non-conformist clergymen in 
England and Wales at this time is believed to have ex- 
ceeded fifteen hundred. For further security against the 
spread of dissent, the importation of religious books from 
the Continent was prohibited, and printing in England 
was subjected to the censorship of the bishops. With 
such extreme jealousy was Non-conformist preaching re- 
garded, that a man made himself liable to fine and im- 
prisonment by repeating to his family the substance of 
sermons which he had heard, at church. Numbers more 
of recusant ministers were silenced or deprived;^ some 
were sent to prison ; and others escaped abroad. 

1 It was in these Canons that the the Churchmen in occnpying the ground 

divine right of episcopacy was first as- of Scriptural authority in defence of their 

serted in the English Church, having polity. 

been defended hitherto on the ground 2 Neal says, " above three hundred." 

of its being an orderly system, to the (History of the Puritans, II. 64. His- 

institution of which the authority of the tory of New England, I. 71.) See 

Church was competent. Cartwright also Calderwood, Altare Damascenum, 

and other Presbyterians had anticipated Prsef. 



CHAPTEE IV. 

Among the congregations of Separatists which, had 
been formed while dissension was active in the bosom of 
the Church, were two near the northeastern corner of 
Nottinghamshire. One was gathered at Gainsborough, 
just within the western border of the county of Lincoln. 
The other held its meetings at a village named congregation 
Scrooby,^ in Nottinghamshire, near to the point ^'^®"°"''y- 
where it touches the counties of Lincoln and York. Of 



1 For the recent discovery of this 
fact, whicli with its relations is so inter- 
esting, New England history is indebted 
to the Rev. Joseph Hunter, an assist- 
ant keeper of Her Majesty's Records. 
(Collections concerning the Church or 
Congregation of Protestant Separatists 
formed at Scrooby, &c. London, 1854.) 
Morton (New England's Memorial, Da- 
vis's edition, 1 7) and Mather (Magnalia 
Christi Americana, Book I. Chap. H. 
§ 1) had told no more than that the 
Ley den congregation came from " the 
North of England," except that Mather 
(Ibid., Book H. Chap. I. § 1) implies 
that they were of Yorkshire, and says 
that Bradford was born in " Ansterfield," 
a place which has been sought by some 
generations of New England antiqua- 
ries in vain, and in fact is not known in 
English geography. Prince (Chrono- 
logical History, 99), quoting from Brad- 
ford's History (afterwards lost and very 
lately recovered), described them as 
having " lived near the joining borders 
of Nottinghamshire, Lincolnshire, and 
Yorkshire " ; and according to a state- 
ment in a portion of Bradford's His- 
tory, preserved in the records of the 

VOL. I. 12 



Plymouth church (Young, Chronicles 
of the Pilgrim Fathers, 465), "they 
ordinarily met at his [Brewster's] house 
on the Lord's day, which was a manor 
of the bishop's." At Scrooby, in the 
hundred of Basset Lawe, a mile and a 
half southeast of the market town of 
Bawtry, Mr. Hunter finds that there 
was at that period a manor, " an ancient 
possession and occasional residence of 
the Archbishop of York," and " the only 
episcopal manor that was near the bor- 
ders of the three counties." In the As- 
sessment of Subsidies granted by Parlia- 
ment in 1571, he meets with a rate of 
" William Brewster, of the township of 
Scrooby cum Ranskil " ; and he leams 
that, in April, 1608, William Brewster 
and two others, "of Scrooby, Brown- 
ists or Separatists," were fined by the 
Commissioners for Ecclesiastical Causes 
for non-appearance to a citation. The 
missing " Ansterfield," the birthplace of 
Bradford, according to IMather, Mr. 
Hunter discovers at Ansterfield, — a 
village a mile or more northeast from 
Bawtry, on the other side of that town, 
— where the church books show the 
name Bradford to have been common 



134 



HISTOEY OF NEW ENGLAND. 



[Chap. 



this congregation, according to the division and nomen- 
clature of church offices which had come into use in the 
sect, Richard Clifton was Pastor and John Robinson was 
Teacher. "William Brewster was the most considerable 
private member. 

Clifton, who was fifty yeais old at the time 
of the queen's death, had seventeen years before 
been instituted to the rectory of Babworth, near 
Scrooby. At what time he withdrew, or was ejected, from 
his place in the Established Church, does not ap- 
pear. Of the early history of Robinson, nothing 



Richard 
Clifton. 

1586. 
July 11 



John Rob- 
inson. 



at that period, and record the baptism 
of William Bradford, son of William, 
as having taken place March 19, 1590. 
The demonstration is complete. The 
reading Ansterfield "was a mistake of 
the copyist or of the printer. If Math- 
er knew the true word, he had no op- 
portunity to correct the press, as he 
had his book printed in England. 

Morton (Memorial, 1) dates the ori- 
gin of the congregation in the last year 
of Queen Elizabeth, the same year 
when unconsciously Gosnold was ex- 
ploring for them a place of retreat. 
"In the year 1C02, divers godly Chris- 
tians of our English nation in the North 
of England, being studious of reforma- 
tion, and therefore not only witnessing 
against human inventions and additions 
in the worship of God, but minding 
most the positive and practical part of 
divine institutions, they entered into 
covenant with God and one with an- 
other in the enjoyment of the ordi- 
nances of God," &c. But Bradford says : 
"After they had continued together 
about a year, and kept their meetings 
every Sabbath in one place or other, 

they resolved to get over into 

Holland as they could, which was in the 
years 1*607 and 1608." In the margin 
of Dr. Young's edition of the extract 
from Bradford's History in the Plymouth 
church records, the date 1602 stands 



against the statement of the gathering 
of this congregation. But the manu- 
script has no such marginal entry. The 
editor added it, I suppose, on the au- 
thority of Morton. (See Young, Chron- 
icles of the Pilgrims, 22, note ; and see 
below, 135, note 1.) 

Austerfield is a hamlet of perhaps 
thirty brick houses, roofed with tiles. 
At least two of them look as if they had 
been standing in Bradford's time. The 
church, or " chapellerie," as its " Regis- 
ter Booke " calls it, is large enough to 
hold only a hundred and fifty persons. 
Part of it, at least, is as old as the thir- 
teenth century. It had no other than 
an earthen floor till the year 1835, and 
the oaken rail of the chancel is the 
same before which Bradford was held 
up to be baptized two hundred and sev- 
enty years ago. It has two bells, and 
is entered on one side under a Saxon 
arch, from a porch with stone benches, 
where it is natural for the visitor to 
imagine the New-England governor 
sitting when a boy, in the group of vil- 
lagers. The nearest way from Auster- 
field to Scrooby is by a path through 
the fields. Unnoticed in our history as 
these places have been till within a few 
years, it is likely that when, towards 
sunset on the 15th of September, 1856, 
I walked along that path, I was the first 
person related to the American Ply- 



IV.] THE FOUNDERS OF PLYMOUTH. 135 

is certainly known, except that he had lived at Norwich.^ 
Brewster — who "had attained some learning, viz. waiiam 
the knowledge of the Latin tongue, and some ^"^^^^s'". 
insight into the Greek, and spent some small time at 
Cambridge, and there been first seasoned with the seeds 
of grace and virtue" — at an early age "went to the court, 
and served that religious and godly gentleman, Mr. Davi- 
son, divers years when he was Secretary of State, who 
found him so discreet and faithful as he trusted him above 
all others that were about him, and only employed him in 
all matters of greatest trust and secrecy. He esteemed 
him rather as a son than as a servant, and for his wisdom 
and godliness in private he would converse with him more 
like a familiar than a master. He attended his master 
when he was sent in ambassage by the queen into the 
Low Countries (in the Earl of Leicester's time), 
as for other weighty affairs of state, so to receive 
possession of the cautionary towns." ^ 

mouth who had done so since Bradford says Robinson in a dedication of the 

trod it last before his exile. I slept in " People's Plea for the Exercise of 

a farm-house at Scrooby, and reconnoi- Prophecy" (Works, III. 287) to his 

tred that village the next morning. Its " Christian friends in Norwich and 

old church is a beautiful structure. At thereabouts." When Bradford says 

the distance from it of a quarter of that, " after they had continued together 

a mile, the dike round the vanished about a year, they resoh^ed to get 

manor-house may still be traced, and over into Holland, which was in 

a farmer's house is believed to be part the years 1607 and 1608" (see the last 

of the ancient stables or dog-kennels, note), he is perhaps to be understood 

In what was the garden is a mulberry- as reckoning from the time of their be- 

tree, so old that generations before ing joined by Robinson, whom he had 

Brewster may have regaled themselves mentioned just before. The minister 

with its fruit. The local tradition de- of Scrooby and of Leyden may have 

clares it to have been planted by Car- been the John Robinson who was ma- 

dinal Wolsey during his sojourn at the triculated at Christ College, Cambridge, 

manor for some weeks after his fall in 1592, and became a Fellow in 1598. 

from power. The property belongs to (Hunter, Collections ; comp. Mass. Hist. 

Richard Milnes, Esq., of Bawtry Hall. Coll., XXXI. 113.) A Memoir of 

There is a bridge over the Idle, at the him by Mr. Robert Ashton is prefixed 

place of a ford by which Bradford used to the edition of his works published 

to cross on his Sunday walk to Scrooby, in 1851 by the Congregational Union 

coming from Austerfield through Baw- of England. In respect to Robinson's 

try. early life, it is barren of facts. 

1 " Even as when I lived with you," ^ Bradford, History of Plymouth 



136 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

The conversation of Davison, who was one of the emi- 
nent Puritans of that time, may well have given a bias to 
the mind of his young dependent. When Davison had 
fallen into disgrace with the queen, in conse- 
quence of her simulated displeasure at his issue 
of a warrant for the execution of the Queen of Scots, 
Brewster appears to have retired to Scrooby, probably his 
birthplace; not, however, till he had remained with his 
patron " some good time after, doing him many faithful 
offices of service in the time of his troubles." Scrooby 
was a post-town on the ^reat road from London 

1594, April 1 ■»■ . " 

-1607, Sept. to the north, and there he held the office of post- 

30 . 

master, or, as it was then called, post, for sev- 
eral years.-^ Clifton's congregation " ordinarily met at his 

house on the Lord's day, and Avith great love he 

entertained them when they came, making provision for 
them to his great charge." Some such hospitality was 
the more needful, as they probably came together from 
considerable distances. William Bradford, one of 
Brewster's guests and fellow-worshippers, was a 



William 
Bradford, 



Plantation, 409, 410. This inestimable ford preserved by Morton and Prince, 
book, after being lost for nearly nine- led to the belief that it was Bradford's 
ty years, was found in 1855, in the lost History, which on examination it 
episcopal library at Fulham, and has proved to be. When Prince used 
since, through the kindness of the late it in 1736, it belonged to the library 
Bishop of London, been published by kept in the tower of the Old South 
the Massachusetts Historical Society, Church in Boston. In 1775, that church 
under the oversight of that A^ery ju- was occupied as a riding-school for the 
dicious and learned antiquary, Mr. British cavalry, and then it was, prob- 
Charles Deane. The manuscript was ably, that the book was taken away, 
known to have been used by Morton, and carried to England. 
Prince, and Hutchinson In the com- ^ Hunter, Collections, 65. In the 
position of their works. "What was its Postmaster-General's Office, Mr. Hun- 
fate after Hutchinson's publication of ter found memoranda of accounts with 
his second volume, in 1767, remained "William Brewster, post of Scrooby," 
unknown. In 1846, Bishop AVIlber- from April 1, 1594, to September 30, 
force. In his History of the Protestant 1607, at which time another person suc- 
Episcopal Church In America, referred ceeded him. How long Brewster had 
to a "manuscript history of the Plan- held the office before April, 1594, does 
tatlon of Plymouth In the Fulham not appear, as there Is no earlier record 
Library." The Identity of his quota- of the names of postmasters on that 
tions from It with language of Brad- route. 



IV.] 



THE EOUNDERS OF PLYMOUTH. 



137 



young man of decent condition and some little estate. 
Being of a feeble constitution, and left doubly an orphan 
in early childhood, he became precociously reflecting and 
wise; and the preaching of Mr. Clifton determined his 
character and his course of life.-"- 

The annoyances which, under Archbishop Bancroft's 
vigilant administration, distressed the Non-conformists in 
every part of England, became so intolerable to Resolution of 
this company of simple farmers, of whom few, cm,gregrt£i 
it is likely, had ever seen the sea, or till lately *« «''"'s''='te. 
learned anything of other countries, that at length they 
resolved on the sad expedient of expatriation. They 
heard that in the Low Countries religious freedom was 
allowed, and that some of their persecuted countrymen 
had there found a refuge ; ~ and there they determined to 
seek a new home.^ 



1 " When he was about a dozen years 
old, the reading of the Scriptures began 
to cause great impressions upon him ; 
and those impressions were much as- 
sisted and improved when he came to 
enjoy Mi-. Richard Clifton's illuminating 
ministry, not far from his abode." (Math- 
er, Magnalia, Book II. Chap. II. § 2.) 
It is not my intention to appeal to Math- 
er's authority in relation to any nice 
question of fact. But his opportuni- 
ties for information respecting Bradford 
were good, his maternal uncle, the sec- 
ond John Cotton, having been minister 
of Plymouth, and so pastor of Brad- 
ford's family. 

Babworth, where Clifton officiat- 
ed while attached to the Established 
Church, was nine or ten miles from 
Austerfield, and Bradford would j)ass 
through Scrooby in going thither. 

2 " Holland hath been a cage to these 
unclean birds." (Baylie, Dissuasive 
from the Errors of the Time, 8.) 

3 " Some were taken and clapped up 
in prison, others had their houses beset 
and watched night and day, and hardly 

12* 



escaped their hands ; and the most were 
fain to fly and leave their houses and 
habitations, and the means of their live- 
lihood Seeing themselves thus 

molested, and that there was no hope of 
their continuance there, by a joint con- 
sent they resolved to go into the Low 
Countries, where they heard was free- 
dom of rehgion for all men, as also how 
sundry from London and other parts of 
the land, that had been exiled and per- 
secuted for the same cause, were gone 
thither and lived at Amsterdam and 

other places of the land To go 

into a country they knew not but by 
hearsay, where they must learn a new 
language and get their livings they 
knew not how. It being a dear place 
and subject to the miseries of war, it 
was by many thought an adventure 
almost desperate, a case intolerable, 
and a misery worse than death; es- 
pecially seeing they were not acquaint- 
ed with trades nor traffic (by which the 
country doth subsist), but had only been 
used to a jilain country life, and the 
innocent trade of husbandry. But these 



138 HISTOKY OF KEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

But even this painful expedient they were not free to 
choose, and the design had to be prosecuted by stealth. 
Under color of a royal proclamation which had been 
obtained by Bancroft, forbidding the king's subjects to 
transport themselves to Virginia without his special li- 
cense, or under some other pretence, the embarkation of 
the Scrooby people was obstructed. A party of 
them chartered a vessel to receive them and their 
eifects near Boston in Lincolnshire, to which place they 
travelled by land fifty miles. The master did not keep 
his engagement, and when, " after long waiting and large 
expenses," they at last got on board, he betrayed them 
to " the searchers and other officers," who robbed them 
" of their money, books, and much other goods," " and 
then carried them back into the town, and made them a 
spectacle and wonder to the multitude." There they were 
kept in prison, till an Order of Council released most of 
them, while Brewster and six others were detained for 
trial.^ 

" The next spring after, there was another attempt 
made, by some of these and others." They agreed 
with a Dutch shipmaster to take them on board 
at a place on the Humber between Grimsby 
and Hull, thirty miles distant from their home. The em- 
barkation was interrupted by the appearance of an armed 
force of horse and foot ; and the Dutchman, alarmed, put 
to sea with the movables and such of the party as had 
come on board. Of the rest, — many of them separated 
from husbands and parents, and without clothing or 
money, — those who did not find a wretched safety in 
flight were apprehended, and " hurried from one place to 
another and from one justice to another, until in the end 
they knew not what to do with them ; for to imprison so 

things did not dismay them (although they rested on his providence, and knew 

they did sometimes trouble them), for whom they had believed." (Bradford, 

their desires were set on the ways of 10, 11.) 

God, and to enjoy his ordinances. But l Ibid., 12. 



IV.] ' THE FOUNDEKS OF PLYMOUTH. 139 

many women and innocent children for no other cause 
(many of them) but that they would go with their hus- 
bands, seemed to be unreasonable, and all would cry out 
of them ; and to send them home again was as difficult, 
for they alleged, as the truth was, they had no homes to 
go to, for they either had sold or otherwise disposed of 
their houses and livings."^ 

At last the scattered flock collected at Amsterdam. 
Clifton made the passage after the unfortunate August. 
attempts which have been mentioned. Brewster, Jenwir' 
released from his imprisonment, accompanied or Amsterdam. 
followed him.^ The heroic wanderer had last traversed 
the streets of that opulent city in the train of the am- 
bassador of Elizabeth, and in charge of the keys of Dutch 
towns pledged to England. With humble associates he 
was now to earn a living by some humble daily labor. 
The lot of his companions, with their inferior resources, 
was harder yet; and, with his fellow-leaders in the en- 
terprise, it belonged to him to cheer the sorrows of 
others while he struggled with his own. The imagina- 
tion is tasked to picture the amazement and conscious 
helplessness of these north-country peasants, as they 
gazed on the palaces that bordered and the fleets that 
choked the long canals, and pushed their way through 
crowds gathered from all the countries of the globe. 
" They heard a strange and uncouth language, and 
beheld the different manners and customs of the people, 
with their strange fashions and attires ; all so far differ- 
ing from that of their plain country villages, wherein 
they were bred and had so long lived, as it seemed 

1 Bradford, 14, 15. " Pitiful it was to little ones hanging about tlicm, crying 
see the heavy case of these poor women for fear, and quaking with cold." 
in this distress ; what weeping and cry- ^ " "When lilr. Robinson, Mr. Brew- 
ing on every side; some for their hus- ster, and other principal members were 
bands that were carried away in the come over, for they were of the last, 
ship ; others not knowing what should and stayed to help the weakest over 
become of them and their little ones; before them," &c. (Ibid., 16.) 
others melted in tears, seeing their poor 



140 HISTOEY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

they were come into a new world. But these were not 
the things they much looked on, or long took up their 
thoughts. For they had other work in hand, and an- 
other kind of war to wage and maintain ; for it 

was not long before they saw the grim and grisly face 
of poverty come on them like an armed man, with whom 
they must buckle and encounter, and from whom they 
could not fly."^ 

At Amsterdam they remained a distinct community, 
though they found there the London congregation, which 
had emigrated some twelve or fifteen years before, and 
the Gainsborough congregation, their former neighbors in 
Nottinghamshire. Between these societies there existed 
some dispute, which Robinson and his people fruitlessly 
endeavored to compose. Pained to witness it, and fearful 
of some ill effect from it on their own harmony, they 
Removal rcsolvcd, after a few months, to remove to Ley- 
to Leyden. ^^y^^ forty milcs dlstaut, a place recommended by 
its "sweet situation," though, "wanting that traffic by sea 
which Amsterdam enjoyed, it was not so beneficial for 
their outward means of living and estates."^ Clifton, 

1616. nearly sixty years of age, " was loath to remove 
May 20. ^^y morc," and finished his life at Amsterdam. 
On the removal, the church came " under the able minis- 
try and prudent government of Mr. John E-obinson and 
Mr. William Brewster, who was an assistant unto him in 
the place of an elder, unto which he was now called and 
chosen by the church." 

Leyden, recovered from the devastations of the siege, 
which thirty-five years before had attracted to it the won- 
der of the world, contained at this time a population of 

1 Bradford, 16. on the 12tli of February of that year, 

2 The congregation probably re- requesting leave to come during the 
moved to Leyden in the spring or sum- ensuing month of May, and reside in 
mer of 1609. Mr. George Sumner that city with his congregation of a 
has a letter of Robinson to the magis- hundred persons, including men and 
trates of Leyden, dated at Amsterdam, women. 



IV.] THE FOUNDERS OF PLYMOUTH. 141 

not less than seventy thousand souls, being the chief man- 
ufacturing town of the Netheriands, and one of the most 
considerable in Europe. Its famous University, found- 
ed by William the Silent, in recompense of the 15^5, 
heroism and sufferings of its inhabitants during *'^"-^- 
the siege, bore upon its rolls such names as those of 
Grotius, Scaliger, Arminius, Gomar, Heinsius, and Des- 
cartes.^ The English strangers "fell to such trades and 
employments as they best could, valuing peace and their 
spiritual comfort above any other riches whatsoever ; and 
at length they came to raise a competent and comfortable 
living, but with hard and continual labor Enjoy- 
ing much sweet and delightful society and spiritual com- 
fort together, they grew in knowledge and other 

gifts and graces of the spirit of God, and lived together 
in peace and love and holiness. And many came unto 
them from divers parts of England, so as they grew a 
great congregation."^ Their number can only be con- 

1 " On appellaifc cette doctissime cite he lived well and plentifully ; for he 
I'Athenes de I'Occident." (Juste, Hi- fell into a way, by reason he had the 
stoire de I'lnstruction Publique en Latin tongue, to teach many students 
Belgique, 95.) Descartes was probably who had a desire to learn the English 
at Leyden when Robinson's friends, in tongue, to teach them English, and by 
1619, were preparing to leave it. Sal- his method they quickly attained it with 
masius and Boerhaave were later. great facility, for he drew rules to leara 

2 Bradford, 17. — Mather (Magnalia, it by, after the Latin manner; and 
IL Chap. L §4) speaks of Bradford's many gentlemen, both Danes and Ger- 
" serving of a Frenchman at the work- mans, resorted to him, as they had time 
ing of silks." — Bradford says of Brew- from other studies, some of them being 
ster (4.12) : "After he came into Hoi- great men's sons. He also had means 
land, he suffered much hardship after to set up printing by the help of some 
he had spent the most of his means, friends, and so had employment enough, 
having a great charge and many chil- and, by reason of many books which 
dren, and, in regard of his former would not be allowed to be printed in 
breeding and course of life, not so fit England, they might have had more 
for many employments as others were, than they could do." Some of the com- 
especially such as were toilsome and pany are believed to have been weav- 
laborious. Yet he ever bore his con- ers. (Mass. Hist. Coll., XIH. 171.) 
dition with much cheerfulness and con- Brewster's printing operations were 
tentation. Towards the latter part of closely watched by Sir Dudley Carle- 
those twelve years spent in Holland, ton, the English ambassador. When 
his outward condition was mended, and he went to England in 1619 to make 



142 



HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. 



[Chap. 



jectured. It may, when at the largest, have counted 
between two and three hundred adult persons.^ In their 
constant amity towards one another, and their unanimous 
affection towards their pastor, they reproduced, as they 
fondly persuaded themselves, " the primitive pattern of the 
first churches." Their uprightness, diligence, and sobriety 
gave them a good name and pecuniary credit with their 



Dutch neighbors. 



The magistrates afterwards testified. 



" These English have lived amongst us now these twelve 
years, and yet we never had any suit or accusation come 
against any of them."" But no public token of good-will 



arrangements for the emigration, Sir 
Dudley (July 22) sent information to 
the Secretary of State, and recommend- 
ed that he should be apprehended and 
examined. " One William Brewster, 
a Brownist, who hath been for some 
years an inhabitant and printer at Ley- 
den, is now within these three weeks 
removed from thence, and gone back to 
dwell in London." August 20, he wrote 
again, saying that he had been on the 
look-out for Brewster, but could not 
learn that he had returned to Leyden. 
September 12, he reported that "the 
sellout who was employed by the magis- 
trates for his apprehension, being a 
dull, drunken fellow, took one man for 
another." It may be, that the magis- 
trates were not anxious to have him 
taken. As late as January 29, 1620, 
Sir Dudley was still hunting for him. 
It seems that Brewster had been em- 
ployed by a person named Brewer " to 
print prohibited books to be vented 
underhand in his Majesty's kingdom." 
The printing of the " Perth Assembly," 
and of a discourse " De Regimine Ec- 
clesiaj Scoticanse," was supposed to have 
been done by him. (Letters from and to 
Sir Dudley Cai'leton, Knight, pp. 380, 
386, 389, 390, 437.) The type of books 
from Brewster's press (of which there 
is, or lately was, at Plymouth a copy of 



one, Cartwright's " Commentarii in Pro- 
verbia Salomonis") has the peculiar 
form of the type of the Elzevirs. One 
of their descendants, living at Leyden in 
1851, assured Mr. George Sumner that 
it must have been obtained from them. 

1 Of Ainsworth's church at Am- 
sterdam Bradford says (Dialogue, in. 
Young, Pilgrims, 455), " Before their 
division and breach, they were about 
three hundred communicants " ; and 
adds (Ibid., 456), "For the church of 
Leyden, they were sometimes not much 
fewer in numbei*." On the other hand, 
Winslow, in the " Briefe Narration " ap- 
pended to " Ilypocrisie Unmasked" (90 ), 
says that when "the minor part, with Mr. ' 
Brewster, their elder, resolved to enter 
upon this great work, the difference of 
number was not great " between them 
and those who stayed behind. Now 
the whole company that sailed in the 
Mayflower and Speedwell was " about 
a hundred and twenty persons." On 
the supposition that only one quarter 
of this number had joined the expe- 
dition in England, only ninety (includ- 
ing men, women, and children) had 
come from Leyden, and the company 
at Leyden before the division would 
have amounted to scarcely more than 
two hundred of both sexes and all ages. 

2 Bradford, 20. 



IV.] THE POUNDERS OF PLYMOUTH. 143 

could be extended to them, for fear of offence to the 
English government. 

Robmson was their arbiter in differences, and their 
judicious adviser in secular affairs, as well as character of 
their spiritual guide. His writings still extant,^ Robinson. 
and the influence which he exerted on his associates and 
others, alike testify to his eminent virtue, capacity, accom- 
plishments, and wisdom. His friends never wearied of 
extolling him, and his opponents did not withhold their 
warm commendation." Though involved in controversies 
from the time of his separation from the Church, he seems 
to have constantly matured his native calmness of judg- 
ment and gentleness of temper. It was easy for him to 
rise above the technicalities of his sect to comprehensive 
and generous principles and views ; and, if his writings are 
not free from the strong language which pervaded the 
religious discussions of the time, they show him to have 
grown more tolerant, charitfible, and hopeful with in- 
creasing years and harder experience. Recognizing with 
a magnanimous cordiality the Christian character wher- 
ever it appeared, he discouraged the use of sectarian 
names ; and he was so far from pretending to infallibility 
in religious doctrine, that he cheerfully looked, and taught 
his followers to look, for "more light to shine from God's 
holy word." His logical ability and scholarly attainments 
were such, that a Professor in the University and " the 
chief preachers of the city " sought his aid in the defence 
of their Calvinistic theology; and his friends boasted, 
that, in public disputes, which he had modestly attempted 
to decline, he signally and repeatedly foiled the famous 
Arminian champion, Episcopius.^ 

1 The first collection of Robinson's ever that sect [the Separatists] en- 
Works was published in 1851, in three joyed." 

volumes. See above, p. 135, note 1. 3 Bradford, 21. — W'inslow, Briefe 

2 Baylie (Dissuasive from the Errors Narration, 95. — Some examples of com- 
of the Times, 17) calls him "the most mendation of him by Dutch and Ger- 
■learned, polished, and modest spirit that man writers (the earUest dated twenty- 



144 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

The twelve years' residence of Robinson's church in the 
Netherlands nearly corresponds with the twelve years' 

1609. truce concluded between the United Provinces 
April 9. ^^^^ ^Yie Spaniards in the sequel of Prince Mau- 
rice's brilliant though checkered military career of twenty- 
^. , . two years. It was a period disturbed by internal 

Disorders m •' ••■ •' 

the Nether- dlsordcrs, and by the bitterness of political and sec- 
tarian animosity. The heroic nature of the head 
of the house of Orange seemed to have departed with the 
adversity which had revealed it in such favorable lights. 
He scarcely disguised his ambition for sovereignty. The 
incorruptible Grand Pensionary, Barneveldt, stood in the 
way of the usurpation. The religious opinions of that 
illustrious patriot, opposed to the dominant Calvinism, 
made it possible to eifect his ruin by artful applications 
to the popular bigotry. The military force, commanded 
by the Prince, gave no support to that administration 
of the laws which would have restrained a persecuting 
1618, Nov. 13 ^ii<i factious fanaticism. The transactions at the 
-i6i9,May9. gyj^od of Dort Inflamed the prevailing passions. 
The head of Barneveldt, who was seventv-two 

May 13. "^ 

years old, Avas brought to the block, and Grotius 
was sentenced to perpetual imprisonment. The Remon- 
strants were treated as outlaws. A popular frenzy, as 

eigbt years after Lis death) have been and was ever desirous of any 

collected by Mr. George Sumner. (See light, and the more able, learned, and 

Mass. Hist. Coll., XXIX. 72-74.) — "A holy the persons were, the more he 

man not easily to be paralleled for all desired to confer and reason with them, 

things, whose singular virtues we shall He was very profitable in his ministry 

not take upon us here to describe and comfortable to his people. He was 

As he was a man learned and of solid much beloved of them, and as loving 

judgment, and of a quick and sharp wit, was he unto them, and entirely sought 

so was he also of a tender conscience, their good for soid and body. In a 

and very sincere in all his ways, a hater word, he was much esteemed and rev- 

of hypocrisy and dissimulation, and erenced of all that knew him, and his 

would be very plain with his best abilities [were acknowledged] both of 

friends. He was very courteous, affa- friends and strangers." (Bradford, Di- 

ble, and sociable in his conversation, alogue, &c., in Young, Pilgrims, 451, 

and towards his own people especially; 452.) 



I V.J THE FOUNDERS OF PLYMOUTH. 145 

senseless as it was fierce, but possessing all classes in 
society alike, was let loose against men than whom, the 
infatuated country possessed none more worthy of honor 
for virtue or for public services. 

Leyden was one of the chief theatres of the agitation. 
The English strano^ers were witnesses to the strife 

*-' '-' Disturbances 

which rent its University, where Arminius him- at Leyden. 
self, the chief heresiarch, was a Professor, and 
to the bloody conflict which took place in its streets. 
Vorstius, the successor of Arminius, whom King James, 
after professing to confute, had proposed to the States- 
General to burn,^ was their townsman. When Leyden 
confederated with Rotterdam and other towns to 
make a last effort for freedom, the counsels of 
that fruitless league were conducted by their neighbors 
and municipal governors. It would be interesting to be 
informed of any relation borne by them to this course of 
events, and of the light in which they regarded it. We 
naturally wish to think that they did not share in the . 
cruel hostility which overwhelmed the Remonstrant pa- 
triots, and that disgust at the outrages which they saw 
committed by their fellow-believers was among the mo- 
tives that prompted them to seek another home.^ 

1 Letter to the States-General, in cliurcli at Leyden, very interestin"' re- 
" Works of the Most High and Mighty suits of an investigation made on the 
Prince James," &c., 355. spot by our distinguished countryman, 

2 Only two of Robinson's publica- Mr. George Sumner, in 1841, have 
tions of the years between 1614 and been published in the Massachusetts 
1624 are preserved. "The People's Historical Collections (XXIX. 42- 
Plea for the Exercise of Prophecy" 74.) Prince says (Chron. Hist., 160) : 
(1618) is a defence of lay preaching " When I was in Leyden, in 1714, the 
against the argument of an English most ancient peojile from their parents 
clergyman. " A Just and Necessary told me that the city had such a value 
Apology," originally published in Latin for them [Robinson's company] as to 
(1619), is a refutation of some charges let them have one of their churches, 
both of illiberallty and latitudinarlanism in the chancel whereof he lies buried, 
brought against " certain Christians no which the English still enjoy ; and that, 
less contumeliously than commonly as he was had in high esteem both by 
called Brownists or Barrowlsts." the city and University, for his learning, 

As to the condition of Robinson's piety, moderation, and excellent ac- 

VOL. I. 13 



146 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

Though their industry had improved their circum- 
stances, and their religion taught them content- 
project of ' O D 

another re- meut with au humblo lot, a few years' experience 
decided them against a permanent settlement 
where they were. The hardships which they could endure, 
they found "to be such as few in comparison would 
come to them," and " it was thought that, if a better and 
easier place of living could be had, it would draw many." 
"Though the people generally bore all these difficulties 
very cheerfully and with a resolute courage, being in the 
best and strength of their years, yet old age began to 
steal on many of them, and their great and continual 
labors, with other crosses and sorrows, hastened it before 
the time." They were anxious both for the health and 
for the character of their offspring. " Many of their chil- 
dren that were of best dispositions and gracious inclina- 
tions, having learned to bear the yoke in their youth and 
willing to bear part of their parents' burden, were often- 
, times so oppressed with their heavy labors, that, although 
their minds were free and willing, yet their bodies bowed 
under the weight of the same, and became decrepit in their 



complisliments, the magistrates, minis- Sumner found a record of his inter- 
ters, scholars, and most of the gentry ment, and a memorandum of the cost, 
mourned his death as a public loss, and "which was small ; — 3. That, as to his 
followed him to the grave." Mr. Sum- funeral, not only Prince, but Winslow, 
ner has shown, — 1. That the church who had much earlier said (Ibid.) that 
supposed by Prince to have been occu- " the University and ministers of the 
pied by Robinson's congregation was in city accompanied him to his grave with 
fact occupied by the English Presby- all their accustomed solemnities," must 
terian congregation, which, as well as have been in error. Winslow was not 
Eobinson's, was established at Leyden, in Holland at the time ; and there is no 
and that there is no reason to believe statement of the kind in the letters on the 
that any church was granted to Robin- subject copied into Bradford's Letter- 
son's people by the magistrates; they Book (IVIass. Hist. Coll., IH. 39). Un- 
probably met at his house, which Wins- der common circumstances, Robinson's 
low (Briefe Narration, 90) says was large, funeral might have been attended with 
and which was probably taken as adapt- such marks of respect ; but at this time 
ed to that use ; — 2. That Robinson was the plague was raging in Leyden, and 
not buried in the church supposed, but public funeral solemnities were sus- 
in the cathedral church, where Mr. pended. 



IV.] THE FOUNDERS OF PLYMOUTH. 147 

early youth, the vigor of nature being consumed in the 
bud, as it were. But that which was more lamentable, 
and of all sorrows most heavy to be borne, was that many 
of their children, by these occasions, and the great licen- 
tiousness of youth in the country, and the manifold temp- 
tations of the place, were drawn away by evil examples 

into extravagant and dangerous courses Some 

became soldiers, others took them upon far voyages by 
sea, and other some worse courses, tending to dissoluteness 
and danger of their souls, to the great grief of their par- 
ents and dishonor of God ; so that they saw their poster- 
ity would be in danger to degenerate and be corrupted."^ 
They had not lost their aifection for their intolerant na- 
tive country, and they felt it to be " grievous to live from 
under the protection of the state of England." They 
considered " how like they were to lose their language 
and their name of English, how little good they did, or 
were like to do, to the Dutch in reforming the Sabbath,^ 
how unable there to give such education to their children _ 
as they themselves had received " ; and, — " if God would 
be pleased to discover some place unto them, though in 
America," where they might exemplarily show their ten- 
der countrymen by their example, no less burdened than 
themselves, where they might live and comfortably sub- 
sist," and, " being freed from Antichristian bondage," 
might "keep their names and nation, and not only be a 
means to enlarge the dominions of the English state, but 
the Church of Christ also, if the Lord had a people among 
the natives whither he would bring them," — "hereby 
they thought they might more glorify God, do more 
good to their country, better provide for their posterity, 

1 Bradford, 22-24. under Lutheran or Calvinistic rule, of 

2 Like most of the Puritans, they had a transfer of the obligations of the Jew- 
adopted the doctrine, then recently ad- ish Sabbath to the weekly recurrincf 
vanced in England by Dr. Bound, and day of Christian commemoration and 
neither then nor yet extensively adopt- worship. 

ed by Continental Protestants, whether 



148 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

and live to be more refreshed by their labors, than ever 
they could do in Holland, where they were."^ 

There can be no more generous ambition than is dis- 
closed in these affecting words. Unenterprising villagers 
at first, habituated at length to a new home and able to 
earn a decent living by humble drudgery, some of them 
now sinking into age, they turn their thoughts to their 
posterity. A¥ith a patriotic yearning, they desire to ex- 
tend the dominion of the native country which refuses to 
give them a peaceable home on its broad lands. And 
through the hardships of a long voyage and an unknown 
continent, they propose to be missionaries to the heathen. 

The project occasioned much discussion. It offered no 
certainties on the bright side. The dangers of both sea 
and land seemed formidable. The cost of the voyage 
would exceed any means in their possession. Its length 
might be beyond the endurance of the aged and feeble of 
their number. Arrived at its end, they would " be liable 
to famine and nakedness, and the want, in a manner, of 
all things, with sore sicknesses." Appalling reports had 
reached them of the ferocity and treachery of the savage 
people; their hard experience in the removal ten years 
before was not forgotten ; and the ill success of the earlier 
attempts at settlement in Maine and in Virginia was a 
heavy discouragement. 

On the other hand, they considered " that all great 
and honorable actions were accompanied with great diffi- 
culties, and must be both enterprised and overcome with 

answerable courages The dangers were great, but 

not desperate, and the difficulties were many, but not in- 
vincible. For though there were many of them likely, 
yet they were not certain. It might be, sundry of the 
things feared might never befall; others, by provident 
care, and the use of good means, might, in a great meas- 
ure, be prevented ; and all of them, through the help of 

1 Winslow, Briefe Narration, 81. 



IV.^ THE rOUNDEES OF PLYMOUTH. 149 

God, by fortitude and patience, might either be borne or 
overcome. True it was that such attempts were not to 
be made and undertaken but upon good ground and rea- 
son, not rashly or Hghtly, as many have done, for curiosity 
or hope of gain. But their condition was not ordinary. 
Their ends were good and honorable ; their calling lawful 
and urgent. And therefore they might expect the blessing 
of God in their proceeding. Yea, though they should lose 
their lives in this action, yet they might have comfort in 
the same, and their endeavors would be honorable." ^ It 
is a genuine and trustworthy heroism which can reason 
thus. 

They pondered, debated, fasted, and prayed, and came 
to the conclusion to remove. The preparations going on 
around them for a renewal of the war made them 1617. 
impatient to put their design in execution. In 
the choice of a place of settlement, opinions were ap"aceof°"^ 
divided. The Dutch made them liberal offers.^ Bettiement. 
Some desired to follow their countrymen to Virginia, 
where the colony planted ten years before had still a fee- 
ble existence. Others would have gone to Guiana, of 
which the salubrity and fruitfulness were extolled in 
glowing terms by Sir Walter Raleigh, who had sailed up 
the Orinoco twenty years before, and was now there on 
a second visit.^ But it was feared that the tropical 

1 Bradford, 25, 26. that Robinson's company might be en- 

2 " The large oflfers the Dutch offered coui-aged to emigrate to America under 
to us, either to have removed into Zea- the protection of Holland. 

land, and thei'e lived with them, or. If 3 u "Wq passed the most beautiful 

we would go on such adventures, to go country that ever mine eyes beheld." 

under them to Hudson's River, (Works of Sir Walter Raleigh, H. 191.) 

and how they would freely have trans- " I never saw a more beautiful country, 

ported us, and furnished every family nor more lively prospects." (Ibid., 207.) 

with cattle," &c. (Winslow, Briefe " There is no country which yieldeth 

Narration, 91.) The Dutch proposals more pleasure to the inhabitants." (Ibid., 

were perseveringly renewed. See, in 229.) " For health, good air, pleasure, 

Brodhead's " History of New York," I. and riches, I am resolved it cannot be 

125, an abstract of the Memorial of the equalled by any region either in the 

Amsterdam merchants, (February 12, east or west." (Ibid., 230.) 
1620,) to the Prince of Orange, praying 
13* 



150 HISTOKY OE NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

climate of that country would ill agree with the English 
constitution; and a jealousy was entertained of the prox- 
imity of the Spaniards, who, though they had been at 
peace with England for several years, continued to be 
regarded with aversion and dread. On the other hand, 
it was considered that, if they attached themselves to the 
existing colony in Virginia, " they should be in as great 
danger to be troubled and persecuted for their cause of 
religion as if they lived in England, and it might be 
worse; and if they lived too far off, they should have 
neither succor nor defence from them. And at length 
„ . , the conclusion was to live in a distinct body by 

Choice of J >i 

North vir- themselvcs, under the general government of 
Virginia " ; ^ that is, of the Virginia Company 
in England. 

Religious freedom, which they had exiled themselves 
to enjoy, was the one thing indispensable for the future. 
But as yet there was no security for it in any land claimed 
Mission to by the English crown. Two of their company, 
England. Robert Cushman and John Carver,^ . were de- 
spatched to solicit it from the king, to be enjoyed at some 
place of settlement for which they were to negotiate 
with the Virginia Company. They were the bearers of 
Seven Arti- " Sovcu Articlcs wlilch the Church of Leyden 
Leyd°en^''° scut to tho Couucil of England to be considered 
church. q£" r^Yie first expresses assent to the doctrines 
of the Church of England; the second, a persuasion of 
their practical efficacy, and a desire to maintain commun- 
ion with Churchmen ; the third, an acknowledgment of 
the royal authority, and of the rightful obedience of the 
subject, " either active, if the thing commanded be not 



1 Bradford, 28. Cusliman was found by Mr. Hunter or 

2 Of neither of tliese worthies is any- Mr. Sumner in any of the parishes in 
thing known before this time. There that quarter. In the letter of Robinson 
is no reason to suppose that either had and Brewster to Sir Edwin Sandys, 
belonged to the congregation at Scroo- December 15, 1617, Carver is called " a 
by. Neither of the names Carver and deacon of our church." (Bradford, 32.) 



IV.] THE rOUNDEKS OF PLYMOUTH. ' 151 

against God's word, or passive if it be, except pardon can 
be obtained."^ The fourth and fifth, in language which 
at the first reading occasions surprise, but which was 
carefully chosen and guarded, own the lawfulness of the 
appointment and jurisdiction of ecclesiastical officers. The 
sixth and seventh disallow to ecclesiastical tribunals any 
authority but what is derived from the king, and avow a 
desire " to give unto all superiors due honor, to preserve 
the unity of the spirit with all that fear God, to have 
peace with all men," and to receive instruction wherein- 
soever they had erred." 

The messengers found the Virginia Company favorably 
disposed to their scheme, and desirous of affording Negotiation 
it ample facilities.^ The king was less tractable. '" ^""'^°"- 
Through the influence of Sir Edwin Sandys, a person 
" of great authority," '^ son of that Archbishop of York 
whose tenant Brewster had formerly been at Scrooby, and 
soon afterwards Governor of the Company, their case 
was favorably presented by Sir Robert Naunton, then 
principal Secretary of State. The most they could obtain 
from the king was a general encouragement that their 
separatism would be connived at as long as they should 
give no public offence. An express engagement even to 
that effect was denied. 

Thus the question was opened again ; " for many were 
afraid that, if they should unsettle themselves, put off 

1 This was a distinction familiar to 3 « They were forced, through the 
Eobinson. He had made it, in nearly great charge they had been at, to heark- 
the same terms, in the "Just and en to any propositions that might give 
Necessary Apology" (Works, III. 63). ease and furtherance to so hopeful a 

2 This curious paper, referred to in business To that purpose, it was 

a letter of Sir Edwin Sandys to Robin- referred to their considerations how 

son and Brewster (Bradford, 30), has necessary it was that means might be 

been recently published in the " CoUec- used to draw into those enterprises 

tions of the New York Historical So- some of those families that had retired 

ciety" (Second Series, HI. 301, 302), themselves into Holland for scruple of 

from a copy obtained by Mr. Bancroft conscience." (Gorges, Briefe Narration, 

from the State-Paper Office in Lon- &c., in Mass. Hist. Coll., XXVI. 73.) 

don. 4 Hume, Chap. XL VI. 



152 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

their estates, and go tipon these hopes, it might prove 
dangerous, and but a sandy foundation." After renewed 
consultation, it was determined to take the hazard, and 
to " rest herein on God's providence, as they had done in 
other things." And again " messengers were despatched 
jci9_ to end with the Virginia Company as well as they 
February, ^ould, aud to procuro a patent with as good and 
ample conditions as they might by any good means at- 
tain." An equally important part of their charge was " to 
treat and conclude with such merchants and other friends 
as had manifested their forwardness to provoke to, and 
adventure in, this voyage," to the end of procuring the 
pecuniary means necessary for the outfit of the expedition. 
In short, money for the expense of the emigration was to 
be raised on a mortgage of the labor of the emigrants.^ 

The negotiation with the Virginia Company was em- 
„ . . barrassed by the dissensions which then distract- 

Parties in *' 

the Virginia ed that body. Its parlor was the scene of a con- 
flict between the Court and Country parties, 
which divided the kingdom. It was just at the time 
when Sir Thomas Smith,^ its first Governor, withdrew 
1619. from his office, and Sir Edwin Sandys, after an 
April 28. acrimonious canvass, was appointed his successor, 

1 Bradford, 29, 30. The messengers same unto the Council by our agent, 

were Cushman aud Brewster, as ap- a deacon of our church, John Carver, 

pears from Cushman's letter of May 8, unto whom we have also requested a 

1619 (Bradford, 36 — 38). Carver and gentleman of our company to adjoin 

Cushman had come back to Leyden himself." (Letter of Kobinson and 

about the end of 1617. "They do Brewster to Sandys, of December 15, 

now return to you." (Letter of Sir E. 1617, In Bradford, 31.) 

Sandys to Robinson and Brewster, of ^ gjr Thomas Smith was a rich city 

November 12, 1617, in Bradford, 30.) merchant, Governor of the East-India 

Carver seems to have been immediately Company, the Russia Company, and 

sent again to England, though it was the Company for the Discovery of a 

not till the second year after this that Northwestern Passage. He was in fa- 

the business was concluded by Cushman vor with the court, and in the second 

and Brewster. " We have, with the year of King James had been sent as 

best speed and consideration withal minister to Russia. He was one of the 

that we could, set down our requests assignees of Raleigh's patent. (Bel- 

in writing, and have sent the knap, Amer. Biog., H. 9 et seq.) 



IV.] THE FOUNDEES OF PLYMOUTH. 153 

that the Leyden people were making their proposals ; and 
their ae^ent wrote to them that " the dissensions 

f, . . Mays. 

and factions amongst the Council and Company 
of Virginia are such, as that since we came up no business 
could by them be despatched." " These divisions and 
distractions had shaken off many of their pretended 
friends, and disappointed them of much of their hoped 
for and proffered means." A patent, however, was at 
length obtained under the seal of the Yir^inia 

'-' ^ O Patent from 

Company, " not taken in the name of any of their H'e Virginia 
own company, but in the name of Mr. John Win- 
cob, a religious gentleman then belonging to the Countess 
of Lincoln, who intended to go with them." ^ Neither the 
original of this, nor any copy, is believed to be extant, nor 
has its date, or any description of its grants, been pre- 
served. As the lands conveyed by it were not occupied, 
it never acquired practical value. 

The negotiation of the Leyden people with the part- 
ners who were to share the expenses of the voy- contract 
age and first settlement were still less satisfac- dra^j^r-" 
tory; and the hardship of the terms to which ''''''"*^- 
they were reduced shows at once the slenderness of their 
means and the constancy of their purpose.^ It was agreed 



1 Bradford, 36, 41. posed in the excitement of the quarrel 

2 "Under the influence of this wild with America. Of the commw/H'sm of the 
notion [the notion of a Scriptural au- Plymouth colonists, enforced for a time 
thority for the proceeding], the colo- by their necessities, and escaped from 
nists of New Plymouth, in imitation of as soon as possible, Bradford, their lead- 
the primitive Christians, threw all their er, wrote (135) : " The experience that 
property into a common stock." So was had in this common course and 
wrote Robertson (History of Amer- condition, tried sundry years, and that 
ica, n. 259), utterly misapprehending amongst godly and sober men, may well 
the transaction. The tone of Rob- evince the vanity of that conceit of 
ertson's feeble and erroneous frag- Plato's and other ancients, applauded 
ment on the History of New England by some of later times, that the taking 
is taken from Douglas and Chalmers, away of property, and bringing in com- 
whom he constantly quotes. They munity into a commonwealth, would 
were no friends to his great fame who make them happy and flourishing ; as 
published this posthumous work, com- if they were wiser than God." 



154 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

to create a joint-stock company on the following plan and 
conditions.^ 

1. Colonists sixteen years old and upwards, and persons 
contributing ten pounds, were each to be owners of one 
share. 

2. Colonists contributing ten pounds in money or pro- 
visions were to be owners of two shares. 

3. The partnership was to continue seven years, to the 
end of which time " all profits and benefits that are gotten 
by trade, trafiic, trucking, working, fishing, or by any 
other means," were to remain as common stock. 

4. The settlers, having landed, were to be divided into 
parties to be employed in boat-building, fishing, carpentry, 
cultivation, and manufactures for the use of the colony. 

5. At the end of seven years, the capital and profits 
were to be divided among the stockholders in proportion 
to their respective shares in the investment. 

6. Stockholders investing at a later period were to have 
shares in the division proportioned to the duration of their 
interest. 

7. Colonists were to be allowed a share for each domes- 
tic dependant accompanying them (wife, child, or servant) 
more than sixteen years of age ; two shares for every such 
person accompanying them, if supplied at their expense ; 
and half a share for every dependant between ten years 
of age and sixteen. 



1 The contract with Allerton for a re- to have met with anything to confirm 
lease, November 15, 1626, was signed by his statement as to the number of part- 
forty-two partners. (Mass. Hist. Coll., ners. Probably the colonists were not 
III. 48.) — Smith says (Generall His- curious on the subject, when they made 
torie, 247) : "The Adventurers which their arrangement. They looked to the 
raised the stock to begin and supply prominent men who transacted the busi- 
this plantation were about seventy, ness, and whom they believed compe- 
some gentlemen, some merchants, some tent to fulfil any engagements they 
handicraftsmen, some adventuring great made for themselves and others. Smith 
sums, some small, as their estates and adds : " The general stock already em- 
affection served." Smith was likely to ployed is about seven tliousand pounds"-, 
be well informed, but I do not recollect which, I think, must be an exaggeration. 



IV.] THE FOUNDEES OF PLYMOUTH. 155 

8. Each child going out under ten years of age was to 
have, at the division, fifty acres of unmanured land. 

9. To the estates of persons dying before the expiration 
of the seven years, allowances were to be made at the 
division, proportioned - to the length of their lives in the 
colony. 

10. Till the division, all colonists were to be provided 
with food, clothing, and other necessaries, from the com- 
mon stock.^ 

Two stipulations, supposed by the colonists to have 
been settled, to the effect that they should have two 
days in each week for their private use, and that, at the 
division of the property, they should be proprietors of 
their houses and of the cultivated land appertaining there- 
to, were ultimately disallowed by the Merchant Adventurers^ 
to the great disappointment and discontent of the other 
party. Cushman, who was much blamed for his facility 
in yielding these points, insisted that, if he had acted dif- 
ferently, the whole undertaking would have fallen to the 
ground.^ 

This matter being concluded, "they had a solemn meet- 
ing and a day of humiliation, to seek the Lord Preparations 
for his direction" as to the next proceeding.^ As f« ''^parture. 
those who were not to emigrate at present were the larger 
number, it was determined that the pastor should remain 
with them, while Brewster should accompany the pioneers, 
who were without delay to sell their little property and 

1 Bradford, 45, 46. Till the recent AUerton, in Bradford, 49.) Cushman 
important discovery of the autograph of defended himself with some warmth. 
Bi-adford's History, the precise con- (Ibid., 51, 60.) " But these things gave 
ditions of the partnership were only not content at present." (Ibid., Gl.) 
known from Hubbard (General History 3 Qn tjjjg occasion, Robinson took for 
of New England, Chap. IX.), who had his text the words from 1 Samuel xxiii. 
them from Bradford. 3,4: " And David's men said unto him, 

2 Not only less reasonable persons, See, we be afraid here in Judah ; how 
but Bradford and Robinson were se- muchmore, if we come to KeUah against 
riously dissatisfied. (Bradford, 45, Rob- the host of the Philistines. Then Da- 
inson's letter in Bradford, 47, and the vid asked counsel of the Lord again." 
letter of Fuller, Winslow, Bradford, and (Bradford, 41 .) 



156 



HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. 



[Chap. 



contribute the proceeds to the common stock on the terms 
defined in the articles. Thomas Weston, one of the Lon- 
don partners, came to Leyden for a consultation respecting 
the details of the outfit; and Cushman was sent over to 
London, and Carver to Southampton, " to receive the 
money, and provide for the voyage." 

At length the time came when they were to leave "that 
Embarkation S^^^^Y ^^^^ plcasaut city, which had been their 
from Deirt- rcsting-placc near twelve years. But they knew 

Haven. ^ .7. ttit 

they were pilgrims, and looked not much on 
those things, but lift up their eyes to the heavens, their 
dearest country, and quieted their spirits." Their little 
vessel, of sixty tons' burden, called the Speedwell, lay at 
Delft-Haven, on the river Maese, fourteen miles ofi". The 
voyagers and their friends held their last religious service 
together, "pouring out prayers to the Lord with great fer- 
vency, mixed with abundance of tears." ^ "When the ship 



1 Bradford, 59. Eobinson preached 
from these Tvords (Ezra viii. 21) : 
" There, at the river Ahava, I pro- 
claimed a fast, that we might humble 
ourselves before our God, and seek of 
him a right way for us, and for our chil- 
dren, and for all our substance." This 
sermon has been represented by late 
writers, not without probability, but 
without authority, to have been the 
vehicle of that "wholesome counsel" 
which Winslow, writing twenty-five 
years afterwards, reijorted to have been 
given by Eobinson to his flock "at their 
departure from him to begin the great 
work of 23lantation in New England." 
The " counsel," whether given in the 
sermon in question, or otherwise, is 
instinct with the most enlightened, 
pure, and gentle Christian philosophy. 

" Amongst other wholesome instruc- 
tions and exhortations he used these ex- 
pressions, or to the same purpose : — 

" We are now ere long to part asun- 
der, and the Lord knoweth whether 



ever he should live to see our faces 
again. But whether the Lord had ap- 
jiointed it or not, he charged us before 
God and his blessed angels, to follow 
him no further than he followed Christ ; 
and if God should reveal anything to 
us by any other instrument of his, to 
be as ready to receive it as ever we 
were to receive any truth by his minis- 
try ; for he was very confident the Lord 
had more truth and light yet to break 
forth out of his holy word. He took 
occasion also miserably to bewail the 
state and condition of the Reformed 
churches, who were come to a period 
in religion, and would go no fui'ther 
than the instruments of their Reforma- 
tion. As, for example, the Lutherans, 
they could not be drawn to go beyond 
what Luther saw ; for whatever part of 
God's will he had further imparted and 
revealed to Calvin, they will rather die 
than embrace it. And so also, saith 
he, you see the Calvinists, they stick 
where he left them ; a misery much to 



IV.] 



THE FOUNDERS OF PLYMOUTH. 



157 



was ready to carry us away," says Winslow, " the brethren 
that stayed having again solemnly sought the Lord with 
us and for us, and we solemnly engaging ourselves mutu- 
ally as before,^ they that stayed at Leyden feasted us 
that were to go at our ^oastor's house, being large, where 
we refreshed ourselves, after tears, with singing of psalms, 
making joyful melody in our hearts as well as with the 
voice, there being many of the congregation very expert 
in music. And indeed it was the sweetest melody that 
ever mine ears heard. After this they accompanied us to 
Delft-Haven, where we were to embark, and there feasted 
us again ; and after prayer performed by our pastor, where 
a flood of tears was poured out, they accompanied us to 
the ship, but were not able to speak one to another for 
the abundance of sorrow to part. But we only going 
aboard, (the ship lying to the quay, and ready to set sail. 



be lamented ; for thougli they "were 
precious shining lights in their times, 
yet God had not revealed his whole 
will to them ; and were they now liv- 
ing, saith he, they would be as ready 
and willing to embrace further light, 
as that they had received. Here also 
he puts us in mind of our church cov- 
enant, at least that part of it whereby 
we promise and covenant with God, and 
one with another, to receive whatso- 
ever light or truth shall be made known 
to us from his written word ; but withal 
exhorted us to take heed what we re- 
ceived for truth, and well to examine 
and compare it and weigh it with other 
Scriptures of truth before we received 
It. For, saith he, it Is not possible the 
Christian world should come so lately 
out of such thick Antichristian dark- 
ness, and that fuU perfection of knowl- 
edge should break forth at once." 
(Briefe Narration, 97, 98.) 

The expression of such sentiments, 
if it could be traced no further back 
than to the time of the record which 
has come* down to us, would be a notice- 

VOL. I. 14 



able and an admirable fact ; but on 
such evidence as Winslow's it may seem 
that there need be no hesitation in 
ascribing "the general strain of thought 
to Eoblnson, though one wishes that 
there was more proof of the verbal ex- 
actness of the report. Winslow may, 
at the time, have written down what 
he heard. Eoblnson may have fur- 
nished it afterwards In writing to his 
friends, though this Is less likely, as 
Winslow's language Is : " He used these 
expressions, or to the same purpose." 
Mather (Book I. Chap. IH.), Prince 
(176), and Neal (History of the Puri- 
tans, Part H. Chap. H.), all copied 
from Winslow. 

1 These engagements were, that, " If 
the Lord should frown upon our pro- 
ceedings, then those that went to return, 
and the brethren that remained still 
there to assist and be helpful to them ; 
but If God should be pleased to favor 
them that went, then they also should 
endeavor to help over such as were 
poor and ancient, and willing to come." 
(Briefe Narration, 90.) 



158 



HISTOEY OF NEW ENGLAND. 



[Chap. 



1620 
July 22. 



the wind being fair,) Ave gave tliem a volley of small shot 
and three pieces of ordnance ; and so, lifting up our hands 

to each other, and our hearts for each other to 

the Lord our God, we departed." ^ 
The Speedwell brought her passengers prosperously to 
Southampton, where they found the Mayflower, which ves- 
Arrivai at ^el had come round from London with Cushman 
Southampton. ^^^ othors a wook before. Weston, on the part 
of the Adventurers, was there to see them off. The dis- 
cussion respecting the disputed articles was renewed with 
him, but to no effect ; and they had now gone so far that 
they could neither retreat nor pause.^ When about to 
sail, they were assembled to receive one more proof of 
the wisdom and affection of their pastor, in a letter full of 
excellent counsel, urging the obligation of cultivating a 



1 Briefe Narration, 91. — Bradford 
(60) adds some touches to the pic- 
ture : " Sundry also came from Am- 
sterdam to see them shipped, and to 
take their leave of them." The night 
before the embarkation "was spent "vvith 
little sleep by the most, but with friend- 
ly entertainment and Christian dis- 
course and other real expressions of 
true Christian love. The next day, the 
wind being fair, they went aboard, and 
their friends with them, where truly 
doleful was the sight of that sad and 
mournful parting; to see what sighs 
and sobs did sound amongst them ; what 
tears did gush from every eye, and 
pithy speeches pierced each heart ; that 
sundry of the Dutch strangers that stood 
on the quay as spectators could not re- 
frain from tears. Yet comfortable and 
sweet it was, to see such lively and true 
exjiressions of dear and unfeigned love. 
But the tide, which stays for no man, 
calling them away that were thus loath 
to depart, their reverend pastor falling 
down on his knees, and they all with 
him, with watery cheeks commended 
them with most fervent prayers to the 



Lord and his blessing. And then with 
mutual embraces, and many tears, they 
took their leaves one of another." 

2 " This was the first ground of dis- 
content between them." (Bradford, 
61.) Weston would make them no 
advance, and they had to raise money 
by selling some of their provisions, and 
to go away " scarce having any butter, 
no oil, nor a sole to mend a shoe, nor 
every man a sword to his side, wanting 
many muskets, much armor," &c. They 
protested that the objectionable articles 
were " made by Robert Cushman with- 
out their commission or knowledge." 
(Letter to the Adventurers, ibid.) — 
Prince says (under July 22, 1620), 
" Seven hundred pounds sterling are 
laid out at Southampton, and they 
carry about seventeen hundred pounds' 
venture with them"; and for this he 
refers to Bradford. But I do not find 
that Bradford has made the latter state- 
ment. The former I suppose Prince 
inferred from Cushman's complaint of 
Martin's mismanagement, in his letter 
to Edward Southworth (Bradford, 72). 



IV.] THE FOUNDEES OF PLYMOUTH. 159 

generous spirit, and of carefully watching against occa- 
sions of strife, in the new circumstances which were to 
put their virtue to the proof The letter " had good ac- 
ceptation with all, and after fruit with many." ^ 

The vessels put to sea with about a hundred and twen- 
ty passengers. For each vessel they " chose a governor 
and two or three assistants, to order the people Departure 
bv the way, and to see to the disposins^ of their ffomsoutii- 

J J ^ i O ampton. 

provisions and such like affairs." The May- ^"g'i'^t 

. •' circ. 5. 

flower was of a hundred and eighty tons' bur- 
den ; the Speedwell, of sixty. Before they had proceeded 
far on the voyage, the Speedwell proved so leaky that it 
was thought prudent to return, and both vessels put in 
at Dartmouth. E-epairs having been made, they sailed a 
second time. But again, when they were a hun- p^jj^^g^^f 
dred leagues from land, the master of the smaller t'^e speed- 
vessel represented her as incapable of making the 
voyage, and they put back to Plymouth. This was after- 
wards believed to be a pretence of the master, who had 
been engaged to remain a year with the emigrants, and 
who had repented of his contract. The next resource 
was to divide the company, and leave a portion behind, 
while the rest should pursue their voyage in the larger 
ship. This arrangement was presently made. The Speed- 
well was sent back to London, and the May- ^ .,. ^ ^ 

^ •' Sailing of the 

flower " put to sea again with a prosperous Mayflower. 
wind." " Those that went back were for the 
most part such as were willing so to do, either out of 
some discontent or fear they conceived of the ill success 
of the voyage, seeing so many crosses befall, and the year 
time so far spent ; but others, in regard of their own weak- 
ness and charge of many young children, were thought 
least useful, and most unfit to bear the brunt of this hard 
adventure, unto which work of God and judgment of their 

1 For tbis admirable letter, and a private letter to Carver which accom- 
panied it, see Bradford, 63-67. 



160 HISTORY OF KEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

brethren they were contented to submit. And thus, like 
Gideon's army, this small number was divided, as if the 
Lord, by this w^ork of his providence, thought these few 
too many for the great work he had to do." ^ 

The colonists, — men, women, and children, — who were 
now embarked on board the Mayflower, were a hundred 
Origin of and two in number. Concerning very few of 
gerrirth^" them is it known to this day from what English 
Mayflower, j^omes they came. Bradford and Brewster alone 
are ascertained to have been members of the Scrooby con- 
gregation.^ During its residence in Leyden, that com- 
pany had received numerous accessions of Englishmen, 
who had either passed over for the purpose of attaching 
themselves to it, or who, being in Holland for other pur- 
poses, had come within its attraction. Winslow, who was 
superior in condition to all or most of his companions,^ is 
believed to have become acquainted with Robinson while 
on his travels in Holland; and at twenty-two years of age 
he joined the society, three years before the emigration.^ 
The " cautionary towns " of the Netherlands had been gar- 
risoned by British regiments for thirty years, and Miles 



1 Bradford, 69, 70. — Among those tions in and about Bawtry, found Pn'esi 
who now withdrew " out of some dis- and Soule respectively within three and 
content " were " IMr. Cushman and his six miles of it, and Tinker and Lister 
family, whose heart and courage was in the town. The name Zfster Avas on 
gone from them before." Martin was costly tombs. But Edward Lister, or 
"governor in the bigger ship," and LItster, who came in the Mayflower, 
Cushman, who was his " assistant," was was Mr. Hopkins's servant, 
displeased with his administration. (Let- 3 " A gentleman of the best family of 
terof Cushman, in Bradford, 72.) Brad- any of the Plymouth planters." (Hutch- 
ford, while he found some of Cushman's inson. History of Massachusetts, 1. 172.) 
conduct to " discover some infirmities, " Of a very reputable family." (Ibid., 
as who under temptation is free ?" fails H. 408.) 

not to record that " he continued to be ■* " I living three years under his 

a special instrument for their good," ministry, before we began the work of 

and "a loving friend and faithful brother plantation in New England." (Briefe 

unto them." Narration, 93.) Winslow was born at 

2 Of surnames borne by passengers Droitwich, in Worcestershire, October 
in the Mayflower, Mr. George Sumner, 19, 1595. (Young, Pilgrim-S, 274.) 
who, in 1851, made diligent investiga- 



IV.] THE FOIINDEES OF PLYMOUTH. 161 

Standish had probably been employed on this service. 
He was not a member of the Leyden church, nor subse- 
quently of that of Plymouth, but appears to have been in- 
duced to join the emigrants by personal good- will or by 
love of adventure, while to them his military knowledge 
and habits rendered his companionship of great value.-^ 
In determining the question as to which portion of the 
congregation should first emigrate, it was arranged for 
"the youngest and strongest part to go."^ The youngest 
and strongest would generally be those who had joined 
the society most recently, while they who were excused 
from the first enterprise by reason of their being advanced 
in years would, on the whole, be the same persons whose 
more ancient relations to Robinson in England would be 
a reason for their desiring, and being allowed, to decline 
a separation from him. The Leyden church had received 
members of Dutch and French birth, and, among the 
company in the Mayflower, Margeson was probably a 
Hollander.^ Warren, Hopkins, Billington, Dotey, and 
Lister appear to have joined the expedition in England. 



1 Standisli gave the name of Dux- twenty years ago, ]Mi\ Frank Hall Stan- 
bury to the town which he began on dish, " of Duxbury Hall," bequeathed a 
the north side of Plymouth harbor, and collection of pictures and engravings to 
an English family of the name of Stan- King Louis-Philippe, 
dish has its ancestral seat at Duxbury 2 Briefe Narration, 90. 
Hall in Lancashire ; from which coinci- 3 " Divers of their members [mem- 

dence it has been inferred, with much bers of the Dutch churches] 

probability, that Miles Standish was of betook themselves to the communion of 

that race. (Young, Pilgrims, 125.) our church, went with us to New Eng- 

Morton (Memorial, 162) says: "He land, as Godbert Godbertson, &c 

was a gentleman born in Lancashire, One Samuel Terry was received from 

and was heir apparent unto a great es- the French church there into commun- 

tate of lands and Hvings." By his will, ion with us There is also one 

Standish devised to "his son and heir Philip Delanoy, born of French parents, 

apparent" certain lands given, he says, came to us from Leyden to New Ply- 

" to me as right heir by lawful descent, mouth." (Ibid., 95, 96.) Delanoy, 

but surreptitiously detained from me, since called Delano, came in the For- 

my great-grandfather being a second or tune, in 1621; Godbertson, or Cuth- 

younger brother from the house of Stan- bertson, iu the Ann, in 1623. 
dish of Standish." — Some fifteen or 
14* 



162 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

Martin " came from Billerica, in Essex, from which county- 
came several others, as also from London and other places, 
to go with them."^ Alden was of Southampton.^ Am- 
sterdam probably made some contribution to the com- 
pany.^ " Many of you," wrote Robinson to them while 
at Southampton, " are strangers, as to the persons, so to 
the infirmities, one of another, and so stand in need of 
more watchfulness this way."^ 

Little is recorded of the incidents of the voyage. The 
first part was favorably made. As the wanderers ap- 
proached the American continent, they encountered 
storms which their overburdened vessel was scarcely able 
to sustain. Their destination was to a point near Hud- 
son Kiver,^ yet within the territory of the London Com- 
pany, by which their patent had been granted. This de- 
scription corresponds to no other country than the sea- 
coast of the State of New Jersey. At early dawn of the 
sixty-fourth day of their voyage, they came in sight 
of the white sand-banks of Cape Cod. In pursu- 
ance of their original purpose, they veered to the south, 
but, by the middle of the day, they found themselves 
" among perilous shoals and breakers," which caused them 
to retrace their course.*^ An opinion afterwards prevailed, 
on questionable grounds, that they had been purposely 
led astray by the master of the vessel, induced by a bribe 
from the Dutch, who were averse to having them near 

1 " There was one chosen in England Captain Standish with Priscilla MuUins, 
to be joined" with Carver and Cushman. having been rashly sent by the Captain 
" His name was Mr. Martin. He came to that lady on the errand of Viola in 
from Billerica," &c. (Bradford, 56.) " Twelfth Night." 

2 "John Alden was hired for a 3 Cushman, in Bradford, 53, 57. 
cooper, at Southampton, where the ^ Ibid., 66. 

ship victualled, and, being a hopeful ^ " To find some place about the 

young man, was much desired, but left Hudson's River for their habitations." 

to his own liking to go or stay when he (Ibid., 77.) 

came here ; but he stayed and married 6 The "perilous shoals" were perhaps 

here." (Bradford, 449.) Tradition re- those of the island of Monomoy, near 

ports that he was the successful rival of Chatham ; perhaps Nantucket Shoals. 



IV.] 



THE FOUNDERS OF PLYMOUTH. 



163 



the mouth of the Hudson/ which Dutch vessels had 



begun to visit for trade. 



^ " Their putting into this place was 
partly by reason of a storm, by which 
they were forced in, but more especially 
by the fraudulency and contrivance of 
Mr. Jones, the master of the ship, for 
their intention, as before noted, and his 
engagement, was to Hudson's Kiver. 
But some of the Dutch, having notice 
of their intentions, and having thoughts 
about the same time of erecting a plan- 
tation there likewise, they fraudulently 
hired the said Jones by delay while they 
were in England, and now under pre- 
tence of the danger of the shoals, &c., 
to disappoint them in their going thither. 

Of this plot betwixt the Dutch 

and Mr. Jones, I have had late and 
certain intelligence." So, in 1669, wrote 
the honest but not over-cautious Na- 
thaniel Morton (Memorial, p. 34), who 
has often been quoted since. But there 
is no contemporary statement to this 
effect, and, had the story been early re- 
ceived, it would seem that Morton, who 
was Bradford's nephew, would not have 
needed to have "late" intelligence of It. 
On the other hand, it seems singular 



that, when the coast had been so long 
known, the captain, who, if he had not 
before been upon it, was accompanied by 
persons who had been (Clark, his mate, 
and Coppin, if no others), should have 
unintentionally gone so far out of his 
way. And it may be, as has been sur- 
mised, that Morton had his "late" intelli- 
gence from Thomas Willett, who was in 
the way of good information. Four 
years before Morton published his book, 
New Amsterdam was taken by the Eng- 
lish, and Willett was made its first 
Mayor, its name being then changed 
to New York. In the expedition, he 
had a command in the force raised by 
Plymouth, where he had been many 
years a magistrate, and whither he 
returned about the time of [Morton's 
publication. He is first spoken of by 
Bradford (260) as "an honest young 
man, that came from Leyden," where 
also he might have heard the story. 
But, as it stands, it certainly does not 
rest upon sufHcIent evidence to entitle 
it to full credit. 



CHAPTEE V. 



The narrow peninsula, sixty miles long, whicli termi- 
nates in Cape Cod, projects eastwardly from the main- 
land of Massachusetts, in shape resembling the human 
arm bent rectangularly at the elbow and again at the 
wrist. In the basin enclosed landward by the 
extreme point of this projection, in the roadstead 
of what is now Provincetown, the Mayflower 
dropped her anchor at noon on a Saturday near 
the close of autumn. The exigencies of a position so 
singular demanded an organization adequate to the pres- 
ervation of order and of the common safety, and the fol- 
lowing instrument was prepared and signed: ^ — 



The May- 
flower at 
Cape Cod. 

1620. 
Nov. 11. 



1 " This day, before we came to hai'- 
bor, observing some not well affected to 
unity and concord, but gave some ap- 
pearance of faction, it was thought good 
there should be an association and agree- 
ment, that we should combine together 
in one body, and to submit to such gov- 
ernment and governors as we should 
by common consent agree to make and 
choose, and set our hands to this that 
follows, word for word." (Mourt's Re- 
lation, 3.) — " Some of the strangers 
among them had let fall from them in 
the ship, that, when they came ashore, 
they would use their own liberty, for 
none had power to command them, the 
patent they had being for Virginia, and 
not for New England, which belonged 
to another government, with which the 
Virginia Company had nothing to do." 
(Bradford, History, 89.) — Morton 
(Memorial, Davis's edit., 38) appends 
to the instrument forty-one names. He 



doubtless took the compact from Brad- 
ford's History or Mourt's Relation, nei- 
ther of which contains names of sub- 
scribers. Bradford's hst (447-450) of 
male passengers in the Mayflower has 
seven names of males, apparently adults, 
additional to those of the signers in 
Morton. They are Roger Wilder, Elias 
Story, Solomon Prower, John Lange- 
more, Robert Carter, William Holbeck, 
and Edward Thomson. If to these be 
added "two seamen hired to stay a 
year here in the country, William Tre- 
vore and one Ely," who, " when their 
time was out, both returned" (Ibid., 
450), we have, including the women 
and children mentioned by Bradford, a 
hundred and two for the total number 
of the company. The same number 
came to land as had left England. One 
(William Button) died, and one (Ocea- 
nus Hopkins) was born, on the passage. 
Mourt's "Relation or Journal," quoted 



Chap. V.] PLYMOUTH. 165 

" In the name of God, amen. We, whose names are 
underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread sov- compact for 
ereign lord. King James, by the grace of God, of government. 
Great Britain, France, and Ireland King, Defender of the 
Faith, &c., having undertaken, for the glory of God, and 
advancement of the Christian faith, and honor of our 
king and country, a voyage to plant the first colony in 
the northern parts of Virginia, do by these presents, sol- 
emnly and mutually, in the presence of God and one of 
another, covenant and combine ourselves together into a 
civil body politic, for our better ordering and preservation, 
and furtherance of the ends aforesaid ; and by virtue here- 
of to enact, constitute, and frame such just and equal 
laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, and offices, from time 
to time, as shall be thought most meet and convenient for 
the general good of the colony; unto which we promise 
all due submission and obedience. In witness whereof we 
have hereunder subscribed our names, at Cape Cod, the 
11th of November, in the year of the reign of our sov- 
ereign lord. King James, of England, France, and Ire- 
land the eighteenth, and of Scotland the fifty-fourth, Anno 
Domini 1620." 

Such was the beginning of the Colony of Plymouth. 
To the end of its separate history, it continued to be an 
humble community in numbers and in wealth. When 
four years had passed, the village consisted of only thirty- 
two cabins, inhabited by a hundred and eighty persons. 
The government of the company was prescribed by the 
majority of voices, and administered by one of its mem- 
above, contains a detailed account of grims, 1 1 3) understands Mourt to have 
proceedings from the time of the land- been George Morton (brother-in-law of 
ing to the close of September in the Governor Bi'adford), who had been one 
following year. It was sent from Ply- of the Leyden congregation (Bradford, 
mouth in December, 1G21, and pub- 48), and who emigrated to Plymouth 
lished in London in 1G22. It takes its in July, 1623. With equally plausible 
name from a preface signed " G. Mourt," arguments, he attributes the author- 
a name otherwise unknown. On strong ship of the work to Bradford and 
grounds of probability, Dr. Young (Pil- Winslow. 



166 HISTOKY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

bers, with another for his Assistant. It was not so 
much a commonwealth as a factory, of which the head 
bore the title of Governor. Six years later, it num- 
bered three hundred persons ; five years after this, it had 
added two hundred more; and, at the end of its life of 
seventy years, its population, scattered through several 
towns, had probably not come to exceed eight thousand. 
It is on account of the virtue displayed in its institution 
and management, and of the great consequences to which 
it ultimately led, that the Colony of Plymouth claims the 
attention of mankind. In any other view, its records 
would be unattractive. The building of log hovels, the 
turning of sand-heaps into corn-fields, dealings with stupid 
Indians and with overreaching partners in trade, anxious 
struggles to get a living, and, at most, the sufferings of 
men, women, and children, wasting under cold, sickness, 
and famine, feebly supply, as the staple of a history, the 
place of those splendid exhibitions of power, and those 
critical conflicts of intrigue and war, which fill the annals 
of great empires. But no higher stake is played for in 
the largest sphere, than the life of a body politic ; nor can 
the most heroic man be moved by any nobler impulse 
than the sense of patriotic and religious obligation ; nor 
is the merit of that constancy, which makes no account of 
sacrifice and suflering, to be estimated by the size of the 
theatre on which it is displayed. And the homely story 
of the planters of Plymouth will iiot fail to have interest 
for those readers who are able to discriminate what is most 
excellent in human nature from its adjuncts, or for such 
as delight to trace the method of Providence in educing 
results of the largest benefit to mankind from the simple 
element of devotion to right and duty in lowly men.-^ 
At the time of the adoption of the compact for a gov- 



1 " Small things in tlie beginning of (Dudley's Letter to the Countess of 
natural or politic bodies are as remark- Lincoln, in 1630.) 
able as greater in bodies full grown." 



v.] ^ PLYMOUTH. 167 

eminent, Carver was cliosen Governor of the company.^ 
In the afternoon, "fifteen or sixteen men, well ^ 

' ' Carver 

armed," were sent on shore to reconnoitre and chosen 

„ _ . Governor. 

collect fuel. They returned at evenmg, report- 
ing that they had seen neither person nor dwelling, but 
that the country was well wooded, and that the appear- 
ance as to soil was promising. 

Having kept their Sabbath in due retirement, the men 
began the labors of the week by landing a shal- Nov. 13. 
lop from the ship and hauling it up the beach fation''ofIhe 
for repairs, while the women ^ went on shore to •=°""'''y- 
wash clothes. While the carpenter and his men were at 
work on the boat, sixteen others, armed and provisioned, 
with Standish for their commander, set off on 

Nov. 15. 

foot to explore the country. The only incident 
of this day was the sight of five or six savages, who on 
their approach ran away too swiftly to be overtaken. At 
night, lighting a fire and setting a guard, the party biv- 
ouacked at the distance, as they supposed, of ten miles 
from their vessel. Proceeding southward next 
morning, they observed marks of cultivation, 
some heaps of earth, which they took for signs of graves, 
and the remains of a hut, with "a great kettle, which had 
been some ship's kettle." In a heap which they opened, 
they found two baskets containing four or five bushels of 
Indian corn, of which they took as much as they could 
carry away in their pockets and in the kettle. Further 
on, they saw two canoes, and "an old fort or palisado, 
made by some Christians," as they thought. The second 
night, which was rainy, they encamped again, with more 
precautions than before. On Friday evening, hav- 
ing lost their way meanwhile, and been amused 
by an accident to Bradford, who was caught in an Indian 

1 Bradford, 99. eighteen of whom were wives of emi- 

2 Including children, there were grants, 
twenty-eight females in the company, 



168 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

deer-trap, they returned to their friends " both weary and 
welcome, and deUvered in their corn into the store to he 
kept for seed, for they knew not how to come by any, and 
therefore were very glad, proposing, so soon as they could 
meet with any of the inhabitants of that place, to make 
them large satisfaction."-^ 

The succeeding week was spent in putting their tools 

in order and preparing timber for a new boat. During 

, this time, which proved to be cold and stormy, 

Exposures of ■■■ • ' 

the second much inconveuience was experienced from having 

week. 

to wade " a bow-shot" through the shallow water 
to the shore ; and many took " coughs and colds, which 
afterwards turned to the scurvy." On Monday of the 
Nov. 27. week next following, twenty-four of the colonists, 
pSiorof ii^ the shallop, which was now refitted, set out for 
the country. ^^ cxploratiou aloug the coast, accompanied by 
Jones, the shipmaster, and ten of his people, in the long- 
boat. That day and the following night they suffered 
from a cold snow-storm, and were compelled to run in to 

the shore for security. The next day broug^ht 

Nov. 28. '' . . 

them to the harbor to which the preceding jour- 
ney by land had been extended, now named by them 
Cold Harbor, and ascertained to have a depth of twelve 
feet of water at flood-tide. Having slept under a shelter 
of pine-trees, they proceeded to make an exam- 
ination of the spot as to its fitness for their set- 
tlement ; in doing which, under the snow-covered and 
frozen surface, they found another parcel of corn and a 
bag of beans. These spoils they sent back in the shallop 
with Jones and sixteen of the party, who were ill, or worn 
out with exposure and fatigue. Marching inland five or 
six miles, they found a ^rave with a deposit of 

Nov. 30. •' , 1 , T 1 „ r, 

personal articles, as "bowls, trays, dishes, "a 
knife, a pack-needle," " a little bow," and some " strings 

1 Mourt, 4-8. Pamet Harbor, in Truro, seems to Lave been tlie Hmit of 
this expedition. 



v.] 



PLYMOUTH. 



169 



and bracelets of fine white beads." Two wigwams were 
seen, which, appeared to have been recently inhabited.-^ 
Returning to their boat in the evening, the party hastened 
to rejoin their friends. 

The question was discussed whether they should make 
a further examination of the coast, or sit down at the 
harbor which had been visited. The land about it had 
been under cultivation. The site appeared healthy, and 
convenient for defence, as well as for taking whales, of 
which numbers were daily seen. The severity of the 
winter season was close at hand, and the delay, fatigue, 
and risk of further explorations were dreaded. But on 
the whole, the uncertainty as to an adequate supply of 
water, with the insufficiency of the harbor, which, though 
commodious for boats, was too shallow for larger vessels, 
was regarded as a conclusive objection, and it was resolved 



1 Mourt's "Relation" records (12, 13) 
the first observation by the Plymouth 
people of the construction, equipment, 
and provisioning of an Indian wigwam : 
" The houses were made with long young 
sapling trees bended, and both ends 
stuck into the ground. They were 
made round, like unto an arbor, and 
covered down to the ground with thick 
and well-wrought mats; and the door 
was not over a yard high, made of a 
mat to open. The chimney was a wide 
open hole in the top ; for which they 
had a mat to cover it close when they 
pleased. One might stand and go up- 
right in them. In the midst of them 
were four little tranches knocked Into 
the ground, and small sticks laid over, 
on which they hung their pots, and 
what they had to seethe. Hound about 
the fire they lay on mats, which are 
their beds. The houses were double- 
matted ; for as they were matted with- 
out, so were they within, with newer 
and fairer mats. In the houses we found 
wooden bowls, trays, and dishes, earthen 

VOL. I. 15 



pots, hand-baskets made of crab-shells 
wrought together ; also an English pail 
or bucket ; it wanted a ball, but It had 
two Iron ears. There were also bas- 
kets of sundry sorts, bigger and some 
lesser, finer and some coarser. Some 
were curiously wrought with black and 
white In pretty works, and sundry other 
of their household stuff". We found also 
two or three deer's heads, one whereof 
had been newly killed, for it was still 
fresh. There was also a company of 
deer's feet stuck up in the houses, harts' 
horns, and eagles' claws, and sundry 
such like things there was ; also two or 
three baskets full of parched acorns, 
pieces of fish, and a piece of a broiled 
herring. We found also a little silk- 
grass, and a little tobacco-seed, with 
some other seeds which we knew not. 
Without was sundry bundles of flags, 
and sedge, bulrushes, and other stuff" to 
make mats. There was. thrust Into a 
hollow tree two or three pieces of ven- 
ison; but we thought It fitter for the 
dogs than for us." 



170 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

to make a further examination of the bay. The mate of 
the Mayflower had told them of Agawam, now Ijpswich, as 
a good harbor, with fertile land, and facilities for fishing. 
But, as things stood, it was thought too distant for a visit. 

As soon as the state of the weather permitted, a party of 
ten, including Carver, Bradford, and others of the princi- 

Dec. 6. pal men, set ofi" with eight seamen in the shallop 
dition of dis- on what proved to be the final expedition of disco v- 
covery. g^y^ Tho sovorlty of tlio cold was oxtromo. "The 
water froze on their clothes, and made them many times 
like coats of iron." Coasting along the cape in a souther- 
ly direction for six or seven leagues, they landed and slept 
at a place where ten or twelve Indians had appeared on 
the shore. The Indians ran away on being approached, 
and at night it was supposed that it was their fires which 
appeared at four or five miles' distance. The next day, 
while part of the company in the shallop examined the 
shore, the rest, ranging about the country where are now 
the towns of Wellfleet and Eastham, found a burial-place, 
some old wigwams, and a small store of parched acorns, 
buried in the ground ; but they met with no inhabitants. 
The following morning, at daylight, they had just ended 
their prayers, and were preparing breakfast at their camp 
on the beach, when they heard a yell, and a fiight 
of arrows fell among them. The assailants turned 
out to be thirty or forty Indians, who, being fired upon, 
retired. Neither side had been harmed. A number of the 
arrows were picked up, " some whereof were headed with 
brass, others with hart's horn, and others with eagles' 
claws." 

Getting on board, they sailed all day along the shore in 
a storm of snow and sleet, making, by their estimate, a 
distance of forty or fifty miles, without discovering a har- 
bor. In the afternoon, the gale having increased, their 
rudder was disabled, and they had to steer with oars. At 
length the mast was carried away, and they drifted in the 



v.] PLYMOUTH. 171 

dark with a flood tide. With difficulty they brought up 
under the lee of a " small rise of land." Here a part of 
the company, suflering from wet and cold, went on shore, 
though not without fear of hostile neighbors, and lighted 
a fire by which to pass the inclement night.^ In the 
morning, " they found themselves to be on an 
island secure from the Indians, where they might 
dry their stufl", fix their pieces, and rest themselves ; and, 
this being the last day of the week, they prepared ^ec. lo. 
there to keep the Sabbath." 

" On Monday, they sounded the harbor, and found it 
fit for shipping, and marched also into the land, 
and found divers corn-fields and little running landing at 
brooks, a place, as they supposed, fit for situa- 
tion ; so they returned to their ship again with 

this news to the rest of their people, which did much 
comfort their hearts."^ Such is the record of that event 
which has made the twenty-second of December a mem- 
orable day in the calendar.^ 

1 The land was Clark's Island, in about to be built, in 1741, Elder Thomas 
Plymouth harbor, said by Morton to Faunce, then ninety-one years old, came 
have been afterwards so named from to visit the rock, and to remonstrate 
the mate of the Mayflower. against its being exposed to injury ; and 

2 Bradford, 87, 88. he repeated what he had heard of it 

3 AVhen the practice of celebrating from the first planters. Elder Faunce's 
the anniversary at Plymouth began, in testimony was transmitted through 
1769, eleven days were erroneously Mrs. White, who died in 1810, ninety- 
added to the recorded date, to accom- five years old, and Deacon Ephralm 
modate it to the Gregorian style, then Spooner, who died in 1818, at the age 
newly adopted in England. An at- of eighty-three. In 1775, the rock was 
tempt has been made within a few broken into two pieces, in an attempt 
years to substitute the true allowance of to remove it to the town square. The 
ten days. But the twenty-second day large fragment which was separated was 
of December has taken a firm hold on in 1834 jDlaced before Pilgrim Hall, and 
the local thought and literature, which enclosed within an iron ralllnfr. 

the twenty-first will scarcely displace. The tradition does not appear to have 

A trustworthy tradition has preserved unequivocally determined who it was 

the knowledge of the landing-place, nat- that landed on the rock, whether the 

urally an object of interest both to the exploring party of ten men who went 

inhabitants and to strangers. It was on shore at Plymouth, December 11 

Plymouth rock. Part of it is now (old style), or the whole company, who 

imbedded in a wharf When this was came into Plymouth harbor in the May- 



172 



mSTOKY OF NEW ENGLAOT). 



[Chap. 



Dec. 16. 
Arrival of 
the whole 
company at 
Plymouth. 



No time was now lost. By the end of the week, the 
Mayflower had brought her company to keep 
their Sabbath by their future home.-^ Further 
examination confirmed the agreeable impressions 
which had been received. There was found a con- 
venient harbor, " compassed with a goodly land." The 
country was well wooded. It had clay, sand, and shells, 
for bricks, mortar, and pottery, and stone for wells and 
chimneys ; the sea and beach promised abundance of fish 



flower on Saturday, December 16, and 
who, or a part of whom, " went a land" 
two days after. The received opinion, 
that the same landing-place, as being 
the most convenient within sight, was 
used on both occasions, a2:)pears alto- 
gether probable. The question is not 
without interest, because, if the landing 
on the rock should be associated only 
with the event of December 11 (21), 
It would be disconnected from the de- 
barkation of the larger portion of the 
company, including all the women and 
children; and in representations of it, 
the Mayflower at anchor in the harbor 
would have to be omitted, since at the 
time of the first landing she was still at 
the end of the Cape. 

During Bradford's absence, his wife, 
left in the ship, fell overboard, and was 
drowned. 

^ The precise time of the adoption 
of the name which the settlement has 
borne since its first year is not known. 
Plymouth is the name recorded on 
Smith's map as having been given to 
the spot by Prince Charles. It seems 
very likely that the emigrants had with 
them this map, which had been much 
circulated, though they came away in- 
tending to settle at some distance from 
the place ; or it may have been brought 
out to them by the Fortune, which sailed 
from England after intelligence of their 
whereabouts had been brought by the 
Mayflower on her return. Smith un- 
derstood that they had it, for he says 



(True Travels, &c., 46) they endured 
" a Avonderful deal of miseiy with an 
infinite patience, saying my books and 
maps were much better cheap to teach 
them than myself." Hubbard says 
(General History of New England, in 
Mass. Hist. Coll., XV. 51) that "after 
they had discovered land, they were 
altogether ignorant where it was." But 
this must be an eiTor, for Coppin at 
least, the mate, " had been in the coun- 
try before" (Bradford, 86), and told 
them of a harbor near, " which he had 
been in." And they were acquainted 
with the bearing and distance of Aga- 
wam, now Ipswich. (Mourt, 14.) The 
name Neio Plymouth appears in a letter 
written in December, 1621, by William 
Hilton, who had come out in the For- 
tune. Its use on the spot might be 
referred to a still earlier time, if its oc- 
currence in Mourt's Relation (as In pp. 
49, 53, 57, and 64) could be ascribed 
with certainty to the writers. But It 
must be owned that the name may 
have been introduced by the London 
editor. Morton (Memorial, 56) assigns 
as a reason for adopting it, that " Ply- 
mouth In Old England was the last town 
they left in their native country, and 
they received many kindnesses from 
some Christians there." In Mourt, 
" Plymouth " and " the now well- 
defended town of New Plymouth " are 
used as equivalent. Later, the name 
Plymouth came to be appropriated to the 
town, and New Plymouth to the Colony. 



v.] PLYMOUTH. 173 

and fowl, and "four or five small running brooks" brought 
a supply of " very sweet fresh water." After prayer for 
further divme guidance, they fixed upon a spot 
for the erection of their dwellings, in the neigh- 
borhood of a brook " and many delicate springs," and of 
a hill suitable for a look-out and a defence. A storm 
interrupted their proceeding. "When it was past, 
" so many of them as could went on shore, felled 
and carried timber, to provide themselves stuff for build- 
ing." Then came Sunday, when "the people 
on shore heard a cry of some savages, as they 
thought, which caused an alarm and to stand on their 
guard, expecting an assault; but all was quiet." They 
were still without the shelter of a roof At the sharp 
winter solstice of New England, there was but 

" A screen of leafless branches 
Between them and the blast." 

But it was the Lord's hallowed time, and the work of 
buildins^ must wait. Next followed the day sol- 

T ' 1 ' n f» 1 • Christmas. 

emnized, ui the ancient fanes of the continent 
they had left, with the most pompous ritual of what they 
esteemed a vain will-worship. And the reader pauses to 
ponder and analyze the feeling of stern exultation with 
which its record was made : " Monday, the 25 th day, 
we went on shore, some to fell timber, some to saw, some 
to rive, and some to carry; so no man rested all that dai/y^ 
The first operations were the beginning of a platform 
for the ordnance, and of a building, twenty feet First opera- 
square, for a storehouse and for common occupa- *'°"^- 
tion. Nineteen plots for dwellings were laid out, on the 
opposite sides of a way running along the north side of 
the brook. The number of plots corresponded to that of 
the families into which the company was now divided; 
the appropriation was made by lot ; and the size of each 
plot was such as to allow half a rod in breadth, and three 

1 Mourt, 2-4. 
•15* 



174 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

rods in depth, for each person included in the family. It 
was " agreed that every man should build his own house." 
"The frost and foul weather hindered them much." "Sel- 
dom could they work half the week." Time was lost in 
going to and from the vessel, to which in the severe cold 
they were obliged often to repair for lodging. They were 
delayed in unloading by want of boats ; and stone, mortar, 
and thatch were slowly provided. 

These were discouraging circumstances, but far worse 
troubles were to come. The labor of providing habita- 
Fatai sick- tious had scarcely begun, when sickness set in, the 
"^^'" consequence of exposure and bad food. With- 

in four months it carried off nearly half their number. 
Six died in, December, eight in January, seventeen in 
February, and thirteen in March. At one time during 
the winter, only six or seven had strength enough left to 
nurse the dying and bury the dead. Destitute of every 
provision which the weakness and the daintiness of the 
invalid require, the sick lay crowded in the unwholesome 
vessel, or in half-built cabins heaped around with snow- 
drifts. The rude sailors refused them even a share of 
those coarse sea-stores which would have given a little 
variety to their diet, till disease spread among the crew, 
and the kind ministrations of those whom they had neg- 
lected and affronted brought them to a better temper. 
The dead were interred in a bluff by the water-side, the 
marks of burial being carefully effaced, lest the natives 
should discover how the colony had been weakened. The 
imagination vainly tasks itself to comprehend the horrors 
of that fearful winter. The only mitigations were, that the 
cold was of less severity than is usual in the place,^ and 
that there was not an entire want of food or shelter." 

1 " Some tliink it to be colder in landing had not been uncommonly mild 

winter [than England] ; but I cannot for the place. 

out of experience so say." (Winslow 2 " That ivhich was most sad and 

InMourt, 62.) Winslow could not have lamentable was, that in two or three 

written thus, If the first winter after the months' time half of their comjoany died, 



v.] 



PLYMOUTH. 



175 



Meantime, courage and fidelity never gave out. The 
well carried out the dead through the cold and snow, and 
then hastened back from the burial to wait on the sick ; 
and as the sick began to recover, they took the places of 
those whose strength had been exhausted. There was no 
time and there was no inclination to despond. The lesson 
rehearsed at Leyden was not forgotten, " that all great 
and honorable actions are accompanied with great diffi- 
culties, and must be both enterprised and overcome with 
answerable courages." The dead had died in a good ser- 
vice, and the fit way for survivors to honor and lament 
them was to be true to one another, and to work together 
bravely for the cause to which dead and living had alike 
been consecrated. The devastation increased the necessity 
of preparations for defence ; and it was at the time when 



especially in January and February, 
being tlie depth, of winter, and wanting 
houses and other comforts ; being in- 
fected with the scurvy and other dis- 
eases, which this long Yoyage and their 
inaccommodate condition had brought 
upon them ; so as there died sometimes 
two or three of a day, in the aforesaid 
time ; that, of one hundred and odd per- 
sons, scai'ce fifty remained. And of 
these in the time of most distress, there 
was but six or seven sound persons, 
who, to their great commendations be it 
spoken, spared no pains, night nor day, 
but, with abundance of toil and hazard 
of their own health, fetched them wood, 
made them fires, dressed them meat, 
made their beds, washed their loath- 
some clothes, clothed and unclothed 
them ; in a word, did all the homely 
and necessary ofiices for them which 
dainty and queasy stomachs cannot en- 
dure to hear named ; and all this willing- 
ly and cheerfully, without any^grudging 
in the least, showing herein their true 
love unto their friends and brethren. 
A rare example and worthy to be re- 
membered. Two of these seven were 



Mr. William Brewster, their reverend 
Elder, and Miles Standish, their captain 
and military commander, unto whom 
myself and many others were much 
beholden in our low and sick condition. 
And yet the Lord so upheld these per- 
sons, as in this general calamity they 
were not at all infected either with sick- 
ness or lameness. And what I have 
said of these, I may say of many others 
who died m this general visitation, and 
others yet living, that, whilst they had 
health, yea, or any strength continuing, 
they were not wanting to any that had 
need of them. And I doubt not but 
their recompense is with the Lord." 
(Bradford, 91, 92.) When Robinson 
heard of this great calamity, he wrote 
from Leyden (June 30, 1621) : "In a 
battle it is not looked for but that divers 
should die. It is thought well for a side, 
if it get the victory, though with the 
loss of divers, if not too many, or too 
great. God, I hope, hath given you the 
victory after many difliculties, for your- 
selves and others." (Bradford's Letter- 
Book, in Mass. Hist. Coll., IH. 45.) 



176 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

the company was diminishing at the rate of one on every 

1621. second day, that a military organization was 

formed, with Standish for the captain, and the 

humble fortification on the hill overlooking the 

dwellings was mounted with five guns. 

" Warm and fair weather " came at length, and " the 

birds sang in the woods most pleasantly." Never was 

sprinor more welcome than when it opened on 

Jlarch 3. ^ . '^ . 

this afflicted company. 

'As yet there had been no communication with the 

natives, though their fires had been observed at a distance, 

1690. some tools had been lost by their thievery, and 

1621. two of them had been seen on a neighboring hill, 

'^^"■^' and been invited by signals to a conference. At 

eb. 16, 17. jgj^g|.|^^ Qj^ u ^ f^-^-^Q^ warm morning," an Indian 

came into the hamlet, and, passing along the row of huts, 

was intercepted before the common house, which he would 

have entered. In broken English he bade the strangers 

"Welcome," and said that his name was Samo- 

March 16. 

Welcome sct, aiid that he came from Monhegan, a place 
distant a day's sail, and five days' journey by land, 
towards the east, where he had learned something of the 
language from the crews of fishing-vessels. They gave 
him food and kept him all day. He told them, that the 
place where they were was by the Indians called Patuxet, 
and that it had been depopulated four years before by an 
epidemic sickness ; ^ that the subjects of a sachem named 

1 See above, p. 99, note. — " We and none living near by eight or ten 

have been given certainly to know that, miles." (Cushman, in Young, Pilgrims, 

■within these late years, there hath by 258,259.) — "About twelve years since, 

God's visitation reigned a wonderful they were swept away by a great and 

plague," &c. (King James's Charter to grievous plague, that was amongst them, 

theCouncil for New England.)— " They so that there are very few left to inhabit 

were verj^ much wasted of late by rea- the country." (Higginson, New Eng- 

son of a great mortality that fell amongst landte Plantation, in Mass. Hist. Coll., 

them three years since." "We found 1. 123.) — " The hand of God fell heavi- 

the place where we live empty, the ly upon them, with such a mortal stroke 

people being all dead and gone away, that they died on heaps," &c. (Morton, 



v.] PLYMOUTH. 177 

Massasoit were their next neighbors; and that at the 
southeast, on the Cape, was a tribe called the Nausets, 
who were exasperated against the English on account of 
a kidnapping of some of their people.-*^ Heluctantly they 
entertained him for the night, not without suspicion of his 
designs, and sent him away the next morning with the 
present of a knife, a bracelet, and a ring. At parting, 
he promised to repeat his visit, and bring some of his 
friends for a trade in beavers' skins. 

He appeared the following day with five other savages, 
who returned the stolen tools and brought three or four 
skins. As it was Sunday, the English would not March is. 
trade, but gave them hospitable entertainment other na™ 
and some presents, and dismissed them with an '"''®^" 
invitation to come again with a better supply. Samo- 
set could not be prevailed upon to depart with them, but, 
feigning himself sick, remained at the settlement till the 
third day after, when he was despatched to look for his 
friends. 

The next day, he came again, accompanied by four 

New Englisli Canaan, Book I. Chap, who understands that there is a divine 

III.) — " About the year 1618, government of human affairs, and who 

as the ancient Indians report, there be- recalls what has followed upon the oc- 

fell a great mortality among them," &c. cupation of this region by civilized men, 

(Edward Johnson, Wonder-Working may well hesitate to pronounce that 

Providence, Book I. Chap. VIII.) — they erred in that belief. 
" A three years' plague, about twelve i " These people are ill affected to- 

or sixteen years past, swept away most ward the English by reason of one Hunt, 

of the inhabitants all along the sea- a master of a ship, who deceived the 

coast, and in some places utterly con- people, and got them, under color of 

sumed man, woman, and child, so that trucking with them, twenty out of this 

there is no person left to lay claim to very place where we inhabit, and seven 

the soil which they possessed. In most men from the Nausets, and carried them 

of the rest, the contagion hath scarce away, and sold them for slaves." (Mourt, 

left alive one person of a hundred." 33 ; see above, p. 93.) Under this proA'O- 

( Planters' Plea, Chap. IV.) — Hutchin- cation, according to Samoset's account, 

son says (History, I. 38) : " Our ances- the Nausets had killed three EngUsh- 

tors supposed an immediate interposition men eight months before. " They were 

of Providence in the great mortality Sir Ferdinando Gorges's men, as this 

among the Indians, to make room for savage told us" (Mourt, 33) ; that is, of 

the settlement of the English." He Dermer's crew (see above, p. 99). 



with 
soit, 



178 HISTOEY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

others, one of whom, named Squanto, turned out to 
be one of the Indians stolen seven years before 

March 21. '' 

by Hunt.-^ They brought a message from Massa- 
soit, that he was at hand, and desired an interview with 
Visit from, the strangers. It took place with suitable for- 
'Tassa- nialities and precautions. Massasoit appearing 
on the top of a hill close by, with sixty of his 
followers, Winslow was sent out with Squanto, and with 
a present to the king and his brother, consisting of three 
knives, a copper chain with a jewel attached, an ear-ring, 
" a pot of strong water, a good quantity of biscuit, and 
some butter." After a brief parley, Winslow was left 
behind as a hostage, while the king and twenty unarmed 
followers met Standish, Williamson,^ and six musketeers 
at the brook which divided the parties. Massasoit, con- 
ducted with his men to an unfinished building, where a rug 
and cushions were spread for them, gave audience to the 
Governor, who came " with drum and trumpet after him, 
and some few musketeers." After salutations and feasting, 
they proceeded to make a treaty with the following stipu- 
lations : — that Massasoit and his people should offer no 
injury to the English, and that any offender in this re- 
spect should be surrendered for punishment ; that, if 
tools were stolen, they should be restored, and that similar 
redress should be afforded on the other part; that mu- 

1 So say Bradford (95) and Mourt's calls the Indian mentioned in the text 

Journal (35). Dermer, finding in New- Tisqucmtum. Bradford almost always 

foundland, in 1618, a Tasquantum who, gives him the name of Squanto. 

six years before, had been kidnapped ^ " Master Williamson." (Mourt, 36.) 

by Hunt, brought him to England, and There is no Williamson in Bradford's 

back again to America, (Brief Relation list. There is a Thomas Williams 

of the President and Council of New (Bradford, 449) ; but his place in the 

England, 13, 16,) leaving him at Saco, catalogue is such as to make it seem 

whence he seems to have found his unlikely that he would be called Master; 

way to Plymouth. Gorges (Briefe Nar- and he probably died before the visit of 

ration, Chap. II.) says that the name of Massasoit. (Ibid., 454.) The name may 

one of the three natives brought to him have been a misprint for Alleiion, who 

by Waymouth (see above, pp. 76, 80) was Standish's companion on the same 

was Tasquantum. Winslow uniformly errand the following day. (Mourt, 38.) 



v.] PLYMOUTH. 179 

tual aid should be rendered against enemies ; that notice 
should be sent to other neighboring natives, to the end 
that they might enter into similar engagements ; and that, 
when visits should be exchanged, the visitors should go 
unarmed. This business settled, Massasoit was assured 
that " King James would esteem of him as his friend and 
ally." 

The treaty — which remained in force fifty-four years — 
being concluded, Massasoit was conducted by the Governor 
to the brook, and rejoined his party, leaving hostages be- 
hind. Presently his brother, Quadequina, came over with 
a retinue, and was entertained with like hospitality ; after 
which, the hostages were mutually released. The next 
day, on an invitation from the king, Standish and 
Allerton returned his visit, and were regaled with 
" three or four ground-nuts and some tobacco." The 
Governor sent for the king's kettle, and returned it " full 
of pease, which pleased them well, and so they went their 
way." Squanto and Samoset remained, and the former 
gave an earnest of his subsequent usefulness to the English 
by taking for them a quantity of eels. Their tables would 
have been better supplied, had they been able to avail 
themselves of the plenty of the fishing-grounds; but, by 
some oversight, they had come unprovided with the proper 
tackle.-^ 

As their New Year's Day approached,^ they " proceeded 
with their common business, from which they had been so 
often hindered by the savages' coming, and con- March 21- 
cluded both of military orders and of some laws ^^- 

Organization 

and orders thought behooveful for their pres- military and 
ent estate and condition."^ At the same time 
they re-elected Carver to be their Governor. They had 
now completed such preparation as was to be made for 

1 Mourt, 26. Winslow, Good Newes 25th of March, called in the church 
from New England, 294. calendar the Annunciatmx, or Lady 

2 Till 1752 the years were reckoned Day. 

by the English as beginning on the 3 Mourt, 39. 



180 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAOT). [Chap. 

severing the last tie that bound them to the scenes of their 

earlier life, and the Mayflower set sail on her return 

voyao^e, with scarcely more than half the crew 

April 5. •' o ' _ •' 

Sailing of the wliicli had uayigatod her to America, the rest hav- 
ing fallen victims to the epidemic of the winter. 
The delay in landing her passengers and stores had been 
protracted by a fire, which had destroyed the roof of the 
storehouse ; and this, with the imwillingness of the colo- 
nists to part with her while their situation remained so 
precarious, and the necessity of recruiting the health of 
her crew, had occasioned her detention through the winter, 
at a cost which was afterwards complained of by the Ad- 
venturers.^ She carried back not one of the emigrants, 
dispiriting as were the hardships which they had endured, 
and those they had still in prospect. 

Scarcely had she departed, when another calamity oc- 
curred, as grievous as any that could have befallen the 
Death of struggling colony. Carver, who at one time had 
Carver. bccu Icft with no aid but that of Brewster, Stan- 
dish, and four others, to nurse their suffering companions, 
" oppressed by his great care and pains for the common 
good," came out of the fiekP where he Avas planting, took 
to his bed, after a few hours fell into a delirium, and died 
in a few days. In " great lamentation and heaviness " 
they laid him in his grave, " with as much solemnity as 
they were in a capacity to perform, with a discharge of 
some volleys of shot of all that bare arms." His wife, 
" being overcome with excessive grief for the loss of so 
gracious a husband," followed him after a few weeks. 
Bradford was chosen to the vacant office, with Isaac Aller- 

1 Bradford, 100. sudden fever. But Bradford, not stat- 

2 Belknap (Amer. Blog., II. 215) ing what -would have presented an in- 
says, " on the 6th of April, the day on teresting coincidence, says merely (100) 
which the ship sailed for England." If " in this month of April." Perhaps 
it were so, one might conjectui-e as to Belknap, who was not acquainted with 
how much, in Carver's debihtated state Bradford's History, made a hasty infer- 
and with such anxieties upon him, the ence from the place of the entry in 
sailing of the ship had to do with his Prince's Chronology. 



v.] PLYMOUTH. 181 

ton, at his request, for his Assistant.^ Forty-six of the 
colonists of the Mayflower were now dead, — twenty-eight 
out of the forty-eight adult men.^ Before the arrival of 
the second party of emigrants in the autumn, the dead 
reached the number of fifty-one, and only an equal num- 
ber survived the first miseries of the enterprise. 

The transmitted history of Carver covers less than four 
years. A diligent curiosity has failed to discover his birth- 
place or his early condition. In an unambitious service 
of religious duty, which in its partially developed results 
has already changed the face of human afiairs, tradition 
relates that he sacrificed an ample estate. He wore him- 
self out with public labors, and ministrations of private 
compassion. He was honored to be the earliest chief of 
the company which unconsciously was laying the foun- 
dation-stone of the American republic,^ if indeed he did 
not subscribe the first name afiixed, in the annals of 
mankind, to a fundamental constitution of government.^ 

In early spring, the settlers opened the ground near 
their dwellings with the spade, and prepared 

,, . , °^ „. "- ^ . -^ ^ . , March 19,20. 

their rude gardens. I hey sowed six acres with 
barley and pease. Their srood fortune in the 

•^ ^ '-' Employments 

winter at the subterranean storehouses had given and condition 
them ten bushels of Indian corn for seed. This during the 
sufficed them for the cultivation of twenty acres, ^""'™"' 
Squanto instructing them how to plant and hill it, and 

1 This arrangement had reference to of other colonies near it, is uncertain. 

Bradford's " being not yet recovered of Whether Britain would have 

his illness, in which he had been near had any colonies in America, if religion 

the point of death." (Bradford, 100.) had not been the grand inducement, is 

2 The seven men named above (p. doubtful." (Hutchinson, History, 1. 11.) 
164, note) were all dead. (Bradford, 4 See above, p. 165. "This is per- 
451, 452.) Martin's hut was emptied ; haps the only instance in human history 
" he and all his died in the first infec- of that positive orio-inal social compact, 
tion." which speculative philosophers have 

3 " Virginia In its infancy was strug- imagined as the only legitimate source 
gllng for life ; and what its fate would of government." (John Quincy Adams, 
have been. If the fathers of it In Eng- Oration on the 22d of December, 1802, 
land had not seen the rise and growth p. 1 7.) 

VOL. I. 16 



182 HISTORY OE NEW ENGLAKD. [Chap. 

manure it with fish. As the season advanced, they found 
native grapes and berries in abundance ; and they did 
not omit to record that wild-flowers of various hue and 
" very sweet " fragrance added a charm to the scene. 

A visitor to Plymouth during this summer, as he land- 
ed on the southern side of a high blufl", would have seen, 
standing between it and a rapid little stream, a rude house 
of logs or planks, twenty feet square, containing the com- 
mon property of the plantation. Proceeding up a gentle 
acclivity between two rows of log cabins, nineteen in. 
number, some of them perhaps vacant since the death of 
their first tenants, he would have come to a hill sur- 
mounted with a platform for cannon. He might have 
counted twenty men at work with hoes in the enclosures 
about the huts, or fishing in the shallow harbor, or visiting 
the woods or the beach for game ; while six or eight women 
were busy in household aff'airs, and some twenty children, 
from infancy upwards, completed the domestic picture.^ 

With the variety afforded by wild-fowl, fish, and native 
fruits, what remained of the stores that had been brought 
over yielded a sufficient supply of food, and the summer 
season brought no other want. Vigilance was necessary 
against hostile neighbors, and a system was to be pursued 
for securing order and industry; but the overseer of 
twenty laborers had no hard task, when one half of them, 
at least, shared fully in his own public spirit, and as many 
as might be of a diff'erent disposition depended for their 
daily comforts on the good-will and sense of justice of 
those who maintained him in his place. Four expeditions 
during the summer varied the life of the exiles, and ex- 
tended their knowledge of the country to a few miles' 
distance on the north, east, and west. 

Winslow and Hopkins, accompanied by Squanto as 

1 Of the cbildren, two were born on White, while she was anchored in Cape 
board the Mayflower ; — one, Oceanus Cod Harbor. White lived three years 
Hopkins, at sea ; the other, Peregrine into the next century. 



v.] PLYMOUTH. 183 

interpreter, were despatched to visit Massasoit, at his home 
on Narragansett Bay, in order to ascertain where his peo- 
ple mie^ht be found in case of need, to obtain in- , 

■"- Y June or July. 

formation of his force and of the condition of the visit to Mas- 
country, to cement the friendship ah'eady con- 
tracted, and to make arrangements for future intercourse. 
They bore " a horseman's coat of red cotton and laced with 
a slight lace " for a present, and a copper chain to be the 
credential of any messenger whom Massasoit might send to 
the settlement, where, he was to be informed, it would not 
be convenient, by reason of scarcity of the means of hos- 
pitality, to receive his people so freely as heretofore. By 
a walk of fifteen miles, they came in the afternoon to a 
village called Namasket, in what is now Middleborough, 
where the natives entertained them with "a kind of 
bread," and with spawn of shads boiled with old acorns. 
At night, they lodged in the open air, at a place eight 
miles further on, where were a number of Indians, who 
had assembled to fish, but had erected no shelter. Here 
they saw marks of former extensive cultivation. "Thou- 
sands of men had lived there, which died in a great 
plague, not long since." Six savages accompanied them 
the next day, bearing their arms and clothes, and carrying 
them over the fords on their shoulders. 

Their errand was happily accomplished, though at the 
cost of a distressing experience of the poverty and filth 
of Indian hospitality. The housekeeping of the greatest 
chief of the tribes between Narragansett Bay and the 
Piscataqua was at the smallest possible remove above 
brute life. Massasoit avowed himself well content to 
renew the alliance, and promised to promote the trafiic in 
skins, to furnish a supply of corn for seed, and to ascer- 
tain the owners of the underground granaries rifled by 
the English in the winter, so that restitution might be 
made. He told them of the Narragansetts, a strong tribe 
dwelling further to the west, which had not suffered from 
the recent pestilence, and advised them to arrest the trade 



184 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

between that people and "the Frenchmen."^ He had no 
food to offer the envoys, and their lodgmg in his sty was 
of the most comfortless description. The* following day, 
he invited them to a share, with forty Indians, in three 
small fishes. On the fifth day of their absence from the 
settlement they returned, faint and giddy for want of sleep 
and food.^ 

A boy of the company having gone astray in the woods, 
ten men, accompanied by Squanto and another native, 
Visit to went in search of him in a boat, to the southern 
Nauset. coast of tho bay, whither they had intelligence 
of his ha^dng wandered.^ The first night, they put in at 
the harbor of Cummaquid, now Barnstable, where they 
were courteously received by the sachem, named lyan- 
nough, and were assailed with angry language by a 
woman whose son had been kidnapped by Captain Hunt. 
The next day, attended by lyannough, they proceeded to 
Nauset, now Eastham, the place of the attack upon the 
exploring party in the preceding autumn. Here the boy 
was surrendered, and an arrangement was made to pay 
at Plymouth for the corn which had been taken away. 
" Not less than a hundred " savages came about them at 
this interview. On the third day they returned home, the 
more hastily for a story told them at Nauset, that their 
ally, Massasoit, had been carried off by the Narragansetts. 
Their renewed observations, in summer-time, on the place 
where they had at first proposed to build, afforded them 
the satisfaction of concluding that its soil was "not so 
good for corn as where they were." 

1 Mourt, Journal, 45. But I suppose ^ The date of this expedition also is 
this was a mistake of Winslow's, and uncertain, though the account of it be- 
that Massasoit spoke of the Dutch. gins: " The 11th of June we set forth." 

2 " We set forward the 1 0th of June." (Mourt, 49.) This and the previous 
(Mourt's Relation, 41.) But it is prob- date of Mourt could not both be cor- 
able, from Bradford's statement (102) rect, as then the expeditions to Nauset 
and other considerations, that the ex- and to Massasoit's country would have 
pedition was in the first week of July, been contemporaneous, whereas Squan- 
The question of this date has no rela- to is said to have been in both. 

tions that make it worth discussing. 



v.] PLYMOUTH. 185 

Their return was welcome, for they were half the force 
of the colony ; and m their absence information had come 
of dangerous intrigues on the part of Corbitant, a chief 
subordinate to Massasoit and supposed to be attached to 
the Narragansetts. The report was, that he was aiming 
to detach Massasoit from the alliance lately made, and that 
he had threatened violence against Squanto, Hobbamak, 
and Tokamahamon, counsellors of" the sachem friendly to 
the English. Hobbamak soon after escaped with difficulty 
to the settlement, bringing intelligence of the apprehen- 
sion of Squanto. Standish, with some twelve men, well 
armed, was sent back with Hobbamak to protect 

Aug. 14. 

their friend, and counteract the plot. At midnight. Expedition 
after a rainy day, and a weary march, lengthened 
by their having strayed from the path, they beset the 
wigwam of Corbitant at Namasket. Not finding him there, 
they disarmed his people, who were thrown into conster- 
nation by the report of their fire-arms. The next day, 
leaving for him a message of caution against the repe- 
tition of hostile attempts upon their friends, they 
returned to Plymouth, accompanied by Squanto, 
whom they had rescued, a wounded man and woman 
whom they brought to be treated by their physician, and 
others who volunteered to carry their arms and knapsacks. 
They had killed none. The good eifect upon their savage 
neighbors of this prompt action was presently apparent. 
Nine sachems, representing jurisdictions extending from 
Charles River to Buzzard's Bay, came into the sept. 13. 
town, and subscribed a writing by which they of"ninfsa" 
" acknowledged themselves to be loyal subjects of *'''®"''- 
King James " ; which was but a way of engaging to keep 
the peace with his subjects at Plymouth.^ 

The last expedition of the season was to the bay on 
which Boston now stands, called in the contem- visit to 
poraneous record Massachusetts Bay. Standish E°-''°''2^y- 

1 Morton,Memorial, 67; comp. Bradford, 104. 
16* 



186 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

and nine others, with three Indians to interpret, of whom 
Squanto was one, embarked at midnight with the 

Sept. 20. . mi 1 . 

ebb-tide. The second mornmg they landed upon 
a beach under a clifF,^ and received the submission of a 
chief on a promise of being a " safeguard from his enemies." 
They surveyed the "fifty islands" of Boston harbor; and, 
passing the night on board their boat, went on shore 
again the following day, and walked a few miles into the 
country. They observed land which had been cultivated, 
two forts in decay, untenanted huts, and other tokens of 
recent depopulation. They noted " the fair entrance " of 
the river Charles, and "harbors for shipping" than which 
" better cannot be." They conciliated the few natives 
whom they met, and traded with them for some skins. 
They learned that the principal personage in the neigh- 
borhood was the female chief, or " squaw sachem," of 
Massachusetts, that it had suffered from hostile incursions 
of the Tarratines, and that its people owned a certain alle- 
giance to Massasoit. The third evening, by " a light 
moon," the party set sail for home, which they reached 

before the following noon. The accounts they 

Sept. Sa nil 

brought of the place explored naturally made 
their friends " wish they had been seated there." 

" They began now .to gather in the small harvest they 
had." The husbandry of the year had proved a pros- 
improved perous beginning. The rivers supplied manure 
prospects. ^^ abuudauce, and the weather had been not un- 
favorable. " All the summer there was no want." The 
pease turned out " not worth the gathering ; the sun 
parched them in the blossom"; but the barley was "in- 
different good," and there was " a good increase of Indian 
corn." " They had about a peck of meal a week to a 
person, or now, since harvest, Indian corn to that propor- 

1 Dr. Belknap (Amer. Elog., II. 224) afterwards built. This is uncertain ; 

understood this clifF to have been Copp's see Drake's "History and Antiquities 

Hill, the northernmost eminence of the of Boston," 44, note, 
three, on and about which Boston was 



v.] PLYMOUTH. 187 

tion." The cod and bass fishing had afforded ample sup- 
plies. Seven substantial dwelling-houses had been built, 
" and four for the use of the plantation," ^ while others 
were in progress. Fowl were so abundant in the autumn, 
that " four men in one day killed as much as, with a little 
help beside, served the company almost a week." " There 
was great store of wild turkeys, of which they took many, 
besides venison." The fowlers had been sent out by the 
Governor, "that so they might, after a special manner, 
rejoice together after they had gathered the fruit of their 
labors " ; — the first celebration of the national festival of 
New England, the autumnal Thanksgiving On that occa- 
sion of hilarity, they "exercised their arms," and for three 
days " entertained and feasted" Massasoit and some ninety 
of his people, who made a contribution of five deer to 
the festivity.^ Health was restored ; household fires were 
burning ; and in good heart and hope the lonely company 
disposed themselves to meet the rigor of another winter. 

Before the winter set in, tidings from England had 
come, to relieve the long year's lonesomeness ; and a wel- 
come addition was made to the sadly diminished number. 
The Fortune, a vessel of fifty-five tons' burden, 

' •> ' Nov. 9. 

reached Plymouth after a passage of four months, Arrival of 
with Cushman and some thirty other emigrants. 
The men who now arrived outnumbered those of their 
predecessors who were still living. 

It would be an error to suppose that the community 
planted at Plymouth was of a strictly homoge- 
neous character.^ The devoted men, who at Ley- 



Character of 
the colonists. 



1 We collect here and there a hint and hnseed oil for your windows." 
as to the construction of the houses. A (Winslow, in Mourt, 64.) 
storm on the 4th of February (in the 2 Ibid., 60, 61. 
worst of the sickness) " caused much 3 " Our company are for the most part 
daubing of our houses to fall down" very religious, honest people." (Let- 
(Mourt, 30) ; this was the clay or other ter of William Hilton, sent from Ply- 
earth which filled the chinks between mouth in December, 1621, and first pub- 
the logs. Winslow wrote to persons lished in 1622, in the second edition of 
proposing to emigrate, " Bring paper John Smith's " New England's Trials.") 



188 HISTOEY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

den had debated the question of emigration, did not con- 
stitute the whole company even of the Mayflower. They 
had been joined in England by several strangers, who, 
like themselves, had come under engagements to the 
London Adventurers. That partnership had business 
objects, and was by no means solely swayed by a re- 
ligious sympathy with the emigrants from Leyden. It 
may be presumed that the persons in England who would 
volunteer, or be induced, to take part in the transactions 
with Robinson's congregation, would generally be such as 
were under similar religious influences; but there is no 
proof that the Leyden people had any effectual control 
over the selection of their companions whom the partners 
were to send. Certain it is, that Robinson understood the 
society to be composed of not altogether accordant materi- 
als, when assembled at Southampton for the embarkation.-^ 
And before the landing at Cape Cod, the manifestation of 
a disorderly spirit had been the immediate occasion of a 
compact for the institution of a government. The first 
half-year was not ended, when John Billington, who ten 
years later was hung for murder, was " sentenced by the 
whole company to have his neck and heels tied 

March. i J r^ > -, n 

together for contempt of the Captam's lawful 
command with opprobrious speeches." He " came from 
London," and Bradford " knew not by what friends shuf- 
fled into their company."^ Dotey and Lister, for fighting 
a duel "with sword and dagger," were "adjudged 
by the whole company to have their head and 
feet tied together, and so to lie for twenty-four hours 
without meat or drink." They had come over as servants 
to Mr. Hopkins, and the country did not suit Lister, 
who, as soon as his time was out, removed to Virginia. 

1 See above, p. 162. amongst them from the first, -whlcli 

2 Bradford, 277, Bradford had came out of England, and more after- 
found him out early. " He is a knave, wards by some of the Adventurers, as 
and so -will live and die." (Letter to friendship or other aflfections led them." 
Cushman of June 9, 1625.) "They (Bradford, 214.) 

had some untoward persons mixed 



v.] PLYMOUTH. 189 

Of the twenty men of the Mayflower's company who 
had survived the first winter, eleven are favorably known. 
The rest are either known unfavorably (as Billington, 
Dotey, and Lister), or else only by name.^ The advantage 
in number, and the authority of superior character, deter- 
mined that events should proceed at Plymouth according 
to the policy of Bradford, Brewster, and their friends. But 
internal tendencies to disturbance are not to be left out of 
view in a consideration of the embarrassments with which 
they had to struggle.- The arrival of a ship with passen- 
gers was not an occasion of unmingled pleasure. In the 
urgent need that existed for a reinforcement, the Adven- 
turers could not be fastidious, nor is it improbable that 
they would freely use the opportunity to rid themselves of 
troublesome dependents. Of the twenty-five men brought 
out by the Fortune, some were old friends of the colonists, 
at Leyden.^ Others were persons who added to the moral 
as well as to the numerical strength of the settlement. 
But there were not wanting such as became subjects for 
anxiety and coercion.^ 

1 In respect to six, however, of those 2 " Jn these hard and difficult begin- 

whom I have placed in the last class, nings, they found some discontents and 

it may be inferred, from Bradford's murmurings arise among some, and mu- 

subsequent mention of Cooke, Eaton, tinous speeches and carriage in other ; 

Brown, and Soule, (451, 453, 454,) but they were soon quelled and over- 

that they were orderly persons at least ; come by the wisdom, patience, and just 

while " Gardiner became a seaman, and and equal carriage of things by the 

died in England, or at sea," and Gil- Governor and better part, which clave 

bert Winslow, Bradford says (454), faithfully together in the main." (Ibid., 

"after divers years' abode here, re- 91.) 

turned into England, and died there." 3 Winslow (Brief Narration, in Hypoc- 

Besides the "twenty," there were Tre- risie Unmasked, 393) mentions two of 

vor and Ely, of whom we only know the Fortune's passengers, Simonson and 

that they were " seamen hired to stay a Delano (De la Noye, a person of French 

year in the country," and that, " when extraction), as having been members of 

their time was out, they both returned." the Leyden church. Thomas Prince, 

In the eleven " favorably known " I afterwards Governor, came in this ves- 

have included Isaac AUerton, who at sel, and John Winslow, a brother of 

this time was entirely trusted, though Edward. Cushman brought his son, 

at a later period he incurred much and there was a son of Brewster, 

reproach. 4 " Lusty young men, and many of 



190 HISTOKY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

The patent from the London Company, under which the 

emigrants had expected to possess their American home, 

, was rendered useless by their landing so far to 

111 success of J n 

the London the uorth. That branch of the Virginia corpora- 
tion had never prospered. Successive charters, 
with extended privileges, had failed to infuse energy into its 
management.-'^ The operations of its heroic officer, John 
Smith, had been thwarted, till he withdrew discouraged 
from its service ; and the colony at Jamestown seemed 
flickering to its extinction, when it took new life from 
the example of the settlement at Plymouth. At home, 
the counsels of the Company had been paralyzed by in- 
ternal dissension and by the king's hostility, excited both 
by his relations to the Spanish court, which desired to 
repel neighbors from its settlement in Florida, and by 
his pique against some of the principal men of the Com- 
pany, who were popular leaders in Parliament. The 
1620. Leyden congregation were just preparing for their 
April, removal, when the king forbade the re-election of 
their friend. Sir Edwin Sandys, as Governor and Treas- 
urer of the Company. His mandate was obeyed; but, 
instead of his nominee, the Earl of Southampton was 

them wild enough." (Bradford, 106.) openly, some pitching the bar, and 

" The plantation was glad of this ad- some at stool-ball, and such like sports, 

dition of strength, but could have wished So he went to them and took away 

that many of them had been of better their implements, and told them that 

condition, and all of them better fur- was against his conscience, that they 

nished with provisions ; but that could should play and others work. If they 

not be helped." (Ibid.) " On the day made their keeping of it matter of devo- 

called Christmas Day, the Governor tion, let them keep their houses, but 

called them out to work, as was used ; there should be no gaming or revelling 

but the most of this new company ex- in the streets. Since which time noth- 

cused themselves, and said it went ing hath been attempted that way, at 

against their consciences to work on least openly." (Ibid., 112.) 

that day. So the Governor told them i The three charters of 1606, 1609, 

that, if they made it matter of con- and 1612 are in Hazard, I. 50, 58, 72. 

science, he would spare them till they The first included both the London and 

were better informed. So he led away Plymouth Companies, or Colonies, as 

the rest, and left them ; but when they they were called. (See above, pp. 81, 

came home at noon from their work, ^.) The last two conferred powers 

he found them in the street at play on the London branch only. 



v.] 



PLYMOUTH. 



191 



chosen, a statesman equally obnoxious to the royal dis- 
pleasure.-^ 



1 The troubles of the Virginia Com- 
pany, in its contest with the court, are 
set forth at large in Peckard's " Life of 
Nicholas Ferrar," the Protestant monk, 
who, before his seclusion, had, as Dep- 
uty-Governor of the Company, shown 
extraordinary ability in the manage- 
ment of its affairs. I have only an 
abridgment of that work, published by 
Joseph Masters (London, 1852). The 
story is therein told, in pp. 67-91, 94, 
95. 

The friendliness of Sir Edwin Sandys 
to Robinson's congregation has been 
already mentioned. (See above, pp. 
151, 152.) Hume (Chap. XLYIIL) 
commemorates " his activity and vigor 
in discharging his duty as a member of 
Parhament." In 1614, the king had 
committed him to the Tower for some 
freedoms in debate. He was known as 
a man of letters, having published met- 
rical versions of some portions of Scrip- 
ture, and written a work entitled "Eu- 
ropse Speculum, or a View or Survey 
of the State of Religion in the Western 
Parts of the "World," wherein he record- 
ed the results of personal observations 
in all the countries of Southern Europe, 
except Spain. The copy which I have 
read is of an edition published at the 
Hague in 1629. From the Preface it 
appears that Sir Edwin was not known 
to have deceased (though he died in 
that year), and that the publication was 
unauthorized by him. The Preface also 
declares, that there had been an earlier 
edition, in 1605, from " a spurious stolen 
copy, in part epitomized, in part ampli- 
fied," and that, " since that time, there 
had been another impression of the 
same." I know no book which conveys 
so lively an idea of the state of mind 
of a large class of reflecting Protestants 
at that period. The author's reason is 
fully satisfied of the necessity of the 



Reformation from Romanism. But the 
influences of early training still embar- 
rass him. He is full of anxiety for the 
result of the contest. And he inclines 
much to the opinion, that the methods 
of the Papists for winning and securing 
disciples should be adopted by their 
opponents. The struggle within him 
between the old feeling of conservatism 
and the conviction of a need of change 
is curiously manifest. 

While the treaty for a marriage be- 
tween Prince Charles and the Infanta 
was pending, Spain exerted great con- 
trol over the English councils, — part- 
ly, it was believed, through money 
used for corruption. Gondomar, the 
Spanish ambassador, had helped to in- 
fluence King James against Sandys, by 
representing him as hostile to the pro- 
posed match. In a MS. volume in the 
State-Paper Office, entitled "America 
and West Indies," at page 507, is a 
letter, of January 7, 1621, addressed by 
Sandys to " the Right Honorable my 
most honored good Lord, the Marquis 
of Buckingham, Lord High Admiral of 
England." In it he says: "I under- 
stand, by the last boastings of Sir 
Thomas Smith and his partisans, of 
their sedulous endeavors by a cloud of 
untruths to make a fresh interposition 
between the most joyful sight of his 
Majesty's favor, and the darkness where- 
with myself and my service rest yet ob- 
scured, an attempt of strange malignity." 
He represents, that, by God's blessing 
Lis labors, "more hath been done in 
one year, with less than eight thousand 
pounds, for the advancement of that 
Colony [Virginia] in people and store 
of commodities, than was done in Sir 
Thomas Smith's twelve years with ex- 
pense of near eighty thousand pounds." 
He declares himself willing to give one 
more year's service to it, if the king de- 



192 



HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. 



[Chap. 



The king showed his resentment by favoring the inter- 
incorporation csts of tho lival Companj, and of this disposition 
Gorges did not fail to take advantage. Eeviving 
from their recent discouragement,^ he and his as- 
sociates sohcited, and with no difficulty obtained, a new 
incorporation, under the title of " The Council 
established at Plymouth, in the County of Devon, 
for the planting, ordering, ruling, and governing of New 

Most of the forty patentees of 



of the Coun- 
cil for New 
England. 



1620. 
Nov. 3. 



England in America."^ 



sires. If not, he ■will gladly retire, and 
avoid offering offence to his Majesty. 

Lord Southampton, Sandys's friend, 
who succeeded him as Governor of the 
Virginia Company, continued in that 
office till its dissolution, which took place 
in June, 1624,by judgment of the Court 
of King's Bench on a writ of quo war- 
ranto issued in November of the pre- 
vious year. These measures against 
the Company had been preceded by 
sharp disputes within it. " There is a 
great faction fallen out in the Virginia 
Company," &c. " The las't week, the 
Earl of Warwick and the Lord Caven- 
dish fell so foul at a Virginia or Ber- 
mudas court, that the lie passed and 
repassed, and they are got over to try 
their fortune." (Letters of Chamber- 
lain to Sir Dudley Carleton, April 19 
and July 26, 1G23, in Birch's "Court 
and Times of James the First," II. 389, 
413.) 

On the dissolution of the Company, 
Mr. Ferrar, the Deputy-Governor, is 
said (Life of Nicholas Ferrar, 98) to 
have " seen the attested copies of all 
the books and papers belonging to 
them delivered into safe custody in the 
Dorset family." It is these copies, I 
suppose, which, having come into the 
possession of Mr. Jefferson, now belong 
to the Law Library at Washington, in 
consequence of the purchase by the 
government of the papers of that states- 
man. When Dr. Peckard wrote his 
Life of Ferrar, about 1 790, he applied 



for them to the Duke of Dorset, but 
they were not to be found. Before 
that time, it seems, they had been con- 
veyed to this country. Stith (His- 
tory of Virginia, Preface, v., vi.) says 
he was informed by Colonel Byrd of 
Virginia that his father purchased them 
in England of the executors of the Earl 
of Southampton for sixty guineas. 
Those which Stith saw, and largely 
used for his work, were in three vol- 
umes, two of which contained a regular 
journal of proceedings from April 28, 
1619, the time of Sandys's election as 
Governor, to the time of the dissolution 
of the Company, They were at one 
time in the possession of the Randolph 
family. 

1 See above, p. 98. 

2 Gorges, Briefe Narration, Chap. 
XVI. The petitioners had asked 
(March 3, 1620) "that their territory 
may be called, as by the Prince his 
Highness it hath been named, Neio 
England.'" The patent is in Hazard, I. 
103. The royal warrant for its prep- 
aration had been issued, July 23. 
(Hazard, I. 99.) Acquainted with this 
movement, Weston and others had, be- 
fore the embarkation at Leyden, rec- 
ommended the taking of a patent from 
the Council for New England, rather 
than from the Virginia Company. 
(Bradford, 44.) 

Of the records of the Council for New 
England, two portions survive among 
the documents iu the State-Paper Office 



v.] 



PLYMOUTH. 



193 



this Council were men of distinguished consequence. 
Thirteen were peers, some of them of the highest rank. 
It was empowered to hold territory in America, extending 
westward from sea to sea, and in breadth from the for- 
tieth to the forty-eighth degree of north latitude. 

Upon lands of this corporation Bradford and his com- 
panions had sat down without leave, and were of course 
liable to be summarily expelled. Informed of their po- 
sition by the return of the Mayflower to England in the 
spring, their friends obtained from the Coun- 
cil a patent which was brought by the For- 
tune.^ It was taken out in the name of " John Pierce, 



1621. 
Nov. 9. 



in London. The first (consisting of 
forty pages, if my memorandum is cor- 
rect) is bound in the beginning of the 
first volume of the series entitled " Board 
of Trade." Its title, " A Journal of the 
Council of Trade from the last of May, 
1622, to the 21st of June, 1623," which 
is in a much more modern handwriting, 
and was prefixed, as I think there can 
be no doubt, by some person who did 
not understand the character of the doc- 
ument, has concealed it from the knowl- 
edge of inquirers in later times. It has 
been injured by fire. Mr. Felt, who 
had seen it, qviotes it (Ecclesiastical His- 
tory, &c.,I. 68) under the title of "Coim- 
cil Records of London." Mr. Deane, in 
his edition of Bradford (209), and Mr. 
Haven (Archgeol. Amer., HI. 54), more 
precisely recognize the memoranda of 
Ml'. Felt as being from "the Records 
of the Council for New England." 

The other fragment is the tenth par- 
cel in the file, in the State-Paper Ofiice, 
designated by the number 485. It is, 
I suppose, no part of the original Jour- 
nal, but of a copy, made probably in 
the year 16 74, when the project to send 
Randolph to New England was matur- 
ing. It extends over the time between 
November, 1631, and November, 1638. 

It seems that, not long before the 

VOL. I. 17 



commission of Colonel Nichols and oth- 
ers, in 1664, the Journal was placed in 
the hands of the first Lord Clarendon, 
from which time it was lost sight of. 
In May, 1678, "the Lords of the Com- 
mittee" (that is, the Privy Council's 
Committee of Trade, &c., established 
March 12, 1675) apphed by letter to 
the second Lord Clarendon for "a large 
book in folio, bound in parchment, of 
the Records of the Council for New 
England from 1620 to 1635," which, as 
they had learned from Robert Mason, 
was in 1662 delivered by him to the 
Earl's father, " wherein, among other 
things, are contained all the grants made 
from the said Council." (Original Pa- 
pers in the State-Paper Oflice,II. 151.) 
In a subsequent letter, Southwell, Sec- 
retary of the Committee, informs Lord 
Clarendon (Ibid., 162) that, on an ex- 
amination of the Records of the Privy 
Council, he finds that Mason's claim 
cannot be substantiated, unless Lord 
Clarendon can find the book lately 
applied for. 

^ The original of this instrument, 
after a long disappearance, came to 
light, within the present century, in the 
Land-Office of Massachusetts, and had 
been seen by Judge Davis when he pre- 
pared his edition of Morten's " Memo- 



194 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

citizen and clothworker of London, and his associates," 
with the understanding that it should be held in trust for 
Patent from tlic Advcnturcrs, of whom Pierce was one. It 
forNZ""* allowed a hundred acres of land to every colonist 
England. gono aud to go to New England, at a yearly rent 

of two shillings an acre after seven years. It 
granted fifteen hundred acres for public uses, and liberty 
to "hawk, fish, and fowl"; to "truck, trade, and traffic 
with the savages"; to "establish such laws and ordinances 
as are for their better government, and the same, by such 
officer or officers as they shall by most voices elect and 
choose, to put in execution"; and to "encounter, expulse, 
repel, and resist by force of arms " all intruders, and other 
persons who should " enterprise or attempt destruction, 
invasion, detriment, or annoyance to the said plantation." 
The number of colonists was to be reported to the Coun- 
cil from time to time, and they were to "apply them- 
selves and their labors in a large and competent manner 
to the planting, setting, making, and procuring of good 
and staple commodities in and upon the land granted 
imto them, as corn and silk-grass, hemp, flax, pitch and 
tar, soap-ashes and pot-ashes, iron, clapboard, and other 
the like materials." The instrument was signed for the 
Council by the Duke of Hamilton, the Duke of Lenox, 
the Earl of Warwick, Lord Sheffield, and Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges. 

At the end of five weeks after her arrival, the Fortune 

sailed again for England. She had brought out a 

Dec. 13. fc' o ... 

Sailing of letter from Weston, complaining in harsh terms 
that the Mayflower had returned without a 

rial." (Davis's Morton, p. 73.) Again Deane, of Cambridge. A copy, certi- 

it was lost sight of, and was given up fied by Samuel Wells of Boston, July 

by the antiquaries (Young, Pilgrims, 28, 1743, to have been exactly taken 

235), till once more discovered, in 1854, from the original, then in his custody, 

among Judge Davis's papers. It has probably for an examination of some 

since been published in a beautiful title, has been in the library of the 

edition by that accomplished New- American Antiquarian Society at Wor- 

England archaeologist, Mr. Charles cester for more than twenty years. 



v.] PLYMOUTH. 195 

freight. " That you sent no ladmg in the ship is won- 
derful, and worthily distasted. I know your weakness 
was the cause of it, and, I believe, more weakness of 
judgment than weakness of hands. A quarter of the time 
you spent in discoursing, arguing, and consulting would 
have done much more." He desired a fair engrossment 
of the contract with the Adventurers, subscribed with the 
names of the principal planters ; ^ and he abounded in 
protestations that he would adhere to the engagements, 
though all the other Adventurers should be discouraged.^ 
The dignified reply of Bradford is penetrated with an 
unconscious pathos. On the side of the settlers, he says, 
there had been disappointments far more serious. " The 
loss of many honest and industrious men's lives cannot be 
valued at any price. It pleased God to visit us with death 
daily, and with so general a disease that the living were 
scarce able to bury the dead, and the well not in any 
measure sufficient to tend the sick. And now to be so 
greatly blamed for not freighting the ship doth indeed 
go near us, and much discourage us."^ 

The Fortune carried homeward " two hogsheads of 
beaver-skins, and good clapboards as full as she could 
hold; the freight estimated at five hundred pounds." 
But the remittance failed through her capture and pil- 
lage, near the coast of England, by a French privateer. 
Cushman, who had come in that vessel, returned in her, 
as had been arranged in England, to make a personal 
report to the Adventurers. While at Plymouth, he had 
exercised his gifts in a "prophecy," which was cushman's 
printed on his return to London ; ^ an interesting ^''op'^ecy. 
memorial of the transactions which he witnessed and 

1 It seems that the indenture had 2 "Weston's letter, in Bradford, 107. 
never been executed, in consequence ^ Bradford's letter, in Bradford, 

of the dispute about the two articles 109. 

last inserted (see above, p. 158). The ^ Dr. Young has reprinted it (Pil- 

emigrants now yielded, and sent the grims, 2G2 et seq.). 
contract by the Fortune. 



196 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

took part in, of the spirit of the actors, and of the intelli- 
gence and character of the speaker. 

We know too well how the first winter had been 
passed by the settlers. Respecting the employments of 
the second, we have less information. In the absence of 
domestic animals, a great part of the farmer's winter 
occupation was wanting to them. Fishing, hunting, and 
the collection of fuel and timber, may be supposed to 
have made their chief business, varied by occasional 
traffic with Indian visitors. One care was urgent for the 
passing time, and must have weighed on their spirits as 
they looked into the future. Not only had the Fortune 
Scarcity brouglit uo suppHcs to America, but the colonists 
of food. Yi^^ had to straiten themselves to supply her for 
the return voyage. " Upon her departure, the Governor 
and his Assistants disposed the late comers into several 
families, found their provisions would now scarce hold 
out six months at half allowance, and therefore put them 
to it, which they bore patiently." 

A new cause for solicitude arose. After the departure 
of the Fortune, in the depth of winter, came a rumor, 
Threats of through tho neighboring Indians, of hostilities 
NwragM-* ° meditated against the plantation by the powerful 
setts. tribe of Narragansetts. It was confirmed when 

a messenger from Canonicus, their chief sachem, brought 
a bundle of arrows tied with a snake-skin, which Squanto 
interpreted as a declaration of war. Against the English 
force of about fifty men, the Narragansetts, as they had 
heard, could muster five thousand warriors. The Gover- 

JC22. nor sent back the snake-skin full of powder and 
February. ]j^\i^ whlch tho savagcs, afi'righted, refused to 
keep. It was passed for a while from hand to hand 
among them, and at length came back to Plymouth. 
The English " built a fort with good timber, both strong 
and comely, which was of good defence, made with a flat 
roof and battlements, on which their ordnance were 



v.] PLYMOUTH. 197 

mounted. It served them also for a meeting-house, and 
was fitted accordingly for that use. It was a great work 
for them, in this weakness and time of wants. But the 
danger of the time required it, and also the hearing of 
that great massacre in Virginia made all hands willing to 
despatch the same."-^ The dwellings were barricaded; the 
whole settlement, with the fort, and space for a garden 
for each family, was enclosed with a paling; a military 
organization was completed; and watch and ward were 
constantly kept. These precautions, and the attitude of 
defiance which had been assumed, appear to have discon- 
certed the plan of invasion, and the winter passed quietly 
away. Early in the spring, a native, of Squanto's 
family, renewed the alarm of a projected inroad 
of the Narragansetts, in alliance with Massasoit ; and the 
Governor, by signal-guns, recalled a party which had 
just sailed with Standish for Boston Bay. But the report 
proved to be unfounded, and was afterwards attributed to 
unfriendliness on the part of Squanto towards the Poka- 
noket chiefs 

1 Bradford, 126. tract by Edward Winslowwas published 

2 Winslow, Good Newes from New in London in 1624. It is the most co- 
England, or a True Relation of Things pious authority for the events of the 
veiy Remarkable at the Plantation of two years next succeeding those em- 
Plymouth in New England, 1-9. This braced in Mourt's Journal. 



17* 



CHAPTEE VI. 



It was but a transient gleam of prosperity that had 
cheered the exiles at the close of their first summer in 
jg22 America. Through nearly the whole of the next 
Scarcity two ycars, they were struggling with hardship in 
one of its direst forms. "A famine began to 
pinch," which was not wholly relieved till the second 
harvest after the departure of the Fortune. 

In the former of the two summers that intervened, "had 
they not been where were divers sorts of shell-fish, they 
must have perished." They had planted nearly sixty acres 
with corn, and in their gardens they had some vegetables ; 
but " the crop proved scanty, partly through weakness, 
for want of food, to tend it, partly through other business, 
and partly by much being stolen," before it ripened, by 
an unruly rout of Englishmen lately arrived in vessels 
of Mr. Weston. Some small supplies of corn were pro- 
cured, in short expeditions by sea and land, from the coast 
further to the north, and more from the neighboring 
natives. Erom vessels "fishing at the eastward" Wins- 
low obtained " as much bread as amounted to a 
quarter of a pound a person a day, till harvest." 
As winter came on, they were "helped with fowl and 
ground-nuts." The Governor got twenty-seven or twenty- 
eiffht hogsheads of corn and beans, in a visit to 

November. o O ' 

Boston Bay and Cape Cod, from which latter 
region he returned fifty miles on foot, " receiving all re- 
spect that could be from the Indians in his journey." 
1623. Another supply he brought later from the head 
January. q£ what is uow callcd Buzzard's Bay.^ 

1 Bradford, 124 - 129. — Winslow, Good Newes, 11 - 21 . 



May. 



Chap. VI.] PLYMOUTH. 199 

Standish, on errands of the same kind, had less satisfac- 
tory intercourse with the natives, who appeared to him to 
have treacherous designs, and with whom he was obliged 
two or three times to resort to threats to obtain restitution 
of stolen property. On one occasion, at Manomet (Sand- 
wich), he fell in with a Massachusetts Indian, whose 
errand he understood to be to raise a general conspiracy 
against the English, and whose design of causing his 
assassination- on the spot he had to use both address and 
courage to defeat. 

Indian corn, boiled or roasted in the gxeen ear, is in its 
season a palatable article of diet, much used in New 
England at the present day. The persons who weston's 
pilfered the unripe grain from the fields of the at welsT- 
settlers in the second summer were of a party ^"^^''*" 
sent out by Mr. Weston of London, whose activity in the 
early period of the partnership has been repeatedly men- 
tioned. Soon after writing to Plymouth that he lesi. 
would "never quit the business, though all the •'"'^*^* 
other Adventurers should," ^ Weston had withdrawn from 
them, and engaged in speculations on his own account. 
He now wrote to the settlers, "I have sold my ad- icoo. 
venture and debts unto them, so as I am quit of ^^"'^ ^'^• 
you, and you of me" ; and two vessels of his, the Charity 
and the Swan, brought fifty or sixty men " to settle a 
plantation for him in the Massachusetts Bay, for 
which he had procured a patent," as his private 
property.^ The Plymouth people took them to their 
homes, gave them "the best means the place afforded," 

1 Bradford, 107. Ibid., 123.) — "I will not deny but 

2 " The people wlilcli tliey carry are there are many of our people rude 

no men for us, •wherefore I pray you fellows, yet I presume they 

entertain them not." (Cushman to will be governed by such as I set over 

Bradford, In Bradford, 122.) — " As for them. And I hope not only to be able 

Mr. Weston's company, I think them to reclaim them from that profaneness 

so base in condition, for the most part, that may scandahze the voyage, but by 

as in all appearance not fit for an honest degrees to draw them to God," &c. 

man's company." (Pierce to Bradford, (Weston to Bradford, Ibid., 121.) 



200 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND, [Chap. 

and nursed several of them who were sick. While some 
went in search of a place of abode, the rest made them- 
selves extremely troublesome guests ; so that it was with 
great satisfaction that at length their hosts saw most of 
them depart to begin a plantation at Wessagusset (now 
Weymouth), leaving the infirm of their number to be 
gratuitously cared for at Plymouth. 

By disorder and waste, Weston's people presently fell 
short of provisions, and, as winter approached, they became 
Its disorders auxlous for a further supply. They proposed to 
and distress, ^jieir Plvmouth friends to ioin them in purchases 

November. *^ . ** ... „ 

irom the Indians; and it was m their smaller 
vessel that Governor Bradford made the expedition, which 
has been mentioned, to Boston Bay and Cape Cod. But 
their irregular habits were not corrected, and they could 
no longer expect any voluntary relief from the neighbor- 
ing natives, whom they had incensed by depredations on 
their cornfields and by other annoyances. At length, their 
1623. extremity became such, that Sanders, their chief 
February, jj^jjj^^ ggj^^ ^q infomi Govomor Bradford of his 
intention to get some corn from the Indians by force to 
subsist his men, while he, with a party, should sail to the 
eastward for a supply from the European fishing-vessels. 
The Plymouth people remonstrated in the strongest terms 
against his plan of robbery. They advised him to make 
shift to live, as they did, on ground-nuts, clams, and 
muscles, and sent him some corn from their own scanty 
store for his voyage.-^ 

In his absence, afi'airs took an alarming aspect for both 
settlements. Intelligence had come to Plymouth that 
Massasoit was desperately ill, and that a Dutch vessel was 
lying stranded on the Narragansett shore near his dwell- 
ing. Both these matters engaged the attention of the 
colonists. They owed a visit of sympathy to their friend, 
and they desired a conference with the Dutch seamen. 

1 Winslow. Good Newes, 11-25, 34-37. — Bradford, 132. 



VI.] PLYMOUTH. 201 

Winslow, who by his residence in Holland was qualified 
for the latter office, was sent on the errand with March. 
" Master John Hambden, a gentleman of Lon- of wlnslow 
don." ^ Before they reached their destination, the *° ^^^ssasoit. 
vessel had been got off, and had sailed away. Massasoit, 
found lying in destitution and filth, apparently at the 
point of death, was relieved and at length restored to 
health under the treatment of Winslow, who condescended 
to the most humble offices of nurse and cook. In the 
overflow of his gratitude, the savage revealed the exist- 
ence of a plot, among the tribes scattered over the conspiracy 
country from Boston Bay to Martha's Vineyard, ofiw-^'ans. 
for the extirpation of the whites. The provocation was, 
he said, the outrages committed by Weston's people at 
Wessagusset ; but the meditated destruction would in- 
clude the colonists at Plymouth, because of the appre- 
hension that they would attempt to protect or avenge 
their countrymen. 

The messengers returned with these tidings of alarming 
import. Other circumstances confirmed the truth of the 
disclosure. In Standish's recent forage on the Cape, con- 
ferences of the natives there with Indian visitors from the 
north, and other significant movements, had not escaped 
his vigilance. A less circumstantial warning, but from a 



1 It is a natural feeling tliat has Dr. Young (Pilgi-ims, 314, note) has 
made our historians desire to identify suggested other considerations -which 
this person with the great statesman of alone would seem decisive a"-ainst the 
the civil war. But such a supposition supposition of a visit to Plymouth by 
will not bear scrutiny. John Hamp- the John Hampden of history. 
den could not have spared the time to Winslow's companion was probably 
be absent from England at the critical some passenger in one of Weston's 
juncture of affairs between King James's ships. Hobbamak was their guide, 
fifth and sixth Parliaments ; when after- Squanto had died in the previous No- 
wards he became conspicuous, our early vember, while in attendance on the 
writers could not have failed to notice Governor in his expedition to Cape 
the fact of a visit from him, had it been Cod. (Winslow, Good Newes, 18.) 
made; and the name borne by the He had been a useful friend to the 
stranger is inconsistent with the idea of settlers, though sometimes troublesome 
an incognito of the illustrious patriot, and sometimes suspected. (Ibid., 8.) 



202 HISTORY of" new ENGLAND. [Chap. 

trustworthy source, had come from Boston Bay to the 
settlement during Wmslow's absence.^ On his return to 
Plymouth, he found there an Indian of Cape Cod, whom 
Standish had known as one of the plotters at Manomet, 
and who was now endeavoring to prevail upon the Captain 
to make another visit to that region.^ It was not forgot- 

leoo. ten that the Indian conspiracy in Virginia had 
March 22. |^ggj-^ uususpccted till it broke out in the mas- 
sacre of three hundred and fifty settlers. 

The time for the " yearly Court Day " presently came 
round. The exigency seemed urgent. "The Governor 

1623. communicated the intelligence to the whole com- 
March23. pany, and asked their advice." The company re- 
ferred the matter back to the Governor, the Assistant, and 
the Captain. These consulted among themselves and with 
others, and concluded that the preservation of the settle- 
ment depended upon energetic measures. Being guiltless 
of injury, they had no peaceable way to accommodation 
and security ; having done nothing to provoke the assault 
which impended, they could only escape by anticipating 
it. To strike a blow such as their little strength was 
equal to, and such as would at the same time be widely 
known and make an effective impression, Standish was 
g^ ^ despatched by water with eight men to the cen- 

sionof tral point of discontent at Wessagusset. Here 
he found Wituwamat, the emissary who, as 
he believed, had intended to murder him at Manomet. 
Encountering this savage and three others, Standish and 
two of his men put them to death, after a closely contested 
fight without fire-arms. One of the four they hanged. 

1 Phinehas Pratt, one of Weston's been met by " Mr. Hamdin " outside of 

company, had come to Plymouth, from the town. He lived afterwards for 

Wessagusset, to give the alarm. He twenty-five years at Plymouth, and 

had been pursued by the Indians, and then removed to Massachusetts, where, 

had escaped by losing his way. In his in 1662, the General Court granted 

"Declaration," &c. (Mass. Hist. Coll., him three hundred acres of land. 
XXXIV. 484), he mentions having 2 Winslow, GoodNewes, 25-34, 37. 



VI.] PLYMOUTH. 203 

Not far off they killed another, and "Weston's men two 
more.^ The object was accomplished. The rest of the 
natives in terror dispersed into the woods. A prisoner 
made full confession of the plot. 

Wituwamat's head was brought to Plymouth, and set 
up on the fort. The courage of Weston's men gave out, 
and the settlement was abandoned. Some of them ^. 

Dispersion 

came to Plymouth with Standish; the rest, wish- ofweston's 
ing to join their friends at the Eastern fisheries, 
received from him gratuitously for their voyage all his 
corn except what sufficed to bring his own party home.^ 
And " this was the end," so mused the Plymouth Gover- 
nor, " of those that sometime boasted of their strength, 
being all able, lusty men, and what they would do and 
bring to pass in comparison of the people here, who had 
many women and children and weak ones among them. 

But a man's way is not in his own power. God 

can make the weak to stand." 

Mr. Weston, coming over soon afterwards for a better 
examination of his affairs, was shipwrecked between the 
Piscataqua and the Merrimack, and pillaged by westonat 
the Indians, even to the clothes he wore. In ^'y'"""''^- 
this plight he found his way to Plymouth. They " pitied 
his case, and remembered former courtesies." Though of 
late he had been only an enemy and a nuisance to them, 
and though, in their scarcity of food, they could ill spare 
anything that was salable, they supplied him with a hun- 
dred and seventy pounds of beaver to trade with. " But 
he requited them ill ; for he proved after a bitter enemy 
unto them upon all occasions, and never repaid them 
anything for it but reproaches and evil words." ^ Lately 
a prosperous London merchant, he was now a ruined man. 

1 " Concerning tlie killing of those been, if you had converted some before 

poor Indians," wrote Eobinson (Decern- you had killed any ! " (Bradford, 164.) 
ber 19, 1623), " of which we heard first 2 Winslow, Good Newes, 37-47. 
by report, and since by more certain 3 Bradford, 132-134. 
relation, O how happy a thing had it 



204 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

After this year, he disappears from the history of Ply- 
mouth. 

Though no fatal issue, like that of the colony at "Wes- 
sagusset, had followed other similar undertakings of the 
same period, still none yet gave promise of prospering. 
Gorges continued to be indefatigable, but to little effect. 
The corporation, of which he was the soul, had scarcely re- 
rerpiexities ccived Its chartor, when it was assailed by the hos- 
cfi toNew" tility of the rival company of Virginia, the former 
England. propped by the favor of the king, the latter be- 
friended by the patriotic leaders in Parliament. Remon- 
strances against the claim of the Council for New England 
to a dominion of its seas having proved ineffectual with 
the Privy Council, the question was transferred to the 
House of Commons, which passed a bill " for the 
freer liberty of fishing and fishing voyages to be 
made and performed in the sea-coasts and places of New- 
foundland, Virginia, New England, and other the sea- 
coasts and parts of America." It was arrested by the 
Lords or by the king, and did not become a law.-^ 

When King James's fifth Parliament was dissolved, and 

its proceedings against the Council had come to no legal 

issue, Gorges took coura<?e asjain to prosecute his 

Further at- ^ . O & r 

tempts at plaus. Captalu John Mason " had been some 
time governor of a plantation in the Newfound- 
land." He had been previously a merchant and a naval 
officer, and was now Treasurer of the royal navy, and 
Governor of Portsmouth in Hampshire. He " was him- 
self a man of action," and well qualified for the vigorous 
co-operation with Gorges in which he now became ■ en- 
1622 &^&6^- He obtained from the Council a grant of 
March 9. ^j^g lauds lylug between the little river which 
discharges its waters at Naumkeag, now Salem, and the 

1 Gorges, Brief Narration, in Mass. Journal of the Commons, I. 591, 592, 
Hist. Coll., XXVI. 65, 66. — Chalmers, 602, 654. 
Political Annals, 83, 84, 100-102.— 



i 



VI.] PLYMOUTH. 205 

river Merrimack. To this tract, extending inland to the 
sources of those streams, he gave the name of Mariana. 
In the same year the Council granted to Gorges 
and Mason the country bounded by the Merri- 
mack, the Kennebec, the ocean, and " the river of Can- 
ada " ; and this territory they called Laconia. Sir Wil- 
liam Alexander, by Mason's intervention with Gorges, 
had obtained from the Council a patent for Nova iggi. 
Scotia, or New Scotland, afterwards confirmed by September. 
a grant from the king under the seal of his northern 
kingdom. But attempts in this quarter amounted at 
present to no more than a hasty visit of two vessels to the 
coast.^ Saco, a few miles up the river of that name, and 
Agamenticus, afterwards York,^ may have received their 
first English inhabitants, under the auspices of Gorges, 
within three or four years after the plantation at Ply- 
mouth. In the service of Gorges, Mason, and others, 
a small party, some from the parent country, some re- 
cently arrived at the American Plymouth, attempted set- 
tlements on the Piscataqua. David Thompson, a 
Scotchman, was in charge of the company at the 
mouth of that river, where is now Portsmouth ; AVilliam 
and Edward Hilton, " fishmongers of London," were, with 
others, higher up the stream, at Cochecho, now Dover. But 
all these undertakings languished for a long time after. 
What was soon to become a permanent planta- 
tion, at Monhegan, was as yet only a rendezvous 
for fishermen and traders ; ^ and the settlement at Pema- 
quid, twelve or fifteen miles from it, on the mainland, was 
undertaken two years later than those on the Piscataqua. 

1 Gorges, Briefe Narration, Chap, an inhabitant of this place [Agamenti- 
XVII. - XXIV. cus], the first that ever built or settled 

2 Ibid., Chap. XXV. — Belknap, there." (See Maine Hist. Coll., I. 295.) 
American Biography, I. 877, 378. — And nothing is certain as to Saco be- 
Williamson, I. 227, 231. — But Edward fore 1630, except the residence of Vines 
Godfrey, in a petition, In 1654, to the in its vicinity, about 1617. See above, 
General Court of Massachusetts, says p. 98. 

that he had been "twenty-four years 3 See above, pp. 93, 176. 
VOL. I. 18 



206 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

Captain Eobert Gorges, son of Sir Ferdinando, with 
" sundry passengers and families," revived the attempt to 

1623. plant a colony at "Wessagusset.-"^ Captain Gorges 
pr?ecrfo/'' ^^^ heen appointed by the Council for New Eng- 
a general laud " General Governor of the country," to be 
assisted by a council, consisting of Francis AVest, 
Christopher Levett, the Governor of Plymouth for the 
time being, and such others as the General Governor 
should appoint. Captain Gorges and his assistants, or 
any three of them, he being one, were "to do and execute 
what to them should seem good, in all cases, capital, crim- 
inal, and civil." An Episcopal clergyman, named Morrell, 
came with them, invested with an ecclesiastical authority, 
which he found no opportunity to exercise. "While the 
object of this movement was to secure to the patentees the 
monopoly of the New-England territory and waters, it 
had for its ostensible purpose to correct " the abuses com- 
mitted by several the fishermen and other interlopers, 
who, without order from them, frequented these coasts, 

tending to the scorn of our nation, to the overthrow 

of our trade, and dishonor of the government."^ 

Levett, who appears to have come over before Gorges, 
made some examination of the country east of the Piscata- 
qua, and on his return published a journal of his voyage.^ 

1 The patent of Robert Gorges did rived from it, and gives directions for 
not include Wessagusset. (See Hazard, the conduct of the emigrant. " I was 
I. 152.) His territory extended ten never at the Massachusett, which is 
mUes " upon the northeast side of the counted the paradise of New England, 
bay " ; that is, from Charles Eiver to nor at Cape Ann, but I fear there hath 
Nahant. been too fair a gloss set upon Cape 

2 Gorges, Briefe Narration, Chap. Ann." "Neither was I at New Ply- 
XXHI. — Bradford, 149. mouth, but I fear that place is not so 

3 This is reprinted in the Mass. Hist, good as many others." " Neither was 
Coll., XXVHI. 159. It is made up of I ever farther to the west than the Isle of 
observations on the country, its ad- Shoals." (Ibid., 180, 181.) "Imustcon- 
vantages for agriculture, trade, and fish- fess," he says (Ibid., 185), "I have studied 
ing, and its climate, soil, productions, no art, a long time, but the mysteries of 
and inhabitants. It answers objections New-England trade," — a hint which 
to emigration from England, shows the perhaps justifies what is said in the text 
benefits, private and public, to be de- of the object of his being placed on the 



VI.] PLYMOUTH. 207 

The work shows that he was at once a man of sense and 
a man of business, and that the particular trust committed 
to him by the Council was to ascertain the encourage- 
ments which the country offered for colonization. Captain 
Gorges came to Plymouth and passed a fortnight. Here 
he met Weston, whom he called severely to account on 
two charges. One was for the misconduct of his men at 
Wessagusset ; the other, " for an abuse done to his father, 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and to the, state ; the thing was 
this : He used him and others of the Council of New Eng- 
land to procure him a license for the transporting of many 
pieces of great ordnance for New England, pretending 
great fortification in that country ; the which when he 
had obtained, he went and sold them beyond seas for his 
private profit; for which (he said) the state was much 
offended, and his father suffered a shrewd check." -^ Wes- 
ton, who was -a rogue, was by turns abject and insolent. 
Gorges was pacified by Bradford's mediation. Weston 
went to Virginia, and thence to England. Gorges set off 
by land on an exploration to the North, sending his ves- 
sel to Virginia with passengers, part of whom she had 
brought from Europe, while a few were of those who had 
earlier arrived at Plymouth.^ 

commission. He Is angry with somebody 2 Bradford, 149-153. — In tlie first 
whom he does not name (Ibid., 172). I of the fragments which remain of the 
thinkit wasnot AVeston (comp. 182). — Journal of the Council for New Eng- 
Samoset, the first Indian friend of the land (see above, pp. 192, 193, note) are 
Plymouth people, reappears in Levett's the following minutes : — 
Journal At a place, which he calls " Petition to be made to the king for 
Capeinamvagan, near the Kennebec, forfeiture of the ships and goods of Sir. 
he fell in with " Somerset, a sagamore, Weston." This was in May, 1622, 
one that hath been found very faithful " It is thought fit that there shall be 
to the English, and hath saved the an order procured from the Lords of 
lives of many." (Ibid., 170.) his Majesty's Council for sending for 
1 Perhaps this is what is indicated in such as have, in contempt of authority, 
the following entry in the Journal of the gone for New England this last year, 
Privy Council for February 17, 1622 : as also to procure a further warning to 
" License to Thomas Weston to send be given to them from further attempt- 
munitions and ordnance by the Char- ing, by proclamation." Accordingly, 
ity." there was Issued an " Order to the 



208 



HISTORY OF NEW JENGLAND. 



[Chap. 



West, with a commission as "Admiral of New Eng- 
land," was to "restrain such ships as came to fish and trade 
without license from the Council for New England." This 
proved to be beyond his power. The fishermen eluded 



Attorney-General, on a petition of the 
Council for New England, to prepare a 
proclamation for bis Majesty's signature, 
prohibiting all persons to resort unto 
the coasts of New England, contrary to 
bis Majesty's said royal grant." (Jour- 
nal of the Privy Council for October 
23, 1622.) 

" The patents already granted to be 
confirmed, and order is given for patents 
to be drawn for the Earl of Warwick 
and his associates, the Lord Gorges, Sir 
Robert Mansell, Sir Ferdinand© Gor- 
ges." This, I conceive there is no doubt, 
relates to a partition to be mentioned 
hereafter. (See below, pp. 222, 285.) 

" As touching the Governor, Sir Fer- 
dinando Gorges is elected. The par- 
ticulars are reserved till another meet- 
ing." 

The following entries are imder their 
respective dates : — 

"Nov. 8 [1622]. Captain Francis 
West to go to New England as Admiral 
for that coast, 

"It is agreed that a commission be 
granted unto Arthur Champernowne, 
Esq., for the sending out of a ship called 

the Chudley, of the burden of tons, 

to fish in New England this year." This 
shows the strictness of the monopoly 
asserted. 

Jan. 21, 1G23. "Forasmuch as it 
was now propounded that a strength 
must be settled in New England," it 
was determined that " there ought to 
be three sorts of men; — 1. gentlemen, 
to bear arms and attend upon the Gov- 
ernor; 2. handicraftsmen of all sorts; 
3. husbandmen, for the tilling and ma- 
nuring of the lands ; — these to be em- 
j^loyed by the public, and accounts to 
be taken of them every week." Gorges 



was present at the meeting, and this 
looks like a scheme from the Gorges 
mint. 

" May 31. It is thought convenient 
to admit young youths from parishes, 
that have not been tainted with any 
villany or misdemeanor, to be sent to 
New England, and there to be placed 
out and bound apprentices to such as 
shall have occasion and means to em- 
ploy them." 

" July 24. The country to be called 
Nova Albion." 

" Aug. 6. Forasmuch as it hath been 
ordered by the Lords of his Majesty's 
Privy Council that the patent for New 
England shall be renewed, as well for 
the amendment of some things therein 
contained, as for the necessary supply 
of what is found defective," &c. I can 
find nothing satisfactory respecting this 
abortive scheme. Perhaps it was but a 
pretence of the Council and the cour- 
tiers, to pacify the existing clamor. A 
record of earlier date (March 11, 1623) 
must, I presume, be understood with a 
similar reference. " Touching the gov- 
ernment of these territories by the pres- 
ent patent, it is limited to be ' as near as 
may be to the laws of England.' For 
many reasons it is propounded that 
those words may be omitted in the new 
patent." Sir Henry Spelman was the 
Council's legal adviser. — In the " Brief 
Eelation" of the President and Council 
of New England, pubHshed in 1622, the 
same plan is probably referred to (18, 
20), where they speak of "our patent 
which we were by order of state as- 
sif^ned to renew, for the amendment 
of some defects therein contained." 
(Comp. Gorges, Briefe Narration, Chap. 

xvni.) 



VI.] PLYMOUTH. 209 

him till Parliament had time again to interfere. In the 
House of Commons, Sir Edward Coke, for the Committee 
on Grievances, reported against the claim of the jqoj. 
patentees, "for the clause that none shall visit ^^''^■ 

■^ ^ Proceedings 

with fishing upon the sea-coast." " This," he ar- "» Pariia- 
gued, is " to make a monopoly upon the sea, which 
wont to be free, a monopoly attempted of the wind and 
the sun by the sole packing and drying of fish." Gorges 
was heard, at three different times, by himself and by coun- 
sel. The result was, that, in a list of "public grievances of 
the kingdom, that of the patent for New England was the 
first." -^ No further prosecution took place. But Gorges 
" thought better to forbear for the present, in honor and re- 
spect of what had passed in so public a manner between 
the "king and his House of Commons " ; the rather, because 
" this public declaration of the House's dislike of the cause 
shook off all the adventurers for plantation, and made 
many of the patentees to quit their interest." Eobert 
Gorges, "not finding the state of things to answer his 
quality," returned to England with some of his compan- 
ions. Morrell and others, who remained, were assisted 
with supplies from Plymouth. At length Morrell was 
discouraged, and a second time the scheme of a considera- 
ble settlement at Wessagusset was abandoned,^ though 
a few persons remained, and before long were joined by 
others, till a permanent community was formed. 

Yet another occasion for anxiety on the part of the 
Plymouth settlers had arisen from the bad faith of Pierce, 
to whom the grant of land had been made for the benefit 
of the Adventurers. Becoming satisfied of the auspicious 
prospects of the plantation, he conceived the Danger of 
scheme of securing it for his private advantage, patenT'""'^ 
and contrived to supersede the patent by another 1622. 
which he obtained from the Council for New ^^"' 

1 Parliamentary Histoiy, I. 1490. — 2 Bradford, 154. — Morrell described 

Gorges, Briefe Narration, &c., Chap, the country in a Latin and an English 

XVIIL-XXI. poem (Mass. Hist. Coll., I. 126). 
18* 



210 



HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. 



[Chap. 



Oct. 16. 



England, with provisions which, as the settlers construed 
them, would " hold them as his tenants, and to sue to his 
courts as chief lord."-^ Pierce sailed for Plymouth, 
but by tempestuous weather was twice driven back 
with heavy loss. Informed of the fraud which had been 
practised, the Adventurers made a complaint. The ques- 
tion was considered at different meetings of the Council ; 
and the issue was, that Pierce's new patent was cancelled, 
and the Adventurers were reinstated in their rights.^ 



1 Bradford, 139 ; see above, p. 193. 

2 Following Morton (Memorial, pp. 
95-97) and Prince (I. 136), recent his- 
torians have said that the Adventurers 
bought Pierce's patent for five hundred 
pounds. But this, I suppose, was but a 
hasty interpretation of language in a 
letter from one of the Adventurers, 
who (Bradford, 140) speaks of Pierce's 
" unwillingness to part with his royal 
lordship, and the high rate he set it at, 
which was £ 500." Though this was 
what he began with asking, I have seen 
no proof that he ever got it. The follow- 
ing extracts from the manuscript Jour- 
nal of the Council for New England 
perhaps tell the whole story, as far as 
it can be now recovered : — 

"18 May, 1623. Touching the pe- 
tition exhibited to the Council by the 
Adventurers of New Plymouth in New 
England against Mr. John Pierce, the 
patentee with whom they are associates, 
Mr. Pierce and the associates met and 
made several propositions each to other, 
but agreed not. Whereupon they were 
appointed to give meeting each to other, 
and then certify the Council what they 
concluded on, that then such further 
course might be taken as should be 
meet." 

"Tuesday, 25 May. Present, Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges, Sir Samuel Argal, 
Sir Henry Spelman = Mr. Jo. Pierce 
and his associates. After a long dis- 
cussion of the difference between Mr. 
Jo. Pierce and liis associates, it appeared 



that Mr. Jo. Pierce obtained from the 
Council an indenture purporting a grant 
of certain lands in New England for 
the settling of a plantation there, dated 
the first day of June, 1621. 

" It further appeared, that upon the 
20th day of April, 1622, Mr. Pierce 
granted letters of association unto the 
said Adventurers, whereby he made 
them jointly interested with him in the 
lands granted by the abovesaid inden- 
ture. 

" IMoreover it appeared that upon the 
said 20th day of April, 1622, after the 
said Mr. Pierce had interested the said 
Adventurers in the lands passed unto 
him by the said indenture, that he 
yielded and svirrendered up the said 
indenture, and received the counterpart 
thereof, and took a patent or deed-pole 
of the said lands to himself, his heirs, 
associates, and assigns for ever, having 
date the said 20th of April, 1622, with 
which surrender and new grant the 
Adventurers affirmed that they were 
not privy unto, and therefore conceived 
they were deceived by ]\L\ Pierce, 
which was the cause of their complaint. . 
At length, by the mutual consent of 
Mr. Pierce and the said Adventurers, it 
was ordered as followeth : — 

" Whereas there were several differ- 
ences between John Pierce, citizen and 
cloth worker of London, and the Treas- 
urer and other the associates of him the 
said John Pierce that were undertakers 
with him for the setthng and advance- 



VI.] PLYMOUTH. 211 

Meanwhile the distress from scarcity of food had con- 
tinued at Plymouth. When the settlers had planted in 
the third spring, "all their victuals were spent, 
and they were only to rest on God's providence, continued 
at night not many times knowing where to have 

a bit of anything the next day Yet they bore these 

wants with great patience and alacrity of spirit 

Some time, two or three months together, they neither 

had bread nor any kind of corn They were divided 

into several companies, six or seven to a gang or com- 
pany, and so went out with a net they had bought, to take 
bass and such like fish, by course, every company knowing 

their turn Neither did they return till they had 

caught something, though it were five or six days before, 
for they knew there was nothing at home, and to go home 
empty would be a great discouragement to the rest. Yea, 
they strove who should do best. If the boat stayed long 
or got little, then all went to seeking of shell-fish, which at 

low water they digged out of the sands Also in the 

summer they got now and then a deer ; for one or two of 
the fittest was appointed to range the woods for that end, 
and what was got that way was divided amongst them."^ 
When a second party of recruits joined them, "the best 
dish they could present them with was a lobster, or a piece 
of fish, without bread, or anything else but a cup of fair 
spring water."" 

This new reinforcement came in the Ann and the Little 

ment of the plantation at Plymoutli, in continue tenants unto tlie Council es- 

the parts of New England, said differ- tablished for the managing of the afore- 

ences, after the full hearing and debat- said affairs of New England, notwith- 

ing thereof before us, were finally con- standing a grant, bearing date the 20th 

eluded iipon by the offer of the said of April, 1622, by said Pierce obtained 

John Pierce and mutual adoption of the without the consent of the said asso- 

said Ti-easurer and Company then pres- dates, from the said Council, contrary 

ent, in behalf of themselves and the to a former grant to the said Pierce 

rest of the said Company, that the said made In behalf of himself and his said 

associates with their undertakers and associates, dated the 1st of June, 1621." 
servants now settled or to be settled la ^ Bradford, 136, 137. 
Plymouth aforesaid should remain and - Ibid., 146. 



212 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

James, tlie latter of which vessels, of forty-four tons' bur- 
August. <ien, was "built to stay in the country." The 
Arrival of earlier settlers, with those who had now arrived, 

the Ann ' ' 

and the worc aftcrwards distinguished from later emio^rants 

Little James. , ,., c i i i/'/'t n 

by the titles oi old-comers mia forefathers. " Some 
few of your old friends," wrote Cushman at this time, 
" are come ; they come dropping to you, and by degrees 
I hope erelong you shall enjoy them all." And a com- 
mercial partnership had a glimpse of the immortal renown 
to which its humble agents were destined : " Let it not 
be grievous to you," wrote the Adventurers, " that you 
have been instruments to break the ice for others who 
come after with less difficulty ; the honor shall be yours 
to the world's end; we bear you always in our breasts, 
and our hearty affection is towards you all, as are the 
hearts of hundreds more which never saw your faces, 
who doubtless pray for your safety as their own, that the 
same God which hath so marvellously preserved you from 
seas, foes, and famine, will still preserve you from all 
future dangers, and make you honorable among men, and 
glorious in bliss at the last day." •*• 

A few of the passengers in the two vessels now arrived 

had come at their own charge, and free to seek their own 

employments, " yet to be subject to the creneral 

New descrip- i. J ' .1 o o 

tionofset- government." The rest, about sixty in number, 
were " for the general," that is, under contract 
with the Adventurers. The settlement was not to be 
immediately relieved from its mixed character; some of 
the recently arrived were " very useful persons, and be- 
came good members to the body; and some were the 

1 Bradford, 145, 146. Among the another the wife of Standish. Alice 

persons who came at this time were Southworth, Bradford's second wife, is 

Cuthbertson, a member of the Leyden said to have been his first love. Both 

church, the wives of Fuller and Cooke, being widowed, a correspondence took 

and two daughters of Brewster. There place, in the sequel of which she came 

were at least twelve females. One of out from England, and married him at 

them became the wife of Bradford, and Plymouth. 



VI.] PLYMOUTH. 213 

wives and children of such, as were here already; and 
some were so bad as they were fain to be at charge to 
send them home again the next year." The arrival of 
persons who came " on their particular," as it M-as called, 
introduced into the society a new element, which before 
long " caused some difficulty and disturbance." The colo- 
nists received them on an agreement consisting of four 
articles, namely: — 1. " That they, on their parts, be subject 
to all such laws and orders as are already made, or hereafter 
shall be, for the public good"; 2. "That they be freed and 
exempt from the general employments of the company, 
except common defence, and such other employments as 
tend to the perpetual good of the colony " ; 3. That, for 
every male above sixteen years old, they should make an 
annual contribution of a bushel of Indian corn, or its 
value, towards the maintenance of the Governor and other 
public officers ; 4. That, till the expiration of the partner- 
ship between the Colony and the Adventurers, they should 
abstain from traffic with the natives for furs and other 
commodities.-^ 

Another year was now drawing to a close, and the 
first terrible hardships of the enterprise were over. " By 
this time harvest was come, and instead of fam- p,^^^;^^^, j^^^^, 
ine, now God gave them plenty, and the face of ^^st of the 

. . . ^ , , ti'ifd year. 

things was changed to the rejoicing of the hearts 
of many ; and the effect of their particular planting was 
well seen, for all had, one way and other, pretty well to 
bring the year about, and some of the abler sort and more 
industrious had to spare, and sell to others, so as any gen- 
eral want or famine hath not been amongst them since to 
this day." ^ Thus it was that the Governor, looking back 
to this autumn from later times, recorded the altered pros- 



1 Bradford, 143, 147, 148. Cushman •without my consent, but the importu- 

alluded in his letter to the mixed char- nity of their friends got promise of our 

acter of the party (Ibid., 143), and Treasurer in my absence." 

specified persons, Tvho, he said, "came ^ Ibid., 147. 



214 HISTOKY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

pect. This year was the first m which a stimulus of indi- 
vidual interest had quickened the activity of toil. To 
each family, in place of the partnership labor hitherto 
maintained, had been assigned in the spring the cultiva- 
tion and profit of a separate parcel of land, the single 
persons being each attached to some family, and a provision 
being added, that each cultivator should at harvest " bring 
in a competent portion for the maintenance of public offi- 
cers, fishermen, &c." The plan " had very good success, 
for it made all hands very industrious, so as much more 
corn was planted than otherwise would have been ; and it 
gave far better content. The women now went willingly 
into the field and took their little ones with them to set 
corn, whom to have compelled would have been thought 
great tyranny and oppression." -"^ 

A drought had followed the planting season, and con- 
tinued with severity till the middle of summer. " The 
most courageous were now discouraged." It was resolved 
to set apart a day " to humble themselves together 
before the Lord by fasting and prayer." The re- 
ligious services lasted " some eight or nine hours." "When 
they began, " the heavens were as clear and the drought 
as like to continue as ever." Before they closed, the sky 
was overcast. The rain began to fall, as the thankful 
worshippers withdrew, and for fourteen days there fell 
" such soft, sweet, and moderate showers as it was hard to 
say whether their withered corn or drooping affections 
were most quickened or revived."^ In the autumn, by the 
carelessness of " some of the seamen that were roystering 
in a house," or, as was suspected, by the design of some 
mischievous person among those recently arrived, a fire 
broke out " right against their storehouse, in which 
were their common store and all their provisions, 

JVov. 5. • 

the which if it had been lost, the plantation 

1 Bradford, 134-136, 151. —Wins- 2 Winslow, Good Newes, 49, 50. 
low, Good Newes, 47. 



VI.] PLYMOUTH. 215 

had been overthrown." But by great exertions it was 
saved; and no want was felt during the winter, though 
three or four houses had been consumed, and all the goods 
and provisions in them, to the value of five hundred 
pounds.^ In the preservation of the magazme, as well as 
in the seasonable showers, was confidently recognized the 
intervention of a special providence. 

Bradford, who had been chosen Governor at the begin- 
ning of each year, and who would have declined a fourth 
election, was prevailed on to accept the charge, 1024. 
with a council of five Assistants, instead of one ^'^'"'*'" 
as heretofore. He had correctly estimated the favorable 
operation of the division of labor introduced the preceding 
year; and the plan was now extended so as to Allotments 
allot to each householder an acre of land near °^^'"^^' 
the town, to be held in severalty till the expiration of the 
seven years' partnership with the Adventurers. The quan- 
tity of land thus distributed was small, to the end " that 
they might be kept close together, both for more safety 
and defence."^ 

Winslow, who had gone in the Ann to England to 
make a personal report to the Adventurers and procure 
supplies, returned in the Charity after an absence Arrival of 
of eight months. " He brought three heifers from E°ng- 
and a bull, the first beginning of any cattle of ''''"'^• 
that kind in the land, with some clothing and other neces- 
saries." He also brought a carpenter to build "two 
ketches, a lighter, and some six or seven shallops," who 
died soon, but not till he had rendered himself very use- 
ful ; a " salt-man," who proved " an ignorant, foolish, self- 
willed fellow," and only made trouble and waste; and 
" a preacher, though none of the most eminent and rare," 
to whose transportation Cushman wrote that he and Wins- 
low consented only " to give content to some in London." 
With Winslow came a sad "report of a strong faction 

1 Bradford, 151, 152. 2 ibid., 167, 168. 



216 HISTOEY or NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

among the Adventurers against the planters, and especially 
against the coming of the rest from Leyden."-^ 

It has not escaped the reader's attention, that the Lon- 
don Adventurers were engaged in a commercial specula- 
tion. Several of them sympathized more or less 

Faction ^ _ . . 

among the in rcligious sentiment with Robinson's followers ; 
but even with most of those persons considera- 
tions of pecuniary interest were paramount, and they were 
also a minority when opposed to the aggregate of those 
who favored the English Churcli and those who had no 
mind to interest themselves in religious questions to the 
damage of their prospect of gain. Under such circum- 
stances, the policy of the English partners would be to 
keep in favor with the court and with the Council for 
New England, in which Sir Ferdinando Gorges and other 
Churchmen were leaders. Here we see an occasion for 
the embarrassments which were interposed to frustrate 
Robinson's wish to collect his scattered flock in America. 
Neither the Virginia Company, nor the London Adven- 
turers as a body, — nor, especially, the Council for New 
England, — would have preferred to employ Separatists in 
founding a colony, and giving value to their land. But 
the option was not theirs. At the moment, no other 
description of persons was disposed to confront the an- 
ticipated hardships, and none could be relied upon like 
them to carry the business through. This was well un- 
derstood on both sides to be the motive for the engage- 
ment that was made." 

If Separatists were perforce to undertake the enter- 

1 Bradford, 158, 160, 167. tionwhereof we make great conscience." 

2 " AVe are well weaned from the " It is not with us as with other men, 
delicate milk of our mother country, whom small things can discourage, or 
and inured to the difficulties of a small discontentments cause to wish 
strange and hard land, which yet in a themselves at home again." (Letter of 
great part we have by patience over- Kobinson and Brewster to Sir Edwin 
come." "We are knit together as a Sandys, December 15, 1G17, in Brad- 
body in a most strict and sacred bond ford, 31, 33.) 

and covenant of the Lord, of the viola- 



VI.] PLYMOUTH. 217 

prise, it was desirable that they should be persons not 
individually conspicuous, or obnoxious to displeasure in 
high quarters; and when Brewster, and not Eobinson, 
accompanied the emigrants to America, it was a result, if 
not due to any arrangement of the Adventurers, certainly 
well according with their policy. Brewster was forgotten 
in England; nor had he ever been known as a literary 
champion of his sect. The able and learned Robinson 
was the recognized head of the English Independents. He 
had an English, if indeed it may not be called a European, 
reputation. No name could have been uttered in the 
courtly circles with worse omen to the new settlement 
than his. The case was still stronger when, having lost 
their way, and in consequence come to need another pa- 
tent, the colony was made a dependency of the Council for 
New England, instead of the Virginia Company. In the 
Virginia Company, laboring under the displeasure of the 
king, and having Sandys and Wriothesley for its leaders, 
there was a leaven of popular sentiment. The element 
of absolutism and prelacy was more controlling in the 
counsels of the rival corporation. 

From these circumstances, the quick instinct of trade 
took its lesson. To the favor of the Council for New Eng- 
land, with Sir Ferdinando Gorges at its head, and the king 
taking its part against Sir Edward Coke and the House of 
Commons, the Adventurers were looking for benefits which 
some of them had no mind to hazard by letting their set- 
tlement exhale any oifensive odor of schism. Here it 
seems that we have an insight into the policy of that 
'action to which Robinson referred, when, in a letter to 
Brewster, now brought by Winslow, he wrote : "I 1023. 
persuade myself that, for me, they of all others are ^'''" ~^' 
unwilling I should be transported, especially such of them 
as have an eye that way themselves, as thinking, if I come 
there, their market will be marred in many regards. And 
for these adversaries, if they have but half the wit to their 

VOT.. T. 19 



218 HISTOEY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

malice, they will stop my course when they see it in- 
tended." 1 

Here also we may find an explanation of the selection 
of a minister " not the most eminent," and such as Cush- 
man and Winslow agreed to take only " to give content 
to some in London." To send a clergyman avowedly of 
the state Church was a course not to be thought of The 
colonists could not be expected to receive him. The best 
method for the purpose in hand was to employ some one 
of a character and position suited to get possession of their 
confidence, and then use it to tone down their religious 
strictness, and, if circumstances should favor, to disturb 
the ecclesiastical constitution which they had set up. 

As the financial prospects of the colony faded, the 
more anxious were the unsympathizing London partners 
to relieve it and themselves from the stigma of religious 
schism. The taunt that their colonists were Brownists 
depressed the value of their stock. It was for their inter- 
est to introduce settlers of a difierent religious character, 
and to take the local power, if possible, out of the hands 
of those who represented the obnoxious tenets. To this 
end, it was their policy to encourage such internal dis- 
afiiection as already existed, and to strengthen it by the 
infusion of new elements of discord. A part even of the 
passengers in the first vessel, without religious sympathy 
with their superiors, and jealous of the needful exercise 
of authority, were fit subjects for an influence adverse to 
the existing organization." The miscellaneous importa- 
tion in the Fortune followed, and the whole tenor of the 
discourse of Cushman, who came and went in her, shows 
that there were " idle drones " and " unreasonable men " 
mixed with the nobler associates of the infant settlement. 
The Ann and her partner, the last vessels despatched by 
the Adventurers, brought new fuel for dissension in those 

1 Bradford, 166. Tvas to be believed, Billington was one 

2 If Lyford, the factious minister, of his allies. (Ibid., 181.) 



VI.] PLYMOUTH. 219 

of her company who came " on their particular." Nor 
does it seem hazardous to infer, alike from the cir- 
cumstances of the case, and from developments which 
speedily followed, that some of these persons, in concert 
with the " strong faction among the Adventurers," came 
over on the errand of subverting the existing government 
and order.^ 

Lyford, the minister, began with ostentatious profes- 
sions of sympathy with his new .companions. "He sa- 
luted them with that reverence and humility as is seldom 

to be seen; yea, he wept and shed many tears, 

and blessed God for this opportunity of freedom and 

liberty to enjoy the ordinances of God in purity among his 
people." He was received as a member of their church, 
provided with a more liberal support than any other per- 
son, and invited by the Governor, as Brewster had been, 
to consultations with him and the Assistants. John Old- 
ham, who had come over in the Ann, and had experienced 
similar generous treatment, was "a chief stickler in the 
former faction among the particulars." With him, as it 
soon appeared, Lyford was engaged " in plotting Faction at 
against them, and disturbing their peace, both in ^'>''^°'i*'i- 
respect of their civil and church state." When the Charity 
set sail for England, Bradford followed her a few 1624. 
miles to sea, examined letters put on board by 
Lyford and Oldham, and brought back to Plymouth copies 
of such as expressed their disaffection. He kept them 
private till " Lyford, with his complices, without ever 
speaking one word either to the Governor, church, or 
elder, withdrew themselves, and set up a public meeting 
apart, on the Lord's day, with sundry such insolent car- 
riages, too long to relate." ^ 

1 " Some of those that still remained dry of them did depend, by their pri- 

hei^e on their particular began privately vatc whispering they drew some of the 

to nourish a faction, and being privy weaker sort of the company to their 

to a strong faction that was among the side." (Ibid., 157.) 

Adventurers in England, on whom sun- ^ Ibid., 171 - 175. 



220 HISTOKY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

The Governor then summoned a General Court, and 
arraigned Lyford and his confederate. They denied the 
charge of moving sedition or conducting a calumnious 
correspondence, and the letters were produced to their 
confusion. Lyford's letters complained, that " the church 
would have none to live here but themselves"; that "if 
there came over any honest men that were not of the sepa- 
ration [Separatists], they would quickly distaste them"; 
that " they utterly sought the ruin of the particulars, as 
appeared by this, that they would not suffer any of the 
general to buy or sell or exchange with them " ; that the 
weekly distribution of provisions was unequal and unjust; 
that there was " exceeding great waste of tools and ves- 
sels " ; and that " the faction here might match the Jesuits 
for polity." And among other measures he advised, " that 
the Leyden company, Mr. Robinson and the rest, must still 
be kept back, or all would be spoiled"; that "such a num- 
ber" should be " provided as might oversway them here"; 
and that a fit person should be sent over to supersede Cap- 
tain Standish, who " looked like a silly boy." The con- 
tents of Oldham's letters are not particularly described. 
A third confederate, not named, informed his correspond- 
ent, that " Mr. Oldham and Mr. Lyford intended a refor- 
mation in church and commonwealth." Oldham, before 
the disclosure, had refused to do his military duty, drawn 
a weapon on the Captain, insulted the Governor, " and 
called them all traitors, and rebels, and other such foul 
language " ; and it was not till " after he was clapped up 
awhile, he came to himself" 

On the discovery of his clandestine relations to the 
hostile movement in England, Oldham tried to raise a 
mutiny on the spot ; " but all were silent, being struck 
with the injustice of the thing." Lyford " was struck 
mute, burst out into tears, and confessed he feared he was 
a reprobate." Both were ordered to leave the colony. 
The sentence was remitted to Lyford, on his humble pe- 



VI.] PLYMOUTH. 221 

titioii for forgiveness, accompanied with a passionate ac- 
knowledo;nient of the falsehood of what he had 

'-' Conviction 

written, and of the lenity of his sentence. Old- ofLyrord 

1 • 1 /» n -\T 1 1 and Oldham. 

nam, with some followers, went to JNantasket, the 
southern cape of Boston Bay, where the Plymouth people 
had built a trading-house for their convenience in visiting 
the Indians of that region. 

Lyford was not reclaimed. In a letter to the Adven- 
turers he repeated his iniurious representations 
respectnig the state of thmgs at Plymouth. It 
was brought to the Governor by the person to whom it 
had been intrusted for conveyance. Bradford took no 
notice of it till the following spring, when Wins- jcos. 
low returned from a second visit to England, with '^^"'^^'' 
information, that, while there, he had ascertained and dis- 
closed to the Adventurers certain discreditable facts in 
Lyford's early life, which " struck all his friends mute, 
and made them all ashamed." He was now deposed from 
the ministry, to which on his professions of penitence 
he had been restored, and went to join Oldham at Nan- 
tasket.^ Oldham had lately ventured on a visit to Ply- 
mouth, whence, having indulged himself there in op- 
probrious language, he was expelled with ignominious 
ceremony." 

Winslow brought further discouraging accounts of the 
state of aiFairs among the Adventurers. " As there had 
been a faction and siding amongst them now more Disruption 
than two years, so now there was an utter breach neSirof' 
and sequestration." The amount of money due Adventurers. 
in London was not less than fourteen hundred pounds 
sterling.^ Some of the partners remained friendly to the 
colony, and wrote in terms of confidence and cheer ; though^ 
with the cattle, tools, and clothing which they sent, orders 

1 From Nantastet Lyford went for 2 Bradford, 171-190. 

a little time to Cape Ann, and thence ^ Letter of Shirley and others (Brad- 

to Virginia, ■where he shortly afler died, ford, 199). 
19* 



222 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

came for their sale at what the planters considered an 
exorbitant advance. From this time, the original part- 
nership of the company of Adventurers to Plymouth was 
dissolved, two thirds of those in London withdrawing 
from their connection with the colonists. 

Two other settlements had meanwhile been attempted; 
one by a Captain Wollaston, with some thirty or forty 

persons, on a bluff which still bears his name, on 
Transactions tlic sca-shoro lu what is now the town of Quin- 
woii°ast"on cy ; ^ the other, as much as a year earlier, on the 
^n^d^at Cape pi'omoutory known, since Captain Smith's voyage, 

as Cape Ann. Of the spasmodic experiments 
made by the Council of New England for giving value to 
their property, one had been a distribution of its territory 

amono; individual members of the corporation. 

1622. ^ . , ^ 

Twenty noblemen and gentlemen divided among 
themselves in severalty the country along the coast from 
the Bay of Fundy to Narragansett Bay." The region 
about Cape Ann fell to the lot of Edmund, Lord Sheffield, 
JC04. who sold a patent for it to Cushman and AVins- 
jan. 1. . YQ^^y ^^^^ thclr associatcs at New Plymouth.^ It 
was probably in the summer before this transaction,'* that 

1 Bradford, 235 ; Dudley's Letter to fishing ships made such good returns, 
the Countess of Lincoln. at last it [New England] was engrossed 

2 This project is sketched in the by twenty patentees, that divided my 
" Briefe Relation " of the " President map into twenty parts, and cast lots 
and Council of New England," quoted for their shares." And Purchas (IV. 
above (p. 208, note). " Two parts of the 1872) has a map representing this 
whole territory," they say (31, 32), division. 

" is to be divided between the paten- 3 The indenture between Lord Shef- 
tees into several counties, to be by them- field, of the one part, and Winslow and 
selves or their friends planted, at their Cushman of the other, has been recent- 
pleasure or best commodity ; the other ly brought to light by Mr. John "Win- 
third part" was to afford a "revenue for gate Thornton, who has illustrated it in 
defraying of j)ublic charge." Connect- a printed treatise, accompanied by an 
ed with this plan was (Ibid.) that of the engraved facsimile. 
aiDpointment of a General Governor, 4 " About the year 1623, some West- 
which has been mentioned in its place ern merchants bethought themselves" 
(see above, pp. 206, 208, note). Smith of this undertaking. " The next year " 
says (True Travels, &c., 46), "The they bought and repaired "a Flemish 



VI.] ' PLYMOUTH. 223 

a few persons from the AVest of England sat down at 
Cape Ann for purposes of planting and fishing. They 
appear to have acknowledged the rights of the Plymouth 
people, when made known to them ; ^ and the fishermen of 
the two parties carried on their operations amicably side 
by side, till Lyford brought his disturbing presence among 
them from his retreat at Nantasket. A London vessel in 
the service of those Adventurers who were friendly to him 
having arrived at the place, the crew took possession of 
a fishing-stage belonging to the Plymouth settlers, and 
" would not restore the same except they would fight for 
it." Contrary to the wish of Standish, who had come 
from Plymouth to set things right, pacific counsels pre- 
vailed, and the dispute was quieted by an engagement of 
the crew to help in building another stage for the owners, 
in place of that which had been in question. 

Plymouth was now in a thriving condition, if its pros- 
perity was on no imposing scale. A year earlier, ac- 
cording to what Smith had learned, there were ic24. 
" about a hundred and eighty persons ; some cattle fordltToTof 
and goats, but many swine and poultry; thirty- p'j™"'^"'- 

two dwelling-houses ; the town impaled about half a 

mile compass ; in the town, upon a high mount, a fort well 
built with wood, loam, and stone ; also a fair watch-tower ; 

and this year they had freighted a ship of a hundred 

and eighty tons." ^ Fifty English ships were on the coast 

fly-boat" for the voyage. And "the weary of the sea, and enamored with the 

third year, 1625," they despatched two beauty of the bounds that first offered 

vessels to Cape Ann. (Planters' Plea, itself unto them, gorgeously garnished 

Chap. Vn., VIII.) with all wherewith pregnant nature, rav- 

1 Smith, Generall Historie, 247. ishing the sight with variety, can grace 

2 Ibid. Captain John Smith was a a fertile field, did resolve to stay." 
more careful inquirer or reporter than (Map and Description of New England, 
Sir William Alexander, who in the same SO.) — Gorges had received accounts 
year wrote : " Four years since, a ship of the same too partial character : 
going for Virginia coming by chance to " They landed their people [at Ply- 
harbor in the southwest part of New mouth], many of them weak and fee- 
England near Cape Cod, the company ble through the length of the naviga- 
whom she carried for plantation, being tion, the leakiness of the ship, and want 



224 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chaf. 

engaged in fishing, and every ship was an enlargement of 

their market for purchases and sales. " It pleased the 

Lord to sfive the plantation peace and health and 

1625. . 

contented minds, and so to bless their labors as 
they had corn sufficient, and some to spare to others, with 
other food ; neither ever had they any supply of food but 
what they first brought with them." Returning from a 
voyage made " to the eastward, up a river called Kenne- 
bec," in an open boat, " Mr. Winslow and some of the old 
standards, for seamen they had none, brought home seven 
hundred pounds of beaver, besides some other furs, having 
little or nothing else but this corn, which themselves had 
raised out of the earth," to trade with.^ 

The brightening prospect of the colonists, on the one 
hand, and the unsatisfactory state of their afi'airs with the 
remaining English partners on the other, encouraged a 
desire to rid themselves of a connection which had been 
so fruitful of inconvenience, and Standish was despatched 
to England to obtain a supply of goods, and learn what 
terms could be made for a release. He returned the 

1Q2C. following spring, having " taken up a hundred 

^P"'- and fifty pounds (and spent a good deal of it in 
expenses) at fifty j;er cent., which he bestowed in trading 
goods and such other most needful commodities as he 
knew requisite for their use." ^ He brought the mournful 

1625. intelligence of the death of E-obinson at Leyden 
March 1. ^^ ^-j^g yg^^, before ; and of that of Cushman, 

whom they had been expecting presently to welcome. 

The loss of Cushman was painfully felt. He had been 
Death of "as their xmhi hand with their friends the Adven- 



Robinson 
and of 

Cushman. ^|| thclr busiuoss with them to their f^reat advan- 



f^ndof turers, and for divers years had done and agitated 



&■■ 



of many other necessaries such under- and fowl, -with jilenty of wholesome 

takings required. But they were not roots and herbs the country afforded," 

many days ashore before they had got- &c. (Briefe Narration, Chap. XXII.) 

ten both health and strength, through ^ Bradford, 204. 

the comfort of the air, the store of fish ^ Ibid. 



VI.] PLYMOUTH. 225 

tage." ^ Such was Bradford's tribute to his old friend, 
though Bradford as well as others had been greatly dis- 
satisfied with his management and concealment of that 
part of the negotiation by which they lost the benefit of 
two favorite stipulations.^ But Robinson Avas mourned 
with a peculiar sorrow. His powerful ascendency over 
the minds of his associates, acquired by eminent talents 
and virtues, had been used disinterestedly and wisely for 
their good. With great courage and fortitude, he had 
equal gentleness and liberality ; and his accomplishments 
of understanding and the generosity of his afiections in- 
spired mingled admiration and love. Though he passed 
his life in the midst of controversy, it was so far from 
narrowing his mind, that his charity towards dissentients 
distinguished him among the divines of his day, as much 
as his abilities and learning. It is less remarkable that 
he became constantly more tolerant as he grew older. 

The recent competition in the fishery, on the part both 
of their English associates and of others, having led the 
colonists to regard that investment of their labor as less 
profitable,^ they turned their attention to " trading and 
planting," and were so successful, that, before the close of 
the year, they had nearly extricated themselves from debt, 
including the obligation lately incurred for them by Stan- 
dish, and had stored " some clothing for the people and 
some commodities beforehand." In conjunction with the 
planters at Piscataqua, they made purchases of a quantity 
of merchandise from some English at Monhegan, and from 
a French ship wrecked near that island,"^ to the amount of 
five hundred pounds. During the winter, they had the so- 
ciety of the passengers and crew of a vessel bound to Vir- 
ginia, which, falling short of provisions, had put in at the 
south side of Cape Cod, and had sent to them for succor ; ^ 

1 Bradford, 207. fishing, a thing fatal to this plantation." 

2 See above, p. 155. (Bradford, 158.) 

3 "The ship [a vessel iu the employ ^ Ibid., 208-210. 
of some of the Adventurers] came on ^ Ibid., 217-221. 



226 



HISTOEY OF NEW ENGLAND. 



[Chap. 



1G27. 
March 9. 



and a communication, opened by a letter from the Dutch 
Governor of Fort Amsterdam, now New York, 
led to mutual expressions of good- will, and ofters 
of business intercourse and neighborly good offices. After 
two letters had passed each way, Isaac De Rasieres, the 
Dutch " upper commis or chief merchant, and second to 
the Governor," made a visit to Plymouth of " some few 
days."^ 



1 He came np Buzzard's Bay, " ac- 
companied -with a noise of trumpeters, 
and some otlier attendants," and landed 
at Manomet, -whence (October 4) he 
sent a messenger to the Enghsh. " So 
they sent a boat to Manonscussett [in 
Sandwich] and brought him to the 
plantation, -with the chief of his com- 
pany." He sold his guests some sugar, 
linen, and stuffs, for tobacco. "But 
that ■which turned most to their profit 
in time was an entrance into the trade 
of wampumpeag. For they now bought 
about fifty pounds' worth of it of them ; 
and they [the Dutch] told them how 
vendable it was at their Fort Orania, 
and did persuade them they would find 
it so at Kennebec. And so it came to 
pass in time, though at first it stuck ; 
and it was two years before they could 
put off this small quantity, till the in- 
land people knew of it, and afterwards 
they could scarce ever get enough for 
them, for many years together." (Brad- 
ford, 222-225, 233, 234.) 

To a letter of De Rasieres, written 
after his return, we are indebted for 
some interesting facts respecting the 
colony of Pljonouth in the seventh year 
from its foundation. The letter was 
obtained by Mr. Brodhead from the 
archives at the Hague, and published 
by him in the New York Historical 
Collections, Second Series, H. 343 et seq. 
De Rasieres writes of Plymouth : — 

" At the south side of the town there 
flows down a small river of fresh water, 
very rapid, but shallow, which takes its 



rise from several lakes in the land above, 
and there empties into the sea ; where 
in April and the beginning of May 
there come so many herring from the 
sea, which want to ascend that river, 
that it is quite surprising. This river 
the English have shut in with planks, 
and in the middle with a little door, 
which slides up and down, and at the 
sides with trellis-work, through which 
the water has its course, but which they 
can also close with slides. At the mouth 
they have constructed it with planks, 
like an eel-pot with wings, where in the 
middle is also a sliding-door, and with 
trellis-work at the sides, so that be- 
tween the two [dams] there is a square 
pool, into which the fish aforesaid come 
swimming in such shoals, in order to 
get up above where they deposit their 
spawn, that at one tide there are ten 
thousand to twelve thousand fish in it, 
which they shut off in the rear at the 
ebb, and close up the trellises above so 
that no more water comes in ; then the 
water runs out through the lower trel- 
lises, and they draw out the fish with 
baskets, each according to the land he 
cultivates, and carry them to it, depos- 
iting in each hill three or four fishes, 
and in these they plant their maize, 
which grows as luxuriantly therein as 
though it were the best manure in the 
world; and if they do not lay these 
fishes therein, the maize will not grow, 
such is the nature of the soil. 

" New Plymouth lies on the slope of 
a hill stretching east towards the sea- 



VI.] 



PLYMOUTH. 



227 



Mr. Allerton, who had been sent to England for the 
purpose of pursuing the negotiation with the Adventurers, 
in which Standish had made some prosrress, as 

^ O ' ^ Release 

well as for other business, brought back a grati- from the 
fying account of his success. He had " taken up 
two hundred pounds, which he now got at thirty ^;e?* cent, 
and brought some useful goods with him, much to the 
comfort and content of the plantation." And he had 



Adventurers. 



coast, with a broad street about a can- 
non shot of eight hundred [feet] long, 
leading down the hill, with a [street] 
crossing in the middle, northwards to 
the rivulet, and southwards to the land. 
The houses are constructed of hewn 
planks, with gardens also enclosed be- 
hind and at the sides with hewn planks, 
so that their houses and court-yards are 
arranged in very good order, with a 
stockade against a sudden attack ; and 
at the ends of the streets there are 
three wooden gates. In the centre, on 
the cross-street, stands the Governor's 
house, before which is a square enclos- 
ure, upon which four patereros [steen- 
stucken] are mounted, so as to flank 
along the streets. Upon the hill they 
have a large square house, with a flat 
roof, made of thick sawn planks, stayed 
with oak beams, upon the top of which 
they have six cannons, which shoot iron 
balls of four and five pounds, and com- 
mand the surrounding country. The 
lower part they use for their church, 
where they preach on Sundays and the 
usual holidays. They assemble by beat 
of drum, each with his musket or fire- 
lock, in front of the captain's door ; they 
have their cloaks on, and place them- 
selves in order, three abreast, and are 
led by a sergeant without beat of drum. 
Behind comes the Governor, in a long 
robe; beside him, on the right hand, 
comes the preacher, with his cloak on, 
and on the left hand the captain, with 
his side-arms and cloak on, and with 
a small cane in his hand ; and so they 



march In good order, and each sets his 
arms down near him. Thus they are 
constantly on their guard night and day. 

" Their government is after the Eng- 
lish form. The Governor has his coun- 
cil, which is chosen every year by the 
entire community by election or pro- 
longation of term. In the inheritance 
they place all the children in one de- 
gree, only the eldest son has an ac- 
knowledgment for his seniority of birth. 

" They have made stringent laws and 
ordinances upon the subject of fornica- 
tion and adultery, which laws they 
maintain and enforce very strictly in- 
deed, even among the tribes which Uve 
amongst them. They [the English] 
speak very angrily, when they hear 
from the savages that we should live so 
barbarously in these respects, and with- 
out punishment. 

" Their farms are not so good as ours, 
because they are more stony, and, con- 
sequently, not so suitable for the plough. 
They apportion their land according as 
each has means to contribute to the 
eighteen thousand guilders which they 
have promised to those who had sent 
them out ; whereby they have their 
freedom without rendering an account 
to any one; only, if the king should 
choose to send a Governor-General, 
they would be obliged to acknowledge 
him as sovereign chief. 

" The maize seed which they do not 
require for their own use is delivered 
over to the Governor, at three guilders 
the bushel, who, in his turn, sends it in 



228 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

adjusted with the Adventurers the preliminaries of an 
arrangement for discharging the planters from their con- 
tract of service and partnership. For the sum of eighteen 
hundred pounds, payable in nine equal annual instalments, 
beginning in the following year, the Adventurers were to 
convey to the planters " every their stocks, shares, lands, 
merchandise, and chattels." The speculation was a haz- 
ardous one for the planters. " They knew not well how 
to raise the payment, and discharge their other engage- 
ments, and supply their yearly wants, seeing they were 
forced for their necessities to take up moneys or goods at 
such high interest. Yet they undertook it, and seven or 
eight of the chief of the place became jointly bound for 
the payment of this eighteen hundred pounds, in the 
behalf of the rest, at the several days; in which they 
ran a great adventure, as their present state stood, having 
many other heavy burdens already upon them, and all 
things in an uncertain condition." ^ 

A new organization and distribution were now adopted, 
to meet the anticipated change of affairs. With a gener- 
ous wisdom, the occasion was used to compose the 

Distribution 7 

of stock and feud betwoeu the " generals " and the " particulars." 
A partnership was formed of all the men on the 

sloops to the north for the trade in skins small-legged birds, which are in great 
amonfT the savages. They reckon one abundance there in the winter. The 
bushel of maize against one pound of tribes in their neighborhood have all 
beaver's skin. In the first place, a divis- the same customs as already above de- 
ion is made according to -what each has scribed, only they are better conducted 
contributed, and they are credited for than ours, because the English give 
the amount in the account of what each them the example of better ordinances 
has to contribute yearly towards the re- and a better life ; and who, also, to a 
duction of his obligation. Then with certain degree, give them laws, by 
the remainder they purchase what next means of the respect they from the 
they require, and which the Governor very first have established amongst 
takes care to provide every year. them." 

"They have better means of living 1 Bradford, 211-214. The English 
than ourselves, because they have the Adventurers who executed this cove- 
fish so abundant before their doors, nant were forty-two in number. (See 
There are also many birds, such as Bradford's Letter-Book, in Mass. Hist, 
geese, herons, and cranes, and other Coll., III. 48.) Six of them, namely. 



VI.] PLYMOUTH. 229 

spot, of suitable age and prudence, under an agreement 
that the trade should " be managed as before to help to 
pay the debts " hi the way of a joint-stock company, and 
that every freeman should have a single share, and " every 
father of a family also be allowed to purchase a share for 
his wife, and a share for every child that he had living 
with him." ^ A division followed of the stock and land, 
hitherto the joint property of the Adventurers and of their 
associates on the soil. One cow and two goats were as- 
signed by lot to every six persons or shares, " and swine, 
though more in number, yet by the same rule. Then 
they agreed that every person or share should have twenty 
acres of land divided unto them, besides the single acres 

they had already But no meadows were to be laid 

out at all, nor were not of many years after, because they 
were but strait of meadow grounds, and if they had been 
now given out, it would have hindered all addition to 
them afterwards; but every season all were appointed 
where they should mow, according to the proportion of 
cattle they had." The houses became private property by 
an equitable assignment." The vassalage to the foreign 
merchants was over. Henceforward there were to be 
New-England freeholders. 

The first coveted luxury of their emancipated state 
was a reunion with their ancient companions. Hither- 
to the pleasure of others might decide who should join 
them. That embarrassment was now withdrawn. Their 
tender mutual recollections had naturally been refreshed 
by their common mourning for their " loving and faithful 
pastor." To put the -financial affairs in a more manage- 

White, Pocock, Goffe, Sharpe, Eevell, taken away; therefore they resolved to 

and Andrews, were afterwards members take in all amongst them that were 

of the Massachusetts Company. either heads of families, or single youno- 

1 " Except peace and union were men that were of ability, and free, and 

preserved, they should be able to do able to govern themselves with meet 

nothing, but endanger to overthrow all, discretion," &c. (Bradford, 214.) 
now that other ties and bonds were ^ Bradford, 214-217. 

VOL. I. 20 



230 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

able shape, eight of the settlers ^ entered into an engage- 

ju,y. ment with the colony to farm its trade for a term 

The trade q^^Ix voars. In consideration of the sole right of 

farmed by •' c> 

eight coio- trading, of an annual payment by each colonist of 
three bushels of corn or six pounds of tobacco, and 
of the transfer to them of three vessels, with " the whole 
stock of furs, felts, beads, corn, wampumpeag, knives, &c. 
that was now in the store, or any way due upon account," 
the eight agreed to make the annual payments due from 
the colony in London ; to discharge the other debts of the 
plantation, amounting to about six hundred pounds more ; 
and to bring over, every year, fifty pounds' worth of hose 
and shoes, and sell them for corn at six shillings a bushel.^ 
Allerton was despatched again to England to conclude the 
transaction there, and attend to other business, which he 
prosperously completed. On his return, the fol- 
lowing spring, " he brought a reasonable supply 
of goods " ; and reported that he had paid the first instal- 
ment to the Adventurers, delivered the bonds for the resi- 
due of the debt, and obtained the due conveyance and 
release; that he had discharged all other debts, except 
those due to four friends,^ who agreed to take an interest 
and become partners in the six years' hire of the trade, 
and to charge themselves with the transportation of a 
company from Leyden ; and lastly, that he had obtained 
from the Council for New England a patent for land on 
the Kennebec.^ The patent was immediately turned to 
account by the erection of " a house up above in that 
river, in the most convenient place for trade." ^ 

^ They were Bradford, Brewster, glue of the company " (Cushman's let- 

Winslow, Standish, Prince, Alden, ter in Mass. Hist. Coll., III. 34), wrote, 

Rowland, and Allerton. Prince had that some of the Adventurers had fallen 

come over in the Fortune ; all the oth- out with him, because, adds he, " I 

ers, in the Mayflower. would not side with them against you, 

2 Bradford, 225 - 228. and the going over of the Leyden peo- 

2 They were James Shirley, John pie." (Bradford, 230.) 

Beauchamp, Richard Andrews, and '^ Ibid., 232. 

Timothy Hatherley. Shirley, "the 5 Ibid., 233. 



VI.] PLYMOUTH. 231 

AUerton also, of his own motion, "brought over a young 
man for a minister ; his name was Mr. E,ogers." Except 
during the short time of Lyford's service, Brewster had been 
the spiritual guide of the colony, preaching to them and 
leading in their devotions, though not dispensing the sacra- 
ments. From undertaking this last service he was discour- 
aged by Robinson, who wrote to him that he judged it " not 
lawful for a ruling elder, nor convenient, if it were lawful."^ 
While Robinson lived, the colonists expected to be joined 
by him. When he died, they had for a long time no suc- 
cess in attempts to supply his place. Rogers proved to be 
" crazed in his brain ; so they were fain to be at further 
charge to send him back again the next year."" Mean- 
while, Brewster "taught twice every Sabbath, and that 
both powerfully and profitably, to the great contentment 
of the hearers and their comfortable edification. Yea, 
many were brought to God by his ministry. He did more 
in this behalf in a year, than many that have their hun- 
dreds a year do in all their lives." ^ 

An incident, Avhich occurred this spring, illustrates the 
condition of the settlements on and about Massachusetts 
Bay. It has been mentioned that a Captain Wollaston 
attempted a plantation on a spot which still bears 
his name, near Boston harbor."* " Not finding 
things to answer his expectations," he withdrew with part 
of his company to Virginia, and presently sent for a por- 
tion of the rest. In his absence, one Thomas Morton, 
" who had been a kind of pettifogger, of Furnival's Inn," 
obtained an ascendency among them,^ and displaced the 

1 Eobinson, letter in Young's " Pil- the year since tlae incarnation of Christ 
grims," 477. 1G22, it was my chance to be landed in 

2 Bradford, 243. the parts of New England." "In the 

3 Ibid., 413. month of June, anno salutis 1622, it 

4 See above, p. 222. was my chance to arrive in the parts 

5 Bradford (23G) understood Morton of New England." If this is true, he 
to have come over with Wollaston. But may have come with Weston's people 
Morton (New English Canaan, Book I. in the Charity. According to his title- 
Chap. II., Book II. Chap. I.) says, "In page, he was "of ChtTord's Inn." 



232 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAOT). [Chap. 

person left by Wollaston in charge. The habits of shame- 
less license and revelry which he introduced at Merry- 
Mount, — as he called his hold, — drunkenness, 

Proceedings ^ 

at Merry- gambling, dauclug about a maypole, singing rib- 
ald songs, debauching the Indian women, and 
other " beastly practices of the mad Bacchanalians," were 
a sore offence to their sober neighbors. By enticing away 
their servants, he increased his rabble rout. But what 
made his presence intolerable was, that, to support this 
wild course of life, Morton sold fire-arms and ammunition 
freely to the natives. It had been done before by the 
French, and by transient fishermen ; but the extent to 
which the traffic was now carried on excited serious 
alarm, and messenp-ers from the neis^hborinsj set- 

1628. ° , CO 

tlements, after deliberation upon the danger, so- 
licited the Plymouth people to interfere. 

The messenger despatched to Morton, "in a friendly 
and neighborly way, to admonish him to forbear these 
courses," was sent back with affront. A second remon- 
strance was of no more avail. The third messenger was 
" Captain Standish, and some other aid with him." Mor- 
ton barricaded his house, defied the invaders, and fortified 
his comrades with drink. But they were disarmed and 
dispersed without bloodshed, and their leader was con- 
ducted to Plymouth, whence he was sent to Eng- 
land, with letters to the Council and to Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges, setting forth the danger of his prac- 
tices.-^ Pie went in the custody of John Oldham, who, by 
large professions of repentance for his past miscarriages, 
had become reconciled with the Plymouth people.^ 

1 Bradford, 235-243. The letters as described by Lis adversaries. He 

sent -with Morton are in the Mass. Hist, "writes precisely like what his American 

Coll., HI. 62-64. He has made his neighbors took him for, a witty and 

own report of these proceedings in his knowing, but shiftless, reckless, grace- 

" New English Canaan " ; with no little less, shameless rake, 

wit, it must be allowed, but not in such 2 Bradford, 191. 
a way as to mend the aspect of his case, 



VI.] SETTLEMENTS NEAR PLYMOUTH. 233 

The contributions to the expense of this expedition, 
from settlements and individuals, are on record.^ The set- 
tlements were Plymouth and Piscataqua (Ports- English plant-- 
mouth), Avhich paid each two pounds ten shil- abo^tMassa- 
lings, and Naumkeag and Nantasket, each as- ci>usetts Bay. 
sessed one pound ten shillings. Nantasket, now Hull, 
was the seat of Oldham's party. Of Naumkeag, now 
Salem, an account will be more appropriately given in 
another place. The share of " IMr. Jeffrey and Mr. Burs- 
lem" was two pounds. Their cottages probably stood 
at Winnisimmet, now Chelsea. Edward Hilton, Mrs. 
Thompson, and Mr. Blaxton contributed respectively one 
pound, fifteen shillings, and twelve shillings. Edward 
Hilton was seated at Cocheco on the Piscataqua Piver; 
William Blaxton on the peninsula of Shawmut, afterwards 
Boston; and Mrs. Thompson, widow of David Thompson, 
formerly of Piscataqua, on the island called by his name 
in Boston harbor." Within the same circuit, there were 
perhaps solitary planters, whose names do not appear in 
the transaction. Thomas Walford may have been already, 
where he was found presently after, on the peninsula of 
Mishawum (since Charlestown), and Samuel Maverick on 
Noddle's Island, hard by. Cape Ann, lately a dependency 
of Plymouth, and Wessagusset (Weymouth) had probably 
a few inhabitants. Some of the individuals who have 
been named may have been of the company dispersed 
after the unsuccessful attempt of Robert Gorges to make 
a settlement at the latter place. Plymouth had extended 
itself westwardly to Buzzard's Bay by an outpost on Ma- 
nomet Piver, kept by " some servants, who planted corn, 
and reared some swine." ^ 

Besides the settlements scattered from Plymouth on the 
one side to the river Piscataqua on the other, a few begin- 
nings, and attempts at beginnings, of English plantations 

1 See Bradford's Letter-Book, in ~ Mass. Col. Bee, II. 245. 
Mass. Hist. Coll., III. G3. s Bradford, 221. 

20* 



234 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

beyond that river, have been mentioned.-^ Similar under- 
takings of Frenchmen on the same line of coast still fur- 
ther east had as yet been attended with small success. 
When half a century had elapsed after those 

New France. ,..,.,. ,., 

frustrated expeditions which immediately fol- 
lowed the discovery of the St. Lawrence, the Marquis 
de la Koche conducted forty convicts from the 
French prisons to the Isle of Sable, fifty miles 
southeast from Cape Breton. At the end of seven years, 
a vessel came to convey them back to France, and 
found only twelve alive. A¥hen De Monts, on the revo- 
cation of his monopoly, abandoned his designs 
upon Acadie^ (the name given to the penin- 
sula now called Nova Scotia, and to an indefinite extent 
of territory around it), his friend, De Poutrincourt, still 
remained with some companions at Port Poyal. From 
this place, two Jesuit missionaries from France proceeded, 
with twenty or thirty companions, to found a 
colony on the island of Mount Desert, at the 
mouth of the Penobscot. It was broken up almost imme- 
diately by Captain Argall, from Virginia, as has already 
been related.^ In the same or the following year, Argall 
visited Port Poyal, destroyed its fortification, and carried 
away a part of its inhabitants, while the rest dispersed them- 
selves into the interior. It was six or seven years after this 
time, when the playwright, William Alexander, who began 
life as travelling companion to the young Earl of Argyll, 
and was subsequently raised to the Scottish peerage as 
Earl of Stirlins:, obtained from the Council for 

1C21. ^ 

New England his patent for Nova Scotia, a coun- 
try defined in that instrument as extending from the St. 
Croix to the St. Lawrence. The party which he sent out 
to take possession found Port Poyal again occu- 
pied by Frenchmen, and returned without at- 

1 See above, pp. 205, 230. ^ See above, p. 85. 

2 See above, pp. 77, 78. 



VI.] NEW FRANCE AND NEW NETHERLAND. 235 

tempting its reduction. But in the war which broke out 

in the second year of Charles the First, it was 

. . . i<^=^2- 

taken by an expedition commanded by Sir Wil- 
liam Kirk. The capture of Quebec by the same icas, 
force followed in the next year, and for a little J"'^^^- 
time New France disappeared from the map of America. 
On the western border of New England another nation 
seemed to have established itself with better prospects. 
It was in the service of the Dutch East India NewNeth- 
Company that Henry Hudson, an Englishman, ^'''""^' 
bound on the usual search for a northwestern passage to 
the Indies, had entered the river since called by 1509. 
his name, and explored its length for more than ^^p^ember. 
a hundred and fifty miles. Other navigators from the 
Netherlands, allured by his report, soon followed for 
traffic with the natives ; and, within three or four years 
after his visit, they had erected some huts on the island 
of Manhattan,^ and a warehouse and stockade 

1614. 

near the spot where now stands the city of Al- 
bany. Adriaen Block, in a vessel of sixteen tons, built at 
Manhattan, explored Long Island Sound and Narragan- 
sett Bay, and probably sailed forty or fifty miles up Con- 
necticut Hiver, and into Massachusetts Bay as far as the 
promontory of Nahant.^ 

1 In Plantagenet's " Ncav Albion," tented tliem for their charge and voy- 
published in 1648, is a story tliat Argall age, and by liis letter, sent to Virginia 
and bis party, on their return from and recorded, submitted himself, corn- 
Mount Desert to Virginia, in 1G13, pany, and plantation to his Majesty, 
"landed at Manhatas Isle, in Hudson's and to the Governor and government 
E,iver, Avhere they found four houses of Virginia." This story -was adopted 
built, and a pretended Dutch Governor as true by Smith (History of New York, 
under the West-India Company of Am- 2), and generally by recent histori- 
sterdam, who kept trading-boats, and ans. But Mr. Brodhead (History of 
trucking with the Indians ; but the said New York, I. 754, 755) gives weighty 
knights told him their commission was reasons for accounting it a mere fiction, 
to expel him and all alien intruders on 2 X)e Laet, in N. Y. Hist. Coll., I. 
his Majesty's dominions and territories, 291-297. — It is from this navigator 
this being part of Virginia, and this that Block Island, lying eastwardly 
river an English discovery by Hudson, from Long Island, takes its name. 
an Eno-lishman. The Dutchman con- 



236 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

Block carried home an account of his discoveries, and 
some merchants of Amsterdam obtained from the States- 
General a charter for three years' monopoly of the 

1615. trade of New Netherland (as it was now called), 

Jan. 1. defined as extending, between New France and 
Virginia, from the fortieth to the forty-fifth degree of 
north latitude. But the region appears as yet to have 
been visited only for trade, and not to have received any 
permanent Dutch inhabitants. In his last voyage from 
Virginia to New England, Captain Dermer ^ had " met 
with some Hollanders that Avere settled in a place we call 
Hudson's River, in trade with the natives ; who forbade 
them the place, as being by his Majesty appointed to us. 
Their answer was, they understood no such thing, nor 
found any of our nation there, so that they hoped they 
had not offended."^ Pursuing his way, Dermer had passed 
through Long-Island Sound, probably the first English- 
man who ever sailed on its waters. 

At the expiration of the time limited in the charter of 
the Amsterdam merchants, the government refused to re- 
new it, having in view more extensive operations in which 
its purpose would be embraced. The charter of the Dutch 

1621. West-India Company followed, in six months, that 

June 3. qI* ^j^g Couucil for New England. It was while 
this measure was pending, that the merchants of Amster- 
dam had proposed to Kobinson's congregation to emigrate 
under their patronage,^ and that, adopting a different plan, 
the colonists of the Mayflower had sailed for the vicinity 
of the Hudson, and, missing their way, had arrived at 
Cape Cod. 

New Netherland was not named in the charter of the 
Dutch West-India Company, but the powers conferred 
by it were construed to extend to operations on that 

1 See above, pp. 99, 100. President and Council of New Eng- 

2 Gorges, Briefe Narration, Chap, land, 17. 

XXI. Comp. Briefe Kelation of the 3 See above, p. 149, note 2. 



VI.] NEW NETHERLAND. 237 

coast; and, regarding it in connection with, the expedi- 
tions to Hudson's E-iver, the English court took alarm, 
and Sir Dudley Carleton was instructed " to remonstrate 
with the States-General against intrusions in New Eng- 
land."^ The States promised to look into the question, 
and there, for the present, the matter rested. The Dutch 
continued their trade with the natives at and about Man- 
hattan, and extended it eastward as far as Buzzard's Bay. 
More than two years had passed from the date of its 
charter, when the West-India Company took 

1622. 

possession of New Netherland, and yet another 
year, when the first permanent colony was there 
established. Mey, who for ten years had been 
familiar with the place, and who in one of his coasting 
voyages had discovered that cape of Delaware Bay which 
preserves his name, was made Director. He retained his 
office but a year, and his successor, Verhulst, for only the 
same period. Peter Minuit was next invested 

. 1C26. 

With the government, which he still administered 
at the time to which the history of Plymouth has now 
been brought down. He purchased the island of Man- 
hattan from the natives for a consideration about equiva- 
lent to twenty-four dollars," and began the erection of a 
fort at its southern end, which he called Fort Amsterdam. 
It was in his time that De Pasieres came to Plymouth.^ 
A letter which preceded that messenger by six icoy. 
months informed Bradford of the establishment of ^^""'^ ^• 
the Dutch colony, and assured him of their wish to culti- 
vate relations of commerce and friendship with him and 
his associates. In his reply, the Governor recip- 

^ • 1 March 19. 

rocated these professions, but used the occasion to 

Avarn the Dutch against attempts at encroachment on any 

of the territory north of the fortieth degree of latitude,^ 

1 Journal of the Privy Council for ^ ggg above, pp. 22G-229. 
December 15, 1621. 4 This part of Bradford's letter is 

2 Brodhead's Address to the New omitted from the copy in his History 
York Historical Society, in 1844, p. 26. (224), but is preserved, as well as the 



Aug. 



238 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. VI. 

claimed, as it was, by the Council for New England. The 
answer was "very friendly, but maintaining their 
right and liberty to trade in those parts," derived 
from the authority of " the States of Holland." Bradford 
next presented the case with more fulness and 
more decision, but recommended a submission of 
it to the superiors of both parties in Europe, and request- 
ed a visit from some of the Dutch, for conference on 
their affairs of business. This invitation, coupled with a 
desire to deprive the Plymouth people of a motive for ex- 
peditions to the west,^ brought De Rasieres to their town, 
whence, on his return, he bore another remon- 

Oct. 1. ' . 

strance acjainst what was understood to be mtru- 
sion on the English domain. In informing the Council 
for New England of the movement, Bradford wrote, " We 
understand that, for strength of men and fortification, they 
far exceed us, and all in this land." In the following 
year. New Amsterdam received its first clergy- 
man.^ It is believed to have had at that time 
a population of two hundred and seventy persons.^ 

letters -whicli followed, In bis Letter- If we will not leave off dealing with 

Book. (;Mass. Illst. Coll., III. 51 -5G). that people, they will be obliged to use 

1 " They have built a shallop [at other means. If they do that now, 

Manomet] in order to go and look after while they we yet Ignorant how the 

the trade In sewan [the Dutch name for case stands, what will they do when 

wampum] in Sloup's Bay [an inlet of they do get a notion of It ? " (Letter of 

Narragansett Bay], which I have De Rasleres, cited above, p. 226, note.) 

prevented for this year by seUIng them 2 His name was Jonas MIchaelius. 

fifty fathoms of sewan, because the The fact of the existence, so early, of 

seeking after sewan by them is preju- a church at New Amsterdam, has just 

diclal to us, inasmuch as they would, by been brought to light by ]\Ir. Murphy, 

so doing, discover the trade in furs; Minister of the United States at the 

which if they were to find out, it would Hague. 

be a great trouble for us to maintain; 3 Brodhead, History of New York, L 

for they already dare to threaten that, 183. 



CHAPTER VII. 

The emigration of the Englishmen who settled at Ply- 
mouth had been prompted by religious dissent. In what 
manner Hobinson, who was capable of speculating on 
political tendencies, or Brewster, whose early position had 
compelled him to observe them, had augured concerning 
the prospect of public affairs in their native country, no 
record tells; while the rustics of the Scrooby congrega- 
tion, who fled from a government which denied them lib- 
erty in their devotions, could have had but little knowl- 
edge, and no agency, in the political sphere. The case was 
widely different with the founders of the Colony of Massa- 
chusetts Bay. That settlement had its rise in a state of 
things in England which associated religion and politics 
in an intimate alliance. 

The decline of the military system of the Middle Ages 
had brought about a necessity for new political organiza- 
tions. The power of the great feudatories ceas- 
ing to be the controlling element in affairs, the conmctbr. 
monarchical and popular principles were to con- Irlry'ln^" 
front each other in open field. France took the p°p"^" 

■•■ principles. 

lead among the states of "Western Europe in 
bringing to a settlement the question, which of the two 
opposing forces was to prevail. When the necessities of 
the invasion from England excused Charles the Seventh 
for establishinp; "the first standing armv in mod- 
ern Europe," ^ they enabled him to found a des- 
potism. In Spain, whose constitutions were more popular 

1 Ranke, Civil Wars and Monarcliy in France, Chap. IV. 



240 HISTOEY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

than those of the other kingdoms of the West,^ the con- 
troversy came to a decision in the following centnry, and, 
under the auspices of Cardinal Ximenes and the Emperor 
Charles the Fifth, was determined Avith the same issue. 
In England, the dynasty of the Tudors was far from 
wanting the vigor of character required to bring about 
an equally calamitous result. But in two respects the 
sovereigns of that line were at a disadvantage as compared 
with the Continental monarchs. One was, that the insular 
position of their realm withheld from them all excuse 
for the creation of that necessary instrument of arbitrary 
rule, a body of mercenary soldiers. The other was, that, 
when the claims of prerogative and the claims of a devel- 
oped love of freedom were approaching a collision, re- 
lio-ious questions had complicated themselves with 

Its relations o -i- J- n ■, 

in England tlic polltical dlsputc, aud the courage of the peo- 
ple had been exalted by the enthusiasm of re- 
ligious reform. 

The last of the Tudors left the controversy pending; 
and a gracious Providence, which had great things in 
store for England, and through England for the world, 
was pleased at this momentous juncture to place a learned 
fool upon the throne of that kingdom.^ The reign of 
Its progress Jamcs the First is the period of the vital struggle 
between popular and arbitrary principles, though 
the open conflict and the fruits of victory did not 
come till later. 

The pretensions and severities of Archbishop Bancroft, 
after the Conference and the Convocation at the beginning 
of this reign, rendered more distinct the positions of the 
two classes of religious malecontents. While the Sepa- 
ratists, of whom were the emigrants to Plymouth, re- 

1 Prescott, History of the Eeign of age, wlio liad given him Greek and 
Ferdinand and Isabella, I. Ixxix. Latin in great waste and profusion ; but 

2 " He had been bred up under Bu- it was not in his power to give him good 
chanan, one of the brightest geniuses sense." (Stith, History of Yirginia, 
and most accomplished scholars of that Pref., vii.) 



in the reign 
of James tlie 
First. 



VII.] PUKITAl? POLITICS IN ENGLAND. 241 

linquished the communion of the Established Church, 
and set up distinct assemblies, the more numerous No7i- 
conformists were scrupulous about the sin of schism, and 
chose rather to continue their protest against the prelati- 
cal ceremonies and discipline from a position within the 
pale of a Church which they owned to be pure in doctrine.-^ 
This position would naturally be preferred to that of sep- 
aration, by such as were from temper more hopeful of im- 
provement, or from circumstances more competent to at- 
tempt it, or, from repugnance to the forfeiture of social 
advantages, more inclined to a course of postponement or 
compromise. And accordingly, for a considerable period 
longer, the great conflict of the High-Churchmen and their 
royal coadjutor was not with Separatists, but with Non- 
conformists. By intimidation for the weak and banish- 
ment or harder measures for the resolute, dissent under 
the former phase was almost extirpated for the time in 
England. Under the latter, it maintained itself, with 
many defeats, but on the whole with a steady persever- 
ance ; and in the strife which followed, engaging men of 
the best ability on both sides, an attentive observer 
might discern a constant advance of the Non-conformist 
party towards an occupation of the Separatist ground. 
The argument, as it widened and warmed, drove the dis- 
putants further apart ; and the harsh discipline, by which 
the Church sought to enforce the reasonings of her cham- 
pions, had its natural effect on men who meant to be 
temperate, but who were liable to be provoked by injus- 
tice and presumption. 

Meanwhile, none but the most loyal language was used 
by the disaffected clergy. " Let the bishops," wrote 
the Non-conformist ministers of Devon and Corn- mi. 
wall, " sift well our courses since his Majesty's 
happy entrance in among us, and let them name 
wherein we have done aught that may justly be said ill 

1 See above, p. 118. 
VOL. I. 21 



Loyalty of 
the Non- 
conformists. 



242 mSTORY OF new ENGLA:ND [Chap. 

to become the ministers of Jesus Christ 1 Have we 
drawn any sword 1 Have we raised any tumult 1 Have 
we used any threats 1 Hath the state been put into any 
fear or hazard through us ] Manifold disgraces have been 
cast upon us, and we have endured them. The liberty 
of our ministry hath been taken from us, and, though 
with bleeding hearts, we have sustained it. We have 
been cast out of our houses, and deprived of our ordinary 
maintenance, yet have we blown no trumpet of sedition. 
These things have gone very near us, and yet did we never 
so much as entertain a thought of violence. We have 
petitioned the king and state; and who hath reason to 
deny us that liberty "? We have craved of the prelates to 
deal with us according to law ; and is not this the com- 
mon benefit of every subject^ We have besought them 
to convince our consciences by Scripture. Alas ! what 
would they have us to do ] " ^ Such submissive deport- 
ment did but embolden the insolence of power. Nothing 
short of the total eradication of dissent would satisfy the 
rulers in church and state. Dissent was not even permit- 
ted peaceably to betake itself to flight. A proclamation 
prohibited all persons from transporting them- 
selves to Virginia, without special license from 
the king ; ^ and it appears to have been under an author- 
ity professedly thus obtained, that the fugitives of Scrooby 
were arrested in their meditated flight to Holland. 

Yet the morning of King James's reign was not one of 
unbroken sunshine. Before his predecessor's death there 
„ , had been tokens of the risiner of that cloud which 

Restless state <-" 

of public sen- was dcstiucd to darken his own day, and burst in 
ruin on his children. Elizabeth had outlived her 
vast popularity. Thoughts, threatening, if as yet unde- 
fined, were stirred, by her arrogant obstinacy, in the minds 
of numbers of the best of her subjects. After the execu- 
tion of Lord Essex, her uncontrolled ill-temper had be- 

1 Neal, History of the Puritans, Vol. 2 Rapin, History of England, H. 
H. Chap. I. 176, 



YII.] PURITAN POLITICS IN ENGLAND. 243 

come a misery to herself and a terror to those about her 
person.^ Her death scarcely occasioned a superficial and 
transient sorrow; to those who knew her best, it was 
rather a relief from gloomy apprehensions, both personal 
and public. There were now needed a capacity and a res- 
olution at least equal to her own, to quell men who had 
grown impatient of her rigid sway, and who were not 
incapable of being instructed by the overthrow of free 
institutions in Spain, and their more recent creation in 
the Low Countries. 

It was perhaps unfortunate for the influence of James 
with his Parliament, that it was necessary to postpone its 
first meeting for a year from his accession, by 1604. 
reason of an epidemic sickness then raging; in ^^-^'^^s- 

. -^ . . 00 Conduct of 

London, which carried off thirty thousand per- jamesathis 
sons, one fifth part of the population. The in- 
terval gave opportunity for his ridiculous peculiarities of 
mind, person, and manners to make their impression, and 
to reassure the popular energies, which had almost learned 
to confront the majestic severity of the late sovereign. 
To whatever height his ulterior views aspired, good pol- 
icy evidently recommended to him a modest deportment 
on ascending the English throne. In him it would have 
been graceful and conciliating to abstain from the present 
assertion of claims which, of however questionable valid- 
ity, Elizabeth could not perhaps have yielded with dig- 
nity. But as, in his treatment of the Millenary Petition 
and his management of the Conference at Hampton Court, 
he had lost the most favorable opportunity for harmoniz- 
ing the Protestant interests, so, on the occasion which 
soonest presented itself, at his first meeting with the great 
council of the realm, he gave alarm to the friends of civil 
liberty by enormous pretensions of prerogative.^ 

1 Her godson Harrington told more ^ Ki"g James's Speech, in the Jour- 

on this subject than has got into the nals of the House of Commons, I. 142 

graver histories. (Nugas Antiqua3, I. -146. 
317-323.) 



244 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAIID. [Chap. 

Parliament, it is true, responded in a subservient strain ; 

for the vague expectations from a new reign repressed the 

spirit of fault-findinff, and as yet there was no 

March 19. . , ... . ^ 

Proceedings Organized opposition to utter a potent voice of 
Parliament disscut. Courtiors, too, were diligent in estab- 
at its first lishine; their interest with the new monarch : and 

session. o J 

Cecil, who had to ratify by -services the peace 
secretly made with him after incurring his displeasure by 
the prosecution of the Earl of Essex, had great weight 
with the House of Commons. Parliament passed what 

was called an "Act of Pecos^nition," in which, 

March 31. , , . ,. ^. _,,.,, , 

overlooking earlier precedents m English history, 
as well as that settlement in the reign of Henry the 
Eighth in violation of which James now ascended the 
throne, they asserted that "the imperial crown of the 
realm of England did, by inherent birthright and lawful 
and undoubted succession, descend and come to his most 
excellent Majesty, as being lineally, justly, and lawfully 
next and sole heir of the blood royal of the realm"; — 
language regarded by some learned writers as the first 
authoritative declaration in England of an indefeasible 
hereditary right belonging to its royal line.^ 

Yet even James's first Parliament did not prove itself 
obsequious up to the measure of his desire or his expec- 
tation. In opposition to a clause in the king's proclama- 
tion for convoking them, the House of Commons asserted 
with some spirit their privilege of deciding on the election 
returns. They made bold to tell him, through their 
Speaker, that " new laws are to be instituted, imperfect 
laws reformed, and inconvenient laws abrogated, only by 
the power of the high court of Parliament," — that is, "by 
the unity of the Commons' agreement, the Lords' accord, 
and his Majesty's royal and legal assent " ; that to him 
belonged the right " either negatively to frustrate or af- 

. 1 Hallam, Constitutional History of era of hereditary right." (Bolingbroke, 
England, Chap. VI. — " This .is the Dissertation on Parties, Letter 11.) 



VII.] PURITAN POLITICS IN ENGLAND. 245 

firmatively to confirm, but not to institute." ^ They pre- 
sented to tlie House of Lords a list of various griev- 
ances ; among others, the canons recently established in 
the Convocation of the Clergy. They complained of the 
abuses of the ancient right of purveyance^ by which car- 
riages and food might be impressed, at insufficient prices, 
for the royal service. And they were so slow in preparing 
an expected bill for a subsidy, that the king, apprehensive 
of their intending the affront of withholding it altogether, 
sent a message that he should find no fault with their 
passing it by. They took him at his word, and vindicated 
their course of proceeding in a vigorous address, which 
they called " A Form of Apology and Satisfaction to be 
delivered to his Majesty."" 

The king had rated altogether too low the power which 
he had ventured to disgust. It was to a Parliament, which, 
with some exaggeration, perhaps, but not without a sem- 
blance of truth, the French ambassador had represented 
to his court as being " composed mostly of Puritans," that 
the new monarch had said, in his opening speech, "I ac- 
knowledge the Poman Church to be our mother Church, 
although defiled with some infirmities and corruptions; 
I wish not the downthrowing of the temple, but that it 
might be purged and cleansed from corruption " ; " the 
Puritans and Novelists " are " a sect unable to be suffered 
in any well-governed commonwealth."^ High-born and 
well-nurtured men, who listened to such a menace against 
themselves and what they regarded as the treasure of 
divine truth in their keeping, could not be expected to do 
more than suppress and suspend their discontent. And 
at times it would send out flashes, portending the confla- 
gration at hand. It was at this session that, in a con- 
ference of the Lords with a committee of the Lower 
House, the remarkable language was used : "A people 

1 House Journal, I. 146. ^ House Journal, I. 144. 

2 Parliamentary History, I. 1030. « 

21* 



246 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

may be without a king ; a king cannot be without a 
people." ^ 

The next session opened with the announcement of 
the discovery and defeat of the Gunpowder Plot. But 

1605. even this narrow escape did not so soften the 
^°^'^' hearts of the Commons, but that they voted to 

Second . "^ , 

session. delay proceeding to the business of a subsidy 
for the king's supply, till the grievances which they had 
presented should have received consideration.^ Nor were 
they likely to be quickened by that clause in the speech 
from the throne, which declared " the cruelty of the Puri- 
tans worthy of fire, that will admit no salvation to the 
Papists."^ The question of a legislative union with Scot- 
land, pressed ineffectually by the king at the previous 
session, was again discussed.^ His precipitancy in assum- 
ing the style of "King of Great Britain," making Scotch 
coin a legal tender in England by proclamation, quarter- 
ing the royal arms of Scotland with those of the sister 
realm, and demolishing the gates of the frontier towns, 
had occasioned jealousy and irritation. But the real ques- 
tion, understood, at least on one side, probably on both, 
to lie at the bottom of this discussion, was that of the 
extension or confinement of the royal prerogative. While 
Parliament were intent on restricting or defining the tra- 
ditional rights of a king of England, they had no mind 
to admit, with the laws and customs of another realm, a 
new element of contradiction and uncertainty. They 
could not even be prevailed upon to assent to the king's 
doctrine of the naturalization in England of his subjects 
born in Scotland after the union of the crowns, implying, 
as it did, that the crown carried with it all attributes and 
relations of nationality.^ They again presented a list of 
grievances in church and state, but consented to make 

1 House Journal, I. 156. 4 ibid., 1069. 

2 Parliamentary History, I. 1069. ^ Ibid., 1081 - 1099. 
• 3 Ibid., 1057. 



VII.] PURITAN POLITICS IN ENGLAND. 247 

a grant of money, to the amount of three subsidies and 
six fifteenths, or about four hundred thousand pounds.^ 

Inspired with a delusive confidence by this slow liberal- 
ity, the king urged his wishes in a bolder strain. In his 
speech at the next meeting with his Parliament, leoe. 
he advised them not to be " like Icarus the son ?Mr/^' 
of Daedalus, who soared so near the sun with his ^^'''°"' 
wings of wax, that his wax melted, and his wings failed, 
and down he fell." He recommended to them, "if any 
plebeian tribunes should incur any offence, or commit any 

error, to correct them for it, that the whole body 

receive not a wound by one ill member thereof" And 
he gave them to understand, that, if they should prove 
contumacious in respect to his favorite scheme of uniting 
the kingdoms, he had authority to carry it into eff'ect 
without their aid.^ A later speech, in which, complaining 
of their obstinacy, he told them that after the prorogation 
they would be amenable to the courts of law, had no ten- 
dency to close the widening breach. " I am your king," 
he said ; " I am placed to govern you, and shall answer 
for your errors ; I am a man of flesh and blood, and have 
my passions and affections as other men ; I pray you do 
not too far move me to do that which my power may 

1 A subsidy was a direct tax on land " The •whole amount of a tenth and 

or movables, of a specified proportion a fifteenth throughout the kino-dom, or 

of their value, which proportion was a fifteenth, as it is often more concisely 

different in different levies. Kfifteentli called, was about twenty-nine thousand 

meant a tax on movables to the amount pounds. The amount of a subsidy was 

of that proportion of their rated worth, not invariable, Hke that of a fifteenth. 

In corporate towns, the assessment was In the eighth of Elizabeth, a subsidy 

half as much more, or a tenth. But amounted to one hundred and twenty 

both fifteenths and tenths were collected thousand pounds ; in the fortieth, it 

upon the basis of an ancient valuation, was not above seventy-eight thousand ; 

so that their real was much less than it afterwards fell to seventy thousand, 

their nominal amount. The estimate, and was continually decreaslno-." Hal- 

in the text, of the value of three sub- lam (Constitutional History, Chap. 

sidles and six fifteenths Is that of VI.) expresses the opinion that Hume 

Hume, who quotes for it a speech of undervalued the siibsidy. 

Lord Bacon in the House of Lords 2 Parliamentary History, I. 1072- 

(Chap. XL VI.) Hume says elsewhere 1074. 
(Appendix to the Reign of James I.) : 



248 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

tempt me unto."^ Some years earlier, such, language, 
from the lips of the daughter of 

" the majestic lord 
That broke the bonds of Kome," 

might have intimidated. From those of her "slobbering" 
cousin, it could only exasperate and estrange. The feel- 
ing of the Lower House was significantly expressed by 
its passing a bill making void all ecclesiastical canons 
adopted by the Convocation without the consent of Parlia- 
ment, even though they should be ratified, as those of the 
recent Convocation had been, by the king's letters-patent 
under the great seal. 

The next meeting of Parliament (previous to which 
the humble flock of Pobinson, smarting under their own 

1610. griefs, but little knowing the signs in the upper 
Fourth ' political sky, had escaped to Holland) was post- 
session. poucd as loug as the necessities of the treasury 
allowed. The opponents of the court — the Country 
Interest^ as they began to be called — came together in a 
more determined mood, with increased mutual confidence 
and more definite conceptions of the common object. 
Cecil, now Earl of Salisbury and prime minister, told the 
House of Commons, when he asked a supply, that " it was 
a mark of esteem which could not be denied to a kins:, 
who was not only the wisest of kings, but the very image 
of an angel." Put they took time to consider, and pro- 
ceeded first to the question of the public grievances. A 
message of disapprobation from the king was delivered 
by the Speaker, who in reply received a reprimand from 
the House for his ofiiciousness. A royal speech, full of 
high-prerogative doctrines, drew out a vigorous address 
in assertion of the rights of the Commons of England and 
of their representatives in Parliament.^ A negotiation was 
entered into, proposing so much annual revenue on one 
side, for so much relinquishment of doubtful or ofiensive 

1 House Journal, I. 367, 368. 2 Ibid., 430, 431. 



VII.] PURITAN POLITICS IN ENGLAND. 249 

claims upon the other. But the parties could not agree 
upon terms, and the undertaking proved abortive, a pro- 
rogation being ordered as soon as the king had secured 
himself for the present by obtaining the scanty grant of a 
hundred thousand pounds.-^ His recent experience had 
not encouraged him to hope anything from this Fifth • 
Parliament ; and after another short session, in '^'''°"' 
which it discovered no easier temper, it was dis- 
solved in its seventh year. The dissolution was Parliament 
hastened by disgust conceived by the king at a 
petition of the House of Commons for the relief of Puri- 
tan ministers from the obligations of subscription and of 
conformity to the ceremonies, and at a remonstrance 
against not only the oppressions, but the jurisdiction, of 
the High-Commission Court. Among other matters of 
complaint were the royal pretension to give to proclama- 
tions the force of law ; the issue of patents of monopoly ; 
and some trifling impositions, by the crown, of duties on 
foreign merchandise, chiefly important for the precedent 
they might establish. 

The tone of the House of Commons aff'orded a partial 
indication of the progress of popular principles in the 
nation at large, and not least in the circles of intelligence 
and rank. On the other side were the courtiers, state of opin- 
the Hisrh-Churchmen, and the leo:al tribunals, ion^mong 

'--' '-' tlie courtiers 

The Common-Law courts, however, were far from and the law- 
being uniformly sycophantic. Though not sel- 
dom biassed, and sometimes even corrupted, by power, the 
instincts of legal science have always been among the 
main safeguards of the liberties of the English race. The 
king, indeed, obtained the opinion of the judges, that "the 
deprivation of Puritan ministers by the High-Commission- 
ers, for refusing to conform to the ceremonies appointed 
by the last canons, was lawful," and that the framing of 

1 " One subsidy and one fifteenth, dred thousand pounds." (Hume, Chap, 
■which would scarcely amount to a hun- XL VI.} 



250 HISTOEY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

petitions " as the Puritans had done, with an intimation 
to the king that, if he denied their suit, many thousands 
of his subjects would be discontented, was an offence 
finable at discretion, and very near to treason and felony 
in the punishment ; for it tended to the raising sedition, 
rebellion, and discontent among the people."^ But, on 
the other hand, when the arrogant archbishop, in what 
were called the Articuli Cleri, claimed for the 

1605. , . . , ..... 

ecclesiastical courts jurisdiction independent of 
that of the Courts of King's Bench and Common Pleas, 
the judges, under the lead of Sir Edward Coke, repelled 
and silenced the pretension. And at a later period they 

informed the monarch, throus^h the same ejreat 

1610. . . ' t) ^ t> 

jurist, that he could not by proclamation create 
any new offence, and that he possessed no prerogative 
whatever except by the law of the land.- 

The ecclesiastics of the High-Church party, nursing the 
follies of the king, were unconsciously the main agents in 
Highprerog- Icadiiig ou liis family to its destruction, and his 
trhlesoTtho subjects to their higher destinies. The canons 
Church. framed by the Convocation had inculcated the 
obligation of unlimited obedience to the sovereign. One 
Blackwood, a clergyman, published a book, in which he 
maintained, that, by virtue of the Conquest in the 
eleventh century, "William of Normandy and his 
heirs were absolute and unrestricted masters of the realm 
of England; and Cowell, vicar-general to Bancroft, in a 
" Law Dictionary," dedicated to that prelate and under- 
stood to be produced under his auspices, asserted the 
doctrines, that " the king is above the law by his absolute 
power," and that " he may alter or suspend any particular 
law that seemeth hurtful to the public estate." The House 

1 Neal, Puritans, Vol. II. Chap. I. James for telling liim that " bis High- 

2 Lord Campbell, Lives of the Chief ness was defended hy his laws." His 
Justices, Chap. VIII. — At another time. Highness told him that " he spoke fool- 
the Chief Justice had " a very sharp ishly, and said that he was not defend- 
reprehension " administered to him by ed by his laws, but by God." 



VII.] PURITAN POLITICS IN ENGLAND. 251 

of Commons took high offence, and asked a conference 
with the Lords, when James was prudent enough to parry 
their resentment by a proclamation forbidding the circula- 
tion of the book. 

The king's experience for six years had naturally disgust- 
ed him with Parliaments, and his mind was inclining to 
expedients for governing without them. It was not easy 
to dispense with their provisions for the treasury ; but, on 
the other hand, the doctrine that supplies for the service 
of the crown are a voluntary grant of the Commons, was 
by no means yet cleared from all uncertainty. The " Act 
for a Subsidy of Tonnage and Poundage," customary at 
the beginning of a reign, and giving the new monarch 
authority for life to collect certain customs, had been 
passed at the first session of the preceding Parliament. 
James had exceeded the power therein conferred, 

^ ^ ■"- Imposition of 

by laying an additional duty of five shillings a "iiegai duties 
hundred-weight on imported currants. A London 
merchant, named Bates, contested the payment 
at law. The question, of which the momentous 
significance Avas already apparent to some minds, having 
been adjudged in the Court of Exchequer in favor of the 
crown, James proceeded, in what was called the " Book of 
Pates," to impose duties, by his own authority, jgos. 
on various articles of merchandise. These impo- •'"'^* 
sitions, after receiving some cursory attention at an earlier 
time, had been vigorously protested against in the last 
session but one of the recent Parliament ; but a bill which 
the House of Commons had been bold enough to pass for 
correcting the abuse, had been thrown out by the Peers. 

For the next ten years, there was scarcely anything of 
the nature of legislative action to denote the tendencies 
of thought in Ens^land. Onlv one Parliament 

. ^ Discontinu- 

was convoked; it sat only two months, and enact- ance of Par- 
ed not a single law. In the poverty of his ex- 
chequer, it might have seemed natural for the king to add 



252 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

to those illegal exactions from commerce which, notwith- 
standing the discontent they had occasioned, had escaped 
rebuke from the estates of the kingdom. But it seems 
that, after" all his bluster, his courage was not equal to 
the continuance of the experiment, or that more prudent 
counsels on the part of those about him prevailed. Such 
expedients as a public lottery, excessive fines in 

Expedienta ■•• ■*■ •' 

to obtain a the Court of Star-Chambcr, and the sale of timber 
from the crown forests, of monopolies, of investi- 
tures of baronetcy and knighthood, and of patents of no- 
bility, afforded an inadequate supply. In the existing 
state of the public mind, that fear of royal vengeance 
which in former times had made henevolences a convenient 
resource, could no longer be so much relied upon. Crown 
lands were set up for sale, but found no purchasers, from 
distrust of the goodness of the title ; and the Corporation 
of London refused to lend money. 

During the ten years of this unsatisfactory provision 
for the public expenses, the king's reluctance to meet a 
Parliament was once overcome by an engagement of some 
of his courtiers, thence called undertakers, so to manage 
the elections as to return a House of Commons favorable 
to prerogative. From the moment when the Houses as- 
sembled, it was manifest that the scheme had 
April is. failed. " I protest," he said, when he met them, 
King^Jamel's " ^^ I shall auswcr it to Almighty God, that my 
men?*^ ^""'"'^ integrity is like the whiteness of my robe, my 
purity like the metal of gold in my crown, my 
firmness and clearness like the precious stones I wear, 
and my affections natural like the redness of my heart." -^ 
They endured his rhetoric, and took time to consider his 
demands. They disputed the right of his Attorney-General, 
Sir Francis Bacon, to a seat in the House, and only con- 
ceded it with a proviso that it should not be a precedent 
for incumbents of the same office in future Parliaments. 

1 Parliamentary History, I. 1150. 



Vn.] PUEITAN POLITICS IN ENGLAND. 253 

One of the undertakers was expelled for tampering with 
the recent elections. A resolve against the king's power 
of imposing taxes was now carried by a unanimous vote ; a 
remarkable homage, apparently, to an aroused public feel- 
ing. A full list of grievances was prepared, the severities 
exercised towards Non-conformists being prominent among 
them ; and the whole course of proceeding indicated that 
the consideration of these would have precedence of any 
grant of money, though it was known that the king was 
more than a million of pounds in debt. Neale, Bishop 
of Lincoln, havmg in debate reflected on the policy of the 
Commons, that body sent up a message complaining of 
the insult, and were only appeased by a reply from the 
Lords that the Bishop had disavowed, with prayers and 
tears, all intention of the kind imputed. After a dissolu- 
tion, by which James relieved himself from the 

f T 1 T • /-> T T June 17. 

vexation oi a hopeless contest, he gratified his 
spleen by sending some of the leading patriots to the 
Tower; but good advice prevailed with him speedily to 
release them, and the outrage had no other effect than to 
produce an exasperation, which encouraged a still more 
prompt and steady refusal of henevolences. 

The financial exigencies were now greater than ever. 
A temporary supply was obtained by a measure which 
added another weight to the king's burden of surrenderor 
unpopularity. A sum of money, lent by Eliza- cauSna^ 
beth to the Netheiianders in their insurrection *°'''"'* 
against Spain, had been secured to England by the 
occupation of what were called the cautionary towns, 
Flushing, the Brille, and Rammekins. The Grand Pen- 
sioner, Barneveldt, saw the advantage of the time, and 
easily induced James to surrender the towns for 
a payment of two hundred and fifty thousand 
pounds, about one third of the amount due. With this 
help, added to his permanent means, he struggled on a 
few years more. But at length further supplies seemed 

VOL. I. 22 



254 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

indispensable, and again the unwelcome expedient of a 
Parliament was perforce adopted. 

The impulse which moved all this energetic resistance 
was too obvious to escape even the king's slow percep- 
tions ; at all events, it was too apparent to elude the 
notice of his ministers. Protestant religion was educating 
the English people for civil liberty. "Plead not," said 
James in the Star-Chamber, " upon Puritanical principles, 
which make all things popular, but keep within the an- 
cient limits." Puritanism experienced (as for its best 
training it needed) the alternate discipline, on the part 
of the court, of extreme and of relaxed severity. The 
hardship brought it to try and understand its power; 
the relaxation helped it to advance its claims, and gain 
a stronger position for the next contest. Archbishop 

icio. Bancroft died just at the time of the dissolution 

Nov. 2. Qf Janies's first Parliament. His six years' ad- 
Death of ^ _ _ •' ^ 

Archbishop ministration was terribly harsh, and not unskilful 

Bancroft. n • ii ^ • i 

lor its purpose ; though it was a mere exaggera- 
tion of Lord Clarendon to say that " he had almost rescued 

the Church out of the hands of the Calvinian party, 

and, if he had lived, would quickly have extinguished all 
that fire in Encjland which had been kindled at Geneva."-^ 



'& 



If non-conformity was restrained, discontent was not at all 
abated. Perhaps it was even extended, by a natural re- 
pugnance to coercion in many minds of that sort which 
attaches little importance to theories. 

The successor of Bancroft in the primacy was Dr. 
George Abbot, previously Bishop of Lichfield and Cov- 
Lenity and Gutry, aud then of London. A weakness of the 
Puritanical w^i^ seiTcd, at thls important iuncture, the Puri- 

tendencies of O ^ -l t^ ^ 

Archbishop tan and popular cause. Nothing was more im- 
portant to his objects than the aid of an arch- 
bishop, enterprising, courageous, and severe, a bigot to the 
state religion and to the royal prerogative. To oblige, it 

1 Clarendon, Histoiy of the Eebellion, Book I. 



VII.] PUEITAN POLITICS IN ENGLAND. 255 

is said, one of his favorites, the Eaii of Dunbar, he 
selected, for this momentous trust a churchman of benevo- 
lent temper, of indolent habits, and in sentiment (if his 
enemies told the truth) a semi-Puritan. Abbot speedily 
showed himself inclined to no further strictness in en- 
forcing the discipline of the Church, and obedience to the 
Articles and Canons, than was required by express ob- 
ligation, or the obvious decencies of his place; and his 
inert and indulgent administration emboldened the Non- 
conformists as much as it embarrassed and annoyed the 
king. The Archbishop was charged with a signal in- 
stance of disaffection, in forbidding the promulgation, at 
a residence of his in Lancashire, of a royal proclamation 
for the encouragement of Sunday sports and recreations. 
Papists abounded in Lancashire, and it had been ordered 
that the proclamation should be read in all the churches 
of that county. 

The occasion for convening the next Parliament had a 
relation to foreign politics. James had espoused Foreign 
his eldest child, the Princess Elizabeth, to Fred- of Eng^Ld. 
eric. Count Palatine of the Phine. The Protes- ^*'^^- 
tants of Bohemia, in arms against their sovereign, of- 
fered the crown to Frederic, who, acceptins:, the 

. . 1C19. 

doubtful boon, became immediately involved in a 
war against a league of Catholic princes of the empire. 
They not only dispossessed him of his ephemeral throne 
in Bohemia, but overran his patrimonial posses- 
sions, and drove him to seek an asylum in the 
Low Countries. The religious sympathies of Englishmen 
were naturally enlisted in his behalf James did not share 
in them. He had w^atched the whole proceeding of his 
son-in-law with apprehension and displeasure. He prided 
himself on his pacific disposition. His high notions of 
prerogative forbade him to countenance insurgents; and 
the course of Frederic embarrassed his negotiation with 
the king of Spain, long pursued with a fond solicitude, 



256 msTOKY OF new England. [Chap. 

for the marriage of an Infanta with his son. The most 
he could be prevailed upon to do, by the clamor which 
surrounded him, was to send four thousand volunteers on 
an unavailing enterprise to protect the authority and 
person of Frederic in his inherited dominions. 

This charge he had been able to meet by the proceeds 
of a voluntary contribution of some of the more zealous 
English Protestants, and of a loan on usurious interest. 
The general enthusiasm was wrought up to a higher pitch 
by Frederic's overthrow; and the ministry advised their 
master to profit by it to obtain the supplies of money of 
which he was desperately in want. It was with much 
difficulty that they brought him to that step, and per- 
suaded him to disarm the contumacious spirit which he 
dreaded, by proposing §ome not costly concessions of points 
hitherto in dispute. 

In his speech at the opening of his third Parliament, 
he bewailed the little influence which hitherto he had 

jp^j been able to exert over the public deliberations. 
Jan. 30. <; J YTiRY trulv," Said he, " say I have often piped 

King James's J ^ ■• ^ ^ x x 

third Pariia- uuto you, but you have not danced ; I have often 
mourned, but you have not lamented." ^ He com- 
pared his condition, on account of his accvmiulated necessi- 
ties, to an approach to the time of parturition ; "only," he 
said, " instead of months, myself have gone ten years, and 
therefore it is full time that I should be delivered of my 
wants." He complained of the uncharitable constructions 
which had been put upon his conduct. He unfolded some 
of his plans of economy, executed and projected. He vin- 
dicated his apparent lukewarmness in the cause of his 
son-in-law, and of Protestantism on the Continent. He 
left " to the Jesuits to make religion a cause to take away 
crowns"; and he professed himself "not a fit judge, for 
they might say, as one said to Moses, ' Who made thee a 
judge over us ? ' " Finally he enacted the coaxing parent : 

1 Parliamentary History, I. 1176. 



VII.l PUEITAN POLITICS IN ENGLAND. 257 

" How happy a fame will it be, that I am reverenced by 
my people, and reciprocally love them ! How shall I be 
honored by my neighbor princes ! " 

The courtiers pressed for immediate supplies ; but the 
House of Commons understood its position and took its 
time. After some measures for the further restraint of 
Popish recusants, it represented to the king the 
breach of its privileges in the imprisonment of 
members at the close of the last Parliament. James re- 
plied with an earnest protestation of his purpose 
to maintain liberty of speech, and Avas immedi- 
ately rewarded with a s^rant of two subsidies, or 

Feb. 16. 

about a hundred and fifty thousand pounds, an 
extremely measured liberality, which, however, he deemed 
it prudent to recognize as a token of restored good under- 
standing. 

The House next turned its attention to an abuse which 
had grown up, consisting in grants of monopolies by royal 
patent. There was one for the licensine^ of inns : „ 

••- o -" Proceedings 

another for the exclusive manufacture of gold and against 
silver lace. The patentees, who were knights, 
were sentenced by the Lords to imprisonment, heavy fines, 
and degradation from their order ; and the king was fain 
to conceal his chagrin, and even to increase the severity 
of their punishments, under the pretence that they had 
imposed upon him by false representations. 

The Chancellor, Sir Francis Bacon, now Viscount 
St. Albans, had rendered himself odious by the prostitu- 
tion of his vast genius to the mercenary service of impeach- 
the court. The Commons revived an ancient right Lord Bacon. 
of theirs by impeaching him before the Upper ^^'■'^^" 
House for bribery and corruption. He made a full con- 
fession, and was sentenced to pay a fine of forty thousand 
pounds, to be imprisoned during the king's pleasure, and 
to be incapable of sitting in Parliament, or holding any 
place of trust or profit. Other cases of impeachment, of 

22* 



258 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

inferior importance, showed the confident temper which 
possessed the grand inquest of the realm. 

The king became uneasy. Four months' deliberation 
had brought the hoped-for supplies no nearer. He in- 
formed the Houses by message, that he intended their 
present session should last only another week. He kept 
his word, and the parties separated with less mu- 

June 14. . . /■ ^ 

tual satisfaction than ever. 

During the recess, which lasted five months, the two 

popular leaders. Coke and Sandys, were molested by a 

prosecution, ostensibly for official misdemeanors. "When 

Parliament again came together, the sergeant-at-arms was 

ordered to take the accusers of Coke into cus- 

Nov. 14. 

tody, and measures were adopted to establish the 
charge of a conspiracy on their part against him, in re- 
venge for the part which he had taken in the House. 
As to Sandys, the king declared that he had not punished 
him for anything done in his place in Parliament, but at 
the same time vindicated his right to do so at his dis- 
cretion. 

This dispute was eminently inauspicious to future har- 
mony. The House lost no time in drawing up a petition. 
Increase of ^^^ whicli, anioiig otlicr things, they prayed that an 
dissension amiv misht be forthwith despatched to Germany, 

between the J n ^ -l J ^ 

king and the aiid that tho heir apparent might be betrothed to 
a Protestant princess. Nothing could exceed the 
bewildered exasperation of the king, on being informed of 
this proceeding. " We have heard," he said in a letter to 
the Speaker, " by divers reports, to our great grief, that 
our distance from the Houses of Parliament, caused by 
our indisposition of health, hath emboldened some fiery 
and popular spirits of some of the House of Commons to 
argue and debate publicly matters far above their reach 
and capacity, tending to our high dishonor, and breach of 
prerogative royal. These are therefore to command you 
to make known, in our name, unto the House, that none 



Vn.] PURITAN POLITICS IN ENGLAND. 259 

therein shall presume henceforth to meddle with any- 
thing concerning our government or mysteries of state; 
namely, not to speak of our dearest son's match with the 
daughter of Spain, nor to touch the honor of that king, 

or any other our friends and confederates And if 

they have already touched any of these points, which we 
have here forbidden, in any petition of theirs which is 
to be sent unto us, it is our pleasure that you shall tell 
them, that, except they reform it before it comes to our 
hands, we will not deign the hearing or answering of it."-^ 

The House replied by a new remonstrance, respectful 
in language, but in a tone of unprecedented firmness. 
They repeated their dissuasion from the Spanish match, 
and their recommendation of a Continental policy of oppo- 
sition to the Catholic interest ; they asserted their privilege 
to advise the crown on all occasions which to their judg- 
ments should seem fit ; and they claimed in the most un- 
qualified terms, as an inheritance from their ancestors, a 
right to freedom of debate, and an exclusive right to pun- 
ish any member who should abuse that freedom.- 

The king's reply helped on the quarrel. " We cannot 
allow," he said, " of your style in mentioning your an- 
cient and undoubted right and inheritance, but could 
rather have wished that ye had said that your privileges 
were derived from the grace and permission of our ances- 
tors and us; for most of them grow from precedents, 
which shows rather a toleration than inheritance." "The 
difference is no greater in your pretending to advise us on 
our reasons for demanding a supply, than if we should tell 
a merchant that we had great need to borrow money from 
him for raising an army, that thereupon it would follow 
that we were bound to follow his advice in the direction 
of the war, and all things depending thereupon." " And 
touching your excuse of not determining anything con- 
cerning the match of our dearest son, but only to tell your 

1 Parliamentary History, I. 1326, 1327. 2 Jblj., 1333-1336. 



260 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

opinion, and lay it down at our feet, first, we desire to 
know, how you could have presumed to determine in that 
point, without committing of high treason ; and next, you 
cannot deny but your talking of his match after that 
manner was a direct breach of our commandment and 
declaration out of our own mouth." -^ 

Apprehending a speedy dissolution, the House of Com- 
mons caused to be entered upon their Journal a Protesta- 
tion, conceived in firm but measured and tem- 

Protestation 

of the House porato lauguago, in which were incorporated the 
pretensions that had been brought into contro- 
versy. The king, hearing of it, came to London in a 
rage, sent for the Journal book, and tore from it the 
Protestation with his own hand. He then prorogued the 
Dissolution Parliament; and, in the proclamation by which 
of the third they were soon after dissolved he made known 

Parliament. •' 

1622. liis reasons for that course, alleging himself to 



March. 



have been enforced to it "by the undutiful behav- 
ior of the Lower House." Lastly, he indulged his resent- 
ment by committing to the Tower, to the Fleet, and other 
prisons, some of the most conspicuous opposition members, 
among them Sir Edward Coke, from whose masculine un- 
derstanding the free spirit of the Common Law had now 
fully prevailed to root out the severity of his earlier pre- 
dilections. No act had been passed at this session except 
an act for a grant of two subsidies. An incidental indica- 
tion of the Puritan spirit which prevailed was the expul- 
sion of a member of the Lower House, for maintaining, 
in the debate upon a bill for the stricter observance of 
Sunday, that that day was erroneously identified with the 
Jewish Sabbath, and that relaxations and sports did not 
profane it. In this Parliament, for the first time since the 
Reformation, several distinguished noblemen placed them- 
selves in opposition to the court. They were the first 
fruits of a large secession. 

1 Parliamentary History, I. 1338-1344. 



VII.] PURITAN POLITICS IN ENGLAND. 261 

The freedom with which political affairs were now can- 
vassed is evinced by the royal proclamations, repeatedly 
issued, to prohibit " excess of lavish speech of matters of 
state," and the " disorderly printing, uttering, and dispersing 
of seditious, Popish, and Puritanical books and pamphlets."^ 

The definitive failure of the long-protracted negotiation 
with Spain for the marriage of the Prince of Wales, as it 
involved the loss of the dowry which had been expected 
with the Infanta, presented an inducement to James for 
the convocation of another Parliament. At the same 
time it promised a better mutual understanding, now 
that Parliament would be relieved of its apprehensions 
of Spain and Pomanism. The event corre- Kingjames's 
sponded to that promise. The new views of '^°""'' ^^'"^" 
the favorite, Buckingham, who, since his breach 1624. 
with the Spanish court, had been in communica- 
tion with the Puritan leaders, gave a tone to the king's 
opening speech. " The properties and causes of calling a 
Parliament," he said, " are to confer with the king, and 
give him their advice in matters of greatest weight and 
importance"; and he solicited their counsel respecting 
his relations to Spain. " For matters of privileges, liber- 
ties, and customs," said he, " be not over curious. I am 
your own kindly king. Ye never shall find me curious 
in these things. Therefore, do what you ought, and no 
more than your lawful liberties and privileges will per- 
mit, and ye shall never see me curious to the contrary. 
I had rather maintain your liberties, than alter them in 
anything. Show a trust in me, and go on honestly as ye 
ought to do, like good and faithful subjects ; and what 
you have warrant for, go on with, and I will not be 
curious, unless you give me too much cause." " The 
Speaker, one of those who had fallen under the royal 
displeasure in the last Parliament, replied in loyal terms, 
taking care, however, to make prominent the importance 

1 Rymer, Foedera, XVII. 275,522, 2 Parliamentary History, I. 1373- 
616> 1376. 



262 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

of some bills which had failed through the late dissolu- 
tion, and the propriety of the king's depending on his 
Parliament for supplies. 

The account which Buckingham gave of the perfidy of 
the Spanish court added a profound sense of insult to the 
displeasure with which the alliance had always been 
viewed by the Puritan patriots. The Houses united in a 
declaration to the king, that, on the dissolution of the 
treaties, they would " be ready in a Parliamentary man- 
ner, with their persons and abilities, to assist him." ^ De- 
lighted with this novel cordiality, he asked a grant of five 
subsidies and ten fifteenths to meet the expenses of a war, 
besides an annual allowance of one subsidy and two fif- 
teenths for the discharge of his debts. But the Commons 
had not got over their distrust, and had no mind to make 
their sovereign independent, nor to part with so much 
money till they had some assurance as to its use. After 
full debate, they voted three subsidies and three fifteenths 
for a present supply ; ^ subject, however, to the unprece- 
dented condition, that it should be lodged for disburse- 
ment in the hands of a committee of Parliament. An 
Act "concerning Monopolies" declared that kind of priv- 
ilege to be contrary to English law and to the liberties of 
the English people. Little other business of importance 
was concluded at this session, except that the House of 
Commons, by the prosecution of the Earl of Middlesex, 
the Lord Treasurer, confirmed the precedent of its right 
of impeachment, which had been revived after long dis- 
use in the case of Lord Bacon. There was a wide range 
and great freedom of discussion on various matters of 



1 Parliamentary History, I. 1377, ness in bis course with Parliament, and 
1395. tells him that, until he can resolve " once 

2 " Less than three hundred thou- constantly to run one way," he (the 
sand pounds." (Hume, Chap. XLIX.) Duke) means to keep away from him. 
— Mrs. Macaulay (History of Eng- It is signed " Your Majesty's most hum- 
land, &c., I. 229, note) prints a letter ble slave and dog, Steenie," and ad- 
from the Duke of Buckingham, in dressed to the writer's " Dear dad and 
which he rebukes the king for fickle- gossip." 



VII.] PURITAN POLITICS IN ENGLAND. 263 

domestic and. foreign policy. And for the first time in 
this reign, the monarch and his Parliament part- 

1 • T 1 May 29. 

ed m apparent mutual good humor, it was the 
last time that their harmony was to be brought Death of 
to a test. Early in the next year, James sickened ^'lei""^^' 
of a fever, which proved fatal after a few days. ^^""^ ~^- 

His wretched reign marked the transition from a scarce- 
ly disturbed acquiescence in arbitrary government to the 
incipient triumph of popular principles in Eng- progress of 
land. The history of legislation faintly indicates dpIesTnTi" 
the progress which had been made. Parliament '^®'="" 
had abolished monopolies, and had maintained its free- 
dom of debate, and its exclusive right to levy duties at the 
custom-houses. The House of Commons had recovered 
its privilege of impeachment, and secured that of deciding 
questions respecting the election of its members. Little 
else had been effected in the form of Parliamentary action. 
But the spirit and courage of men in public and private 
life had been raised ; and the exigencies of the time had 
led to investigations into the principles of politics, which 
were destined to bear abundant fruit. 

The mild temper of Archbishop Abbot was hindered 
in softening the rigor of ecclesiastical authority by the 
despotic policy of the Lord Keeper, AVilliams, influence 
Bishop of Lincoln, the first churchman who had °'"^'^'>°p 

^ _ _ Williams 

presided in the chancery since the deposition of '"the 
Wolsey. Williams was a sycophant rather than 
a bigot; his imputed bigotry disappeared, when he lost 
court favor ; but till that time it was active. " As the 
sun," said he, in a letter defending the king's instruction 
to the justices to release recusant Papists, — "as the sun 
in the firmament appears to us no bigger than a platter, 
and the stars are but as so many nails in the pommel of a 
saddle, because of the enlargement and disproportion be- 
tween our eye and the object, so is there such an unmeas- 
urable distance between the deep resolution of a prince 



264 HISTOEY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

and tlie shallow apprehensions of common and ordinary 
people." -^ James's " deep resolution " the pliant but able 
minister set himself vigorously to carry out, which he was 
enabled to do with less embarrassment in consequence of 
the inaction of his ecclesiastical superior. The good- 
natured primate had withdrawn from court, partly in dis- 
gust at the sentiments which prevailed there, partly be- 
cause of an occurrence which was liable to be construed 
as creating a canonical disability. By accident, in hunting, 
he had shot a gamekeeper, inflicting a mortal wound. 

The accession of a new sovereign invited the friends of 

freedom in the English church and state to mark out a 

definite policv for the future. The experience of 

Accession . 

of Charles tlio last le'igii had alike shown the need and the 
practicability of strong proceedings, and afforded 
encouragement as to their happy effect. Whether the 
patriots had been more or less admonished by their ob- 
servations of the character of the young successor to the 
throne, at any rate his close ties with the corrupt courtier 
who had swayed his father's counsels were enough to 
make him liable to their extreme distrust, — a distrust 
aggravated by the disappointment of the hopes into which 
the favorite had recently beguiled them. The accession 
of Charles was greeted with none of the enthusiasm which 
is wont to welcome a young king. The transient popu- 
larity with the Puritans, won for him and his minister by 
the rupture of the Spanish match, had been lost at once 
by his matrimonial contract with a daughter of France, 
which was fulfdled immediately on his coming to the 
throne. 

Owing to the expenses of the Spanish war and the 

extravagance of his father's civil list, he found the crown 

in debt to the amount of more than seven hun- 

His first Par- 
liament, dred thousand pounds. To the Parliament, 

which he speedily convoked, he communicated 

• . 1 Rusliworth, Historical Collections, I. 63. 



Vn.] PURITAN POLITICS IN ENGLAND. 265 

no details of his pecuniary embarrassment; an omission 
which may have served as an excuse for their parsimony, 
when they voted him only a supply of two subsidies, 
amounting to about one hundred and twelve thousand 
pounds.^ But, in truth, this was only an indication of a 
resolve which had been deliberately taken, to control the 
new monarch through the emptiness of his exchequer. 
The wise men, whom the time had raised up, understood 
that, while the Commons of England kept the purse, they 
could arrest the sword. As long as their king could be 
made to look to them for money, they could enforce a 
good administration of the government ; if he should 
prove able to get it without their consent, he was a despot 
and they were slaves. This issue they had now made up 
their minds to try. As yet, there was not, properly speak- 
ing, an English Constitution. They were resolved its poncy 
that there should be. They saw that the time °''»'«f°™- 
had come for determining whether the English people 
should live in future under an absolute or under a lim- 
ited and balanced monarchy ; and they launched upon the 
course of measures which was to decide that momentous 
question.^ 

Shutting his eyes to the motive of the mortification 
which had been inflicted on him, Charles flattered him- 
self that further acquaintance with his necessities would 
make Parliament more generous ; and, abandoning the 
delicacy of his first application, he caused a detailed state- 
ment of his financial situation to be presented to them, 
and asked immediate relief to the amount of no less than 
five hundred thousand pounds. It was of no avail. The 
House of Commons replied by representations of the 
growth of Popery, and by requesting a stricter adminis- 

1 So Hume (Chap. L.). But Hallam other reasons to give foi' the conduct of 
(Chap. VII.) values these two subsidies this Parliament ; but he has to recog- 
at £ 140,000. nize this as one " of considerable mo- 

2 Hume (Chap. L.) has plenty of ment." 
VOL. I. 23 



266 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

tration of the laws for its suppression, and more indul- 
gence to the Non-conformist clergy. Disgusted with their 
impracticableness, the king made the prevalence of an epi- 
demic sickness an excuse for dissolvino: his first 

Its dissolu- o 

tion. Parliament. The Lower House had not only 

Aug. 12. . . , . - , 

been penurious as to an immediate supply, but 
had made the important innovation upon the practice of 
two centuries, of voting the grant of tonnage and pound- 
age for one year only, and not for the king's life ; a re- 
striction which caused the Lords to reject the bill, and 
leave the royal treasury without legal right to that re- 
source. The patriots had been highly irritated at this 
juncture by the discovery of a treacherous design on the 
part of the king and the duke to employ an English fleet 
in the service of Louis the Thirteenth against the Protes- 
tants of Pochelle.-^ 

By a forced loan, the king obtained sufficient money 
for an attempt to retrieve his aflairs by an attack on a 
rich Spanish fleet in the harbor of Cadiz. The expedition 
failed, and he was compelled to have recourse to a new 
Parliament. It met in no better temper than the last, 
His second though doprivcd of several leaders by the artifice 
" i^r' of an appointment which they received to be sher- 
Feb. 10. -^j-g q£ their counties. The House of Commons 
came to a resolution to gratify the king with four sub- 

1 The pretence was, that the fleet was ordered it back again, and succeeded 
to act with the French against the Gen- in creating a beUef that the king of 
oese, who were allies of Spain. When France had made peace with his Prot- 
it ai'rived at Dieppe, the sailors, who estant subjects. On arriving a second 
had become convinced that they were time at Dieppe, the officers and men 
to be employed against their fellow- found that they had been again de- 
Protestants, prepared a remonstrance celved ; upon which Sir Ferdinando 
in the form of a ro(;ncZ-ro&m, and had Gorges, who commanded a ship, weighed 
it laid under the prayer-book of Pen- his anchor and returned home, though 
nington, the Admiral. Pennington said the Admiral opened a fire upon him. 
that, sooner than fight against French The court did not venture to bring him 
Protestants, he would go home and be to trial for this act of mutiny. (Rush- 
hanged ; and immediately returned to worth. Collections, I. 176, 325, 32G, 337. 
England with the fleet. Buckingham Fairfax, Correspondence, I. 20, 21.) 



VII.] PURITAN POLITICS IN ENGLAND. 267 

sidies and three fifteenths, but refused for the present to 
give to the grant the form of law, clearly intimating that 
its consummation would be contingent upon compliances 
of the court. They then proceeded to frame articles of 
impeachment against the Duke of Buckingham, whom, 
while this measure was pending, the king, as if to express 
contempt for it, 'recommended to the University of Oxford 
as its Chancellor. A royal message threatened them that, 
if ample supplies were not soon provided, Parliament 
would be dissolved, and the king would try " new coun- 
sels." He imprisoned two members who had been ap- 
pointed managers of the impeachment, and released them 
only when the House declared that it would do no busi- 
ness while they were detained. The House set to w^ork 
upon a remonstrance against levying tonnage and pound- 
age without the authority of Parliament ; and upon a 
petition for a removal of the favorite from the king's per- 
son and service, instead of the impeachment which had 
been proposed at first. Compelled to see that he could 
do nothing with this Parliament, the king announced its 
dissolution in ungracious terms : but not till the 

'-' Its dissolu- 

House of Commons had completed the prepara- tion. 
tion of their remonstrance, which was in the na- 
ture of a popular appeal in justification of their course. 

When the king was thus left destitute of means for 
military enterprise, the commonest prudence would have 
dictated to him to hasten the conclusion of a peace with 
Spain, and so gain time to devise measures for a system 
of administration accordant with his temper and his theo- 
ries. But his rashness was the security which Providence 
furnished to his people against the encroachments of his 
perfidious ambition. As if there were not business enough 
already upon his hands, he immediately plunged into a 
war with France, under the pretence of a pur- vvarwitu 
pose to become the protector of the French Prot- ^'■^"•=''- 
estants, but probably from no better motive than to gratify 



268 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

a personal pique of the favorite. He extorted the pay- 
Expedients nient of customs, as if the grant of them had 
for a revenue, i^ggj^ duly made. Ho oncumbered the crown 
lands. He rigorously enforced fines for religious delin- 
quency. He exacted loans, among others one of a hun- 
dred and twenty thousand pounds from the city of Lon- 
don. He compelled the ports to provide armed vessels, 
and instructed the lord-lieutenants of the counties to bring 
the militia into an efficient condition. His arrogant pre- 
tensions kept even pace with his outrages. By responsible 
persons they were frankly announced to be not his neces- 
sity, but his system. A court chaplain preached, that 
" the king is not bound to observe the laws of the realm 
concerning the subjects' rights and liberties, but that his 
royal will and command in imposing loans and taxes, 
without common consent in Parliament, doth oblige the 
subjects' conscience upon pain of eternal damnation"; 
and another ecclesiastic taught, that " the prince, who is 
the head, makes his court and council ; it is his duty to 
direct and make laws ; he doth whatsoever pleases him, 
and who may say unto him, ' What dost thou ? ' " ^ For 
refusing to license the sermon which contained this lan- 
guage. Archbishop Abbot was suspended from his office, 

1627. which was put in commission.^ The presiding 
Bishop Laud, commissioner was Laud, Bishop of Bath and 
Wells, who now assumed a conspicuous place in the 
administration. 

But this heyday of absolutism was not to go on un- 
checked. Buckingham, with a powerful fleet 

Oct. 30. . \ . n 1 n 

and army, was driven back disgracefully from the 

^ Neal, Vol. II. Chap. III. — Parlia- crlbes (p. 78) the disgrace of Abbot to 

mentary History, II. 389. his refusal to be concerned in the pro- 

2 A curious little contemporaneous ceedings in the case of the Earl of Som- 
tract, entitled " The Court and Char- erset and Lady Essex. The tract was 
acter of King James, written and taken reprinted by Sir Walter Scott in a Col- 
by Sir A. W. [Sir Anthony Weldon], lection called " Secret History of the 
being an Eye and Ear Witness," as- Court of James the First. " 



VII.] PUEITAN POLITICS IN ENGLAND. 269 

coast of France. The exchequer was bankrupt. Charles's 
counsellors represented to him the extreme danger of fur- 
ther attempts to obtam money by illegal exactions, and 
prevailed on him to convoke a Parliament. He retracted 
his consent after the summons had been issued. But a 
clamor not to be defied immediately reached his ears, and 
he reluctantly yielded to the necessity of his helpless con- 
dition. 

He addressed his third Parliament, at its opening, in 
that tone of ungracious assumption which scarcely in any 
exigency of his fortunes could he consent to sup- 
press. " I have called you together," he said, March 17. 
"judging a Parliament to be the ancient, speedi- chaLs's 

est, and best way to give such supply as to Jf^j^^J" " 

secure ourselves and save our friends from immi- 
nent ruin. Every man now must do according to his con- 
science ; wherefore, if you (which God forbid) should not 
do your duties in contributing what this state at this time 
needs, I must, in discharge of my conscience, use those 
other means which God hath put into my hands, to save 
that which the follies of other men may otherwise hazard 
to lose. Take not this as a threatening (for I scorn to 
threaten any but my equals) ; but an admonition from him 
that, both out of nature and duty, hath most care of your 
preservations and prosperities." ^ 

In the new Parliament, the king found a fixedness of 
purpose which should not have taken him by surprise. 
The House of Commons came to a resolution to Kscoura- 
grant five subsidies within a year, but delayed to s*"'"' *°"®- 
put it in the shape of a bill. Having thus signified their 
policy, they proceeded to other matters. They passed 
unanimous votes denying the power of the king or his 
Council to imprison or restrain the person of the subject 
without lawful cause, or to levy a tax, loan, or benevo- 
lence without authority of the Estates of the realm ; and 

1 Parliamentary History, II. 218. 
■23* 



270 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

while the former of these questions was before the Lords, 
where it was strenuously contested by the court party, the 
„ .. , Commons followed it up by the famous Petition 

Petition of . 

Right. of Rights praying that forced loans, commitments 
without cause assigned, quartering of soldiers in 
private houses, and proceedings of military tribunals in 
cases cognizable by the courts of law, might thencefor- 
ward be discontinued, as being " wholly and directly con- 
trary " to the rights and liberties of the subject, and " the 
laws and statutes of the realm." ^ 

The king was infinitely perplexed. Money was indis- 
pensable ; but a price was demanded for it which he 
could not easily bring himself to pay. He tried a half- 
way measure. In place of the customary brief expression 
of royal assent to legislative acts, he substituted the follow- 
inar form : " The kina: willeth, that risrht be done 

Junes. ° _ O ' O 

according to the laws and customs of the realm, 
and that the statutes be put in due execution; that his 
subjects may have no cause to complain of any wrong or 
oppression contrary to their just rights and liberties, to the 
preservation whereof he holds himself, in conscience, as 
well obliged, as of his own prerogative."^ The ominous 
silence, with which this annunciation was received by the 
Commons, was followed by a stormy debate of three days' 
duration, with closed doors. The king's courage wavered. 
He came into the House, and ordered the usual reply to 
be recorded, " Let right be done as is desired " ; adding, 
"Now I have done my part; wherefore, if this Parlia- 
ment hath not a happy conclusion, the sin is yours; I 
am free of it." ^ Thus far all was well, and the bill for 
subsidies was immediately passed.^ 

But the grants of tonnage and poundage were still in 
reserve, and they were the main permanent reliance of the 
crown. It was believed that a wise use of the power of 
the Commons in respect to them might extort further 

» ^ Parliamentary History, II. 3 74-377. 3 Ibid., 409. 

2 Ibid., 377. 4 Ibid., 410. 



VII.] PUEITAN POLITICS IN ENGLAND. 271 

concessions, and a remonstrance was presented, setting 
forth the evils which oppressed the civil and religious 
interests of the kingdom, ascribing them mainly to the 
malign agency of the Duke of Buckingham, and praying 
his removal from the royal councils. But Charles had 
made up his mind not to be so constrained. Having given 
his assent to the subsidy bill, he prorosrued the 

y. . June 26. 

Parliament, after a few words in explanation of 
the construction put by him on the Petition of Right. 
" As for tonnage and poundage," he said, " it is a thing 
I cannot want, and was never intended by you to ask, 
never meant (I am sure) by me to grant." -^ 

The assassination of the Duke of Buckingham shortly 
after, by an obscure enthusiast named Felton, was an 
indication of the excitement which had reached Aug. 23. 
all ranks of the Ene^lish people.^ That event left Y"'^"^°^ 

c A J- the Duke of 

the king without his accustomed guidance, and Bucking- 
for a while he was his own chief counsellor. The 
Duke received his death-blow at Portsmouth, whence he 
was preparing to sail with a fleet to retrieve the disaster?* 
of the English arms at Pochelle. Under the feeble com- 
mand of the Earl of Lindsay, who succeeded him, the 
expedition, provided at immense cost, utterly miscarried. 

Against the re-assembling of Parliament, the king made 
the new experiment of corrupting some of the leaders 
of the popular party. One accession to the court inter- 
est was of especial importance. Sir Thomas 
Wentworth belonged to that class of men of rare Eari of 
energy and ability, who from time to time shock 
the moral sense of the world by deserting for some price 
the great service of humanity for which they seem marked 

1 Parliamentary History, II. 433. peared, which tells volumes respecting 

2 "On June the 18th, Dr. Lamb, the spirit of the people : — 

a favorite of his [Buckingham's], lost ■ Let Charles and George do what they can, 
his life by injuries received from a The Duke shall die like Doctor Lamb.'" — 

mob who had collected for that pur- Autobiography of Sir Simonds D'Ewes, 

pose. On that occasion a couplet ap- I. 378, note. 



272 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

out by nature. From the beginning of his early public 
life he had been among the most conspicuous opponents 
of royal usurpation. He watched his time to make terms 
with the favorite, between whom and himself there had 
existed an intense personal hostility ; and his defection 
July 22. "^^'^s proclaimed by his elevation to the peerage as 
a baron, which was soon followed by his advance- 
ment to a higher rank ; " the first Englishman 
to whom a peerage was not an addition of honor, but a 
sacrament of infamy."^ While the civil and military 
administration passed into his hands, that of the High- 
Commission Court, and of ecclesiastical aifairs in general, 
Advancement devolved upou his fricud, the intolerant and 
of Laud. narrow-minded Laud. With Laud, conformity 
gave little protection, where there was the suspicion of a 
taint of Puritan opinions. His rigor was one of the sub- 
jects of discontent set forth in the Parliamentary Remon- 
strance, which complained of " the discountenancing or- 
thodox and painful ministers, though conformable and 
peaceable in their behavior." And he obtained from the 
king a proclamation against " unnecessary disputations, 
which may nourish faction in the church or common- 
wealth," " the main end of which declaration " was con- 
strued" by the House of Commons to be, " to suppress 
the Puritan party, and yet to give liberty to the contrary 
side." ^ " The counter-reformation of Laud " was fully 
inaugurated.^ 

The new session was opened by a demand from the king 
for an immediate consideration of the bill for tonnage 
1G09. and poundage, those duties having now been lev- 
jan.2o. ^gj nearly four years without Parliamentary au- 
thority. The House of Commons had other business to 

1 Edinburgli Eeview, XLVIII. 114, masterly " Introductoiy Lectures" by 
in an article ascribed to Lord Macaulay. the Reverend Arthur Penrhyn Stanley, 

2 Rushworth, Collections, I. 653. Regius Professor of Ecclesiastical Ilis- 

3 I take the expression from the tory at Oxford. 



VII.] PURITAN POLITICS IN ENGLAND. 273 

transact first. It liad become known to them, that to the 
copies of the Petition of Right which had been sent out 
in print, Charles, with that treachery which was his ruHng 
instinct, had caused to be appended the ambiguous form 
of assent which he had at first proposed, and not the 
simple and customary one which he had ultimately been 
compelled to adopt, — a fact naturally destructive of what- 
ever might still exist of confidence in his integrity. They 
learned, that, in violation of the terms of that instrument, 
one Savage had been mutilated under a decree of the Star- 
Chamber Court ; and that the clergymen whose high-pre- 
rogative principles had incurred their rebuke had been 
pardoned and promoted. They raised committees to in- 
vestigate the causes of the feeble administration of the 
laws against Popery, and, proceeding to the business of 
the revenue, deliberated on a remonstrance against the 
levying of tonnage and poundage without authority of law. 
The Speaker, who had instructions from the kins; 

March 2. 

not to take the vote, would have risen to break 
up the House, but he was forcibly detained in his seat 
by two members ; while a further motion was made to 
declare every one who should advise or assist in the illegal 
imposition to be " a capital enemy to the kingdom and gov- 
ernment," and whoever should pay it, " a betrayer of the 
liberties of England and an enemy to the same." The king, 
provoked beyond bounds by this intelligence, sent a mes- 
sage by an officer. He was denied admittance, and was 
about to force the door, when the House adjourned for 
a week. 

It met again only to be dissolved, and from that day 
England was an absolute monarchy for eleven March lo 
vears. With what confidence the roval resolu- ^''»'''°f 

'' _ •' Parliaments 

tion had been taken, was not left to be matter of for eleven 
conjecture. Scarcely had the members dispersed, 
before several of the most eminent were committed to the 
Tower or other prisons. When they were claimed by a writ 



274 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

of habeas corpus^ the Lieutenant of the Tower was forbidden 
to produce his prisoners in court. At length, they were 
condemned to pay fines, to be detained during the king's 
pleasure, and to make submission to him before they 
should be discharged. One of them, Sir John Eliot, the 
very head of the patriot movement, lingered in prison 
three years, and then died. All hope of legislative as well 
as of judicial relief was at an end for the present. " By 
our frequent meeting with our people," said Charles in a 
proclamation, — he had now reigned less than four 

March 27. ^ ° 

years, — " we have showed our love to the use of 
Parliaments; yet the late abuse having for the present 
driven us unwillingly out of that course, we shall account 
it presumption for any to prescribe any time unto us for 
Parliaments, the calling, continuing, and dissolving of 
which is always in our own power ; and we shall be more 
inclinable to meet in Parliament again, when our people 
shall see more clearly into our interests and actions." -^ 

So stood the contest between the liberties of England 
and the crown at the dissolution of the third Parliament 
of King Charles the First. The chief actors on one side 
were, and were to be, the Puritan religionists. The sys- 
Fuii develop- tcui of faith aud politics which overruled the 
Puritan sys- courso of Euglish affairs for the remainder of the 
tern. century, and brought about the establishment of 

constitutional freedom in England, had now definitely 
assumed its main characteristics. 

The Puritan was a Scripturist, — a Scripturist with all 
his heart, if, as yet, with imperfect intelligence. Roman- 
its use of ism he detested as a fiction of human contriv- 
scripture. aucc. lu oxtrcmo opposition to it, he cherished 
the scheme of looking to the word of God as his sole and 
universal directory. That word had been but lately made 
common property by the Reformation. The preparation 
for interpreting it possessed by the best scholars of the 

1 Ftymer, XIX. 63. 



VII.] PUEITAN POLITICS IN ENGLAND. 275 

day was inadequate, and the judicious application of such 
learning as existed was disturbed by the rashness of enthu- 
siasm and novelty. The Puritan searched the Bible, not 
only for principles and rules, but for mandates, — and, 
when he could find none of these, for analogies, — to guide 
him in precise arrangements of public administration, and 
in the minutest points of individual conduct. By it he 
settled cases of conscience, and in this casuistry his learn- 
ing and ingenuity were largely employed. His objections 
to the government of the Church by bishops were founded, 
not so much on any bad working of that polity, as on the 
defect of authority for it in the New Testament ; and he 
preferred his plain hierarchy of pastors, teachers, elders, 
and deacons, not j)riniarily because it tended more to edifi- 
cation, but because Paul had specified their offices by 
name. He took the Scriptures as a homogeneous and 
rounded whole, and scarcely distinguished between the 
authority of Moses and the authority of Christ. The po- 
sition of violent antagonism, into which he was brought 
by passing circumstances, led him to resort for guidance 
even more readily to the Old Testament than to the New. 
The opposing party in the state was associated in his mind 
with the Philistine and Amorite foes of the ancient chosen 
people ; and he read the doom of the king and his wanton 
courtiers in the Psalm which put the "high praises of 
God " in the mouth of God's people, " and a two-edged 
sword in their hand, to bind their kings with chains and 
their nobles with fetters of iron." His theory of munici- 
pal law aimed at the emendation of the traditional system 
of his country by an adoption of provisions promulgated 
to a people of peculiar position and destiny, in a distant 
age and land ; he would have witchcraft, Sabbath-breaking, 
and filial disobedience weighed in the judicial scales of a 
Hebrew Sanhedrim. His forms of speech were influenced 
by this fond reverence for the Bible. The history of the 
Israelitish tribes was his favorite storehouse for topics of 



276 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

argument and eloquence, and he named his children after 
the Christian graces, still oftener after the worthies of 
Palestine, or, with yet more singularity, after some signifi- 
cant clause of holy writ.^ 

The Puritan was a strict Moralist. He might be ridi- 
culed for being over-scrupulous, but never reproached for 
laxitv. Most wisely, by precept, influence, and 

Its morality. * • i i i 11 

example, — unwisely by too severe law, when he 
obtained the power, — he endeavored to repress prevailing 
vice, and organize a Christian people. His error was not 
that of interfering without reason, or too soon. When 
he insisted on a hearing, villanous men and shameless 
women, whose abominations were a foul offence in the 
sight of God, and of all who reverenced God, were flaunt- 
ing in the royal drawing-rooms. The foundations of pub- 
lic honor and prosperity were sapped. The influences 
which descend from high life into the mass of society 
were poisoned at their source. It is not from the Puri- 
tan's representations alone that we learn the political cor- 
ruption, and the impurity of private manners, that dis- 
Sfusted him with the court and its retainers. Writers 
who assailed his religious position, at the same time 
echoed his complaints of the prevailing immorality. The 
drama of that period, imported from Catholic Italy, sur- 
vives to testify to the tastes and character of the audiences 
which welcomed it, and which in turn it educated with its 
seductive lessons of wickedness.^ The Puritan's mistake 



1 This practice began at least as had received their baptismal names in 

early as the beginning of the century, the reign of Elizabeth. 

It is ridiculed in Ben Jonson's " Alche- ^ " The court of this king [James the 

mist," first acted in IGIO, and in his First] was a nursery of lust and intem- 

" Bartholomew Fair," acted in 1614. perance To keep the people 

Characters in the former are "Tribula- in their deplorable security, till ven- 
tion Wholesome, a pastor of Amster- geance overtook them, they were enter- 
dam," and " Ananias, a deacon there " ; tained with masks, stage-plays, and all 
and in the latter, " Zeal of the Land sorts of ruder sports. Then began mur- 
Busy." Men who were forty years old der,incest, adultery, drunkenness,swear- 
when the Long Parliament assembled, ing, fornication, and all sort of ribaldry, 



VII.] PURITAN POLITICS IN ENGLAND. 277 

at a later period was, that he undertook by public regula- 
tion what public regulation can never achieve, and, by 
aiming to form a nation of saints, introduced hypocrites 
among them to defeat their objects and bring scandal on 
their cause, while the saints were made no more numer- 
ous and no better. But, at the time to which the preced- 
ing narrative relates, nothing in his course was apparent 
but the eminently upright and Christian purpose. "What 
there was of practical indiscretion and error, was to be 
made manifest in the experiment of a later period. 

In politics, the Puritan was the Liberal of his day. If 
he construed his duties to God in the spirit of a narrow 
interpretation, that punctilious sense of religious itspuwic 
responsibility impelled him to limit the assump- ^''''°"- 
tions of human government. In no stress, in no delirium, 
of politics, could a Puritan have been brought to teach, 
that, for either public or private conduct, there is some 
law of man above the law of God. Penetrated with the 
opposite conviction, he found himself enforced, at last, 
to overset the Stuart throne. Service which he believed 
the authority of God to claim, he saw himself forbidden 
by human authority to pay. That issue, presented to 

to be no concealed, but countenanced folio volume of the Works of Joseph 

vices, because they held such conform- Hall, Bishop of Exeter. The Bishop's 

ity with the court example." (Mrs. " Censure of Travel " may be taken as 

Hutchinson, Memoirs of Colonel Hutch- instar omnium. Massin^er, Webster, 

inson, I. 117, 118.) This is the Ian- Shirley, — not Shakespeare, and scarce- 

guage of a dissenter, indeed, but of a ly Jonson, or Beaumont and Fletcher, 

high-bred and delicate woman. Any — were the favorite play-writers of the 

one who would see how the same sub- time. It was of a play of Shjrley, un- 

ject is treated by a courtier, not too far sui-passed, if surpassable, in indecency, 

gone to have kept his sense of decency, that King Charles the First is recorded, 

may look at Harrington's sketch of a not only to have said " it was the best 

drawing-room scene during the visit play he had seen for seven yeai-s," but to 

of the king of Denmark to London have himself furnished the plot. — The 

in 1606. (Nugse Antiquae, I. 348.) North British Review (XXV. 1-46) 

And to know how it was looked upon treats this subject with admirable wis- 

by a plain-spoken man, — no dissenter dom and learning, in an article entitled 

at all, but a prelate of the Church, — " Plays and Puritans," said to be from the 

oae may turn over a few pages of the pen of the Reverend Charles Ivingsley. 
VOL. I. 24 



278 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

• 

him, made him in politics a casuist, an innovator, the 
architect of a new system. From the time when the 
problem, with which for a while he struggled, was worked 
out, governments over the British race were to rest on the 
public consent, and to be administered for the public bene- 
fit. Such was the brightness of the light to which he 
made his way through many scenes of darkness. 

AVhen, after the restoration of the Stuart line, an un- 
bridled licentiousness of manners had succeeded to his 
Its habits austerity, — when an ornate beastliness was the 
and manners, faghiou of the mcu aud women in high places, 
and such writers as Wycherley and Mrs. Behn expressed 
and formed the morals of so many clamorers for Lord 
Clarendon's creed, — the ribald wits of the time so grossly 
marred the record of the Puritan, that it is difficult even 
for those who sympathize with his views in religion and 
politics to recover a just conception of his dignified and 
manly character, as it existed in the days which must be 
referred to for a true delineation. Nor has this been 
wholly the result of injustice on the part of writers de- 
picting wha.t they wanted the moral capacity to estimate 
with justness. The character had itself degenerated, in 
reaching the time when it came under their observation. 
Puritanism, from the outbreak of the Great Rebellion, 
was subjected to the infelicities and abuses which neces- 
sarily att&id a formidable and successful party. When 
it clothed itself with the associations of power and gran- 
deur, vulgar men, without being sordid or ambitious, fol- 
lowed its modes, and by their vulgarity exaggerated and 
degraded them. When it came to have honors and for- 
tunes to bestow, base men attached themselves to it for 
the promotion of their base ends ; and the excesses of the 
dishonest pretender brought into discredit and ridicule the 
practices of the sincere devotee. 

But, whatever may have taken place later, the Puritan- 
ism of the first forty years of the seventeenth century was 



VII.] PURITAN POLITICS IN ENGLAND. 279 

not tainted with degrading or ungraceful associations 
of any sort. The rank, the wealth, the chivalry, the ge- 
nius, the learning, the accomplishments, the social refine- 
ments and elegance of the time, were largely represented 
in its ranks. Not to speak of Scotland, where soon 
Puritanism had few opponents in the class of the high- 
born and the educated, the severity of Elizabeth scarcely 
restrained, in her latter days, its predominance among 
the most exalted orders of her subjects. The Earls 
of Leicester, Bedford, Huntington, and Warwick, Sir 
Nicholas Bacon, his greater son, Walsingham, Burleigh, 
Mildmay, Sadler, Knollys, were specimens of a host of 
eminent men more or less friendly to, or tolerant of it. 
Throughout the reign of James the First, it controlled the 
House of Commons, composed chiefly of the landed gentry 
of the kingdom ; and, if it had less sway among the Peers, 
this was partly because the number of lay nobles did not 
largely exceed that of the Bishops, who were mostly crea- 
tures of the crown. The aggregate property of that Puri- 
tan House of Commons whose dissolution has been just 
now related, was computed to be three times as great as 
that of the Lords.^ The statesmen of the first period of 
that Parliament which by and by dethroned Charles the 
First, had been bred in the luxury of the landed aris- 
tocracy of the realm ; while of the nobility, Manchester, 
Essex, Warwick, Brooke, Fairfax, and others, and of the 
gentry, a long roll of men of the scarcely inferior position 
of Hampden and Waller, commanded and officered its 
armies and fleets. A Puritan was the first Protestant 
founder of a college at an English University. Among the 
clergy, representing mainly the scholarship of the country, 
nothing is more incontrovertible, than that the permanent 
ascendency of Puritanism was only prevented by the se- 
verities of the governments of Elizabeth and her Scottish 
kinsmen, under the several administrations of Parker, 
Whitgift, Bancroft, and Laud. 

1 Hume, Chap. LI. 



280 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

It may be easily believed that none of the guests whom 
the Earl of Leicester placed at his table by the side of his 
nephew, Sir Philip Sidney, were clowns. But the suppo- 
sition of any necessary connection between Puritanism and 
what is harsh and rude in taste and manners, will not even 
stand the test of an observation of the character of men 
who figured in its ranks, when the lines came to be most 
distinctly drawn. The Parliamentary general, Devereux, 
Earl of Essex, was no strait-laced gospeller, but a man 
formed with every grace of person, mind, and culture, to 
be the ornament of a splendid court, the model knight, — 
the idol, as long as he was the comrade, of the royal sol- 
diery, — the Bayard of the time. The position of Man- 
chester and Fairfax, of ITollis, Eiennes, and Pierrepont, was 
by birthright in the most polished circle of English society. 
In the Memoirs of the young regicide, Colonel Hutchinson, 
recorded by his beautiful and gentle wife, we may look at 
the interior of a Puritan household, and see its graces, 
divine and human, as they shone with a naturally blended 
lustre in the most strenuous and most afflicted times.-' 
The renown of English learning owes something to the 
sect which enrolled the names of Selden, Lightfoot, Gale, 
and Owen.^ Its seriousness and depth of thought had lent 
their inspiration to the delicate muse of Spenser.^ Judg- 

1 The following contemporaneous por- kinds ; he took great delight in perspec- 

traitofanofficerofthe Puritan Common- tive glasses, and, for his other rarities, 

wealth corresponds little with the ideal was not so much affected with the an- 

which has since been received. Colonel tiquity as the merit of the work ; he 

Hutchinson " could dance admirably took much pleasure in improvement of 

well, but neither in youth nor riper grounds, in planting groves and walks 

years made any practice of it ; he had and fruit-trees, in opening springs, and 

skill in fencing, such as became a gen- making fish-ponds." (Memoirs of the 

tleman ; he had great love to music, and Life of Colonel Hutchinson, I. 33, 34.) 

often diverted himself with a viol, on 2 The "painful' Owen, carrying with- 

which he played masterly ; he had an in his broad forehead the concentrated 

exact ear and judgment in other music ; extract of a thousand folios, was consid- 

he shot excellently in bows and guns, ered in his time something of a cox- 

and much used them for his exercise ; comb in personal ajipearance. (Tay- 

he had great judgment in paintings, ler. Religious Progress in England, 95.) 

graving, sculpture, and all liberal arts, 3 gee the Fifth Eclogue of Spenser, 

and had many curiosities of value in all and his "Mother Hubberd's Tale," 



VII.] 



PURITAN POLITICS IN ENGLAND. 



281 



ing between their colleague preachers, Travers and Hook- 
er, the critical Templars awarded the palm of scholar- 
ly eloquence to the Puritan. When the Puritan lawyer 
Whitelock was ambassador to Queen Christina, he kept 
a magnificent state, which was the admiration- of her 
court, perplexed as they were by his persistent Puritanical 
testimony against the practice of drinking healths.^ For 
his Latin secretary, the Puritan Protector employed a 
man at once equal to the foremost of mankind in genius 
and learning, and skilled in all manly exercises, proficient 
in the lighter accomplishments beyond any other English- 
man of his day, and caressed in his youth, in France and 
Italy, for eminence in the studies of their fastidious schol- 
ars and artists.^ The king's camp and court at Oxford 
had not a better swordsman or amateur musician than 
John Milton, and his portraits exhibit him with locks as 
flowing as Prince Rupert's.^ In such trifles as the fashion 



verses 484 et seq. His relations to the 
Earl of Essex may well have brought 
him under Grlndall's influence. 

1 " How could you pass over their 
very long winter nights?" the Protector 
asked Whitelock at the audience of re- 
turn from his embassy. "I kept my 
people together," was the reply, " and 
in action and recreation, by having 
music in my house, and encouraging 
that and the exercise of dancing, which 
held them by the eyes and ears, and 
gave them diversion without any offence. 
And I caused the gentlemen to have 
disputations In Latin, and declamations 
upon words which I gave them." And 
the dialogue jaroceeded : — Cromivell. 
" Those were very good diversions, and 
made your house a little academy." 
Whitelock: " I thought these recreations 
better than gaming for money, or going 
forth to places of debauchery." Crom- 
loell. " It was much better." (White- 
lock, Embassy to Sweden, II. 438, 439. 
The book, lately republished, Is very 
24* 



interesting for its illustrations of man- 
ners In the time of the Commonwealth, 
as well as for its other contents.) 

2 " Haste then, nymph, and bring with thee 
Jest, and youthful Jollity, 



Sport, that wrinkled Care derides, 
And Laughter, holding both his sides." 

Such verses do not express the morbid- 
ness of any Malachi Malagrowther. 

3 The " prick-eared knaves" to whom 
Sir Geoffrey Peverll gave the credit of 
trowling his Cavalier friends down "like 
so many ninepins, at Wiggan Lane," 
certainly did not set the fashion of hair- 
dressing to all their party. " King 
Pym," for a time the representative 
Eoundhead, wears, on the canvas of 
Houbraken, the same moderate cheve- 
lure as is now thought becoming for a 
chamberlain of Queen Victoria. But 
when the body of Hampden, the " Great 
Brother," as Strafford called him, (Lord 
Nugent, Life of Hampden, I. 150,) was 
disinterred, twenty-five years ago, it was 
thought at first to be a woman's, from 



282 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. VII. 

of apparel, the usage of the best modern society vindi- 
cates, in characteristic particulars, the Roundhead judg- 
ment and taste of the century before the last. The 
English gentleman now, as the Puritan gentleman then, 
dresses plainly in " sad " colors, and puts his lace and em- 
broidery on his servants. 

the profusion of long hair. Mrs. Hutch- handsome, so that it was a great oma- 

inson says (Memoirs, 181), that her ment to him"; and in his portrait, it 

husband, " having naturally a very fine rolls in curls down his shoulders and 

thick-set head of hair, kept it clean and over his mail. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

Years had passed since the seventy of the government 
had overcome the Separatists, forcing them either to dis- 
band their con^reffations, or flee from the king- 

° '^. ' , O Position of 

dom. From the time when Bishop Williams Puritans in 
was made Keeper of the Great Seal, four years 

^ . 'J 1621. 

before the death of King James, the High-Com- 
mission Court again became active, and the condition of 
Puritans in the Church was day by day more uneasy. 
While some amon^ them looked for relief to a happy 
issue of the struggle which had been going on in Parlia- 
ment, and resigned themselves to await and aid the slow 
progress of a political and religious reformation in the 
kingdom, numbers, less confident or less patient, pondered 
on exile as their best resource, and turned their view to a 
new home on the Western continent. There was yet a third 
class, who, through feeble resolution or a lingering hope 
of better things, deferred the sacrifices which they scarce- 
ly flattered themselves that they should ultimately escape, 
and, if they were clergymen, retained their preferments by 
a reluctant obedience to the canons.^ The coquetry of 
Buckingham with the Puritans, inspiring false hopes, was 
not without effect to excuse indecision, and hinder a com- 
bined and energetic action. 

1 "We have feared a judgment a circulated in England in 1629, and was 

longtime. But yet we are safe. There- probably from the pen of Winthrop. It 

fore it were better to stay till it come, is pi-inted in Dr. Young's " Chronicles of 

And either we may fly then, or, if we Massachusetts," 271. It contains preg- 

be overtaken in it, we may well be con- nant hints as to the object of the emigra- 

tent to suffer with such a Church as tion proposed in it. Of course, to pub- 

ours is." Such was one of the " Objec- lish the plan in plain language, and in its 

lions " replied to in a paper, which was full extent, would have been to defeat it. 



284: HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAITO. [Chap. 

Among the eminent persons who had reconciled them- 
selves to the course of compromise and postponement was 
TheEever ^^^' "^^^^ AVhito, an important name, which at 
end Mr. tliis point takcs its place in New-England his- 
tory. AVhite, who, since the second year of King 
James's reign, had been rector of Trinity Church in Dor- 
chester, was a man widely known and greatly esteemed, 
alike for his professional character and his public spirit.-' 
The subject of New-England colonization, much canvassed 
everywhere among the Puritans, who were numerous in 
the part of the kingdom where he lived, was commended 
to his notice in a special form. Dorchester, near the Brit- 
ish Channel, the principal town of the shire, furnished 
numbers of those who now made voyages to New Eng- 
land for fishing and trade ; and they were often several 
months upon the coast without opportunity for religious 
worship or instruction. Mr. White interested himself 
with the ship-owners to establish a settlement where the 
mariners might have a home when not at sea, where sup- 
plies might be provided for them by farming and hunting, 
and where they might be brought under religious influ- 
ences. The result of the conferences was the formation 
of an unincorporated joint-stock association, under the 
name of the " Dorchester Adventurers," which collected a 
capital of three thousand pounds. 

The Dorchester company turned its attention to the 
spot on Cape Ann where now stands the town of Glouces- 
The Dorches- tcr. It has becu mentioned that the Council for 
ter company, j^g^^ England, pcrpctually embarrassed by the 
oppugnation of the Virginia Company and the reasonable 
jealousy of Parliament, had recourse to a variety of ex- 
pedients to realize the benefits vainly expected by its pro- 
jectors. In carrying out one scheme, that of a division of 

1 " Mr. JoLn White, a famous Puri- great gravity, presence, and influence 
tan divine, usually called the Patriarch in liis party for several years." (Echard, 
of Dorchester He was a man of History of England, 653.) 



VIII.] MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 285 

the common property among the associates, the country 
about Cape Ann was assigned to Lord Sheffield, 

••• . ^ . 1C22. 

better known as a patriot leader under his later 
title of Earl of Mulgrave.^ Of him it was pur- 1504. 
chased for the people of New Plymouth by Ed- •^''"- ^• 
ward Winslow, when in England on the business of that 
colony ; and they in turn conveyed to White and his 
associates such a site as was w^anted for their purposes of 
fishing and planting.^ 

The Dorchester company had probably anticipated this 
arrangement by despatching a party of fourteen persons to 
pass the winter. They carried out live stock, and 
erected a house, with stages to dry fish, and vats Plantation at 
for the manufacture of salt. Thomas Gardner 
was overseer of the plantation, and John Tilley had the 
fishery in charge. Everything went amiss. Mishaps 
befell the vessels. The price of fish went down. The 
colonists, " being ill chosen and ill commanded, fell into 
many disorders, and did the company little service." An 
attempt was made to retrieve affairs by putting 
the colony under a different direction. The 
Dorchester partners heard of " some religious and well- 
affected persons that were lately removed out of New 
Plymouth, out of dislike of their principles of rigid sepa- 
ration, of which number Mr. Roger Conant was one, a 
religious, sober, and prudent gentleman." ^ He was then 
at Nantasket, with Lyford and Oldham. The partners 

1 See page 222. . ^ Hubbard, History of New England, 

2 « There liatli been a-fisliing this Chap. XVIII. — It is not known when 
year upon the coast about fifty English Conant came over, or to what part of 
ships. And by Cape Ann there is a New England. Nothing appears in any 
plantation a-beginning by the Dorches- of the Plymouth documents to confirm 
ter men, which they hold of those of Hubbard's statement that Conant was 
New Plymouth, who also by them have one of the party of Lyford and Oldham 
set up a fishing-work. Some talk there at Plymouth. But there is no improb- 
is of some other pretended plantations, ability in the statement of hfs havino' 
all whose proceedings the eternal God been there, and Hubbard was likely to 
protect and preserve." (Smith, Gen- be well informed upon that point. 
erall Historic, 247, edit. 1624.) 



286 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

engaged Conant "to be their governor" at Cape Ann, with 
" the charge of all their affairs, as well fishing as plant- 
ing." With Lyford they agreed that he should " be the 
minister of the place," while Oldham, "invited to trade 
for them with the Indians," preferred to remain where he 
was, and conduct such business on his own account. 
The change was not followed by the profits that had 
been hoped, and the next year " the adventurers were so 
far discouraged, that they abandoned the further prosecu- 
tion of this design and took order for the dissolv- 

1C26. 

ing of the company on land, and sold away their 
shipping and other provisions." ^ Another seemed added 
to the list of frustrated adventures in New England. 

But Mr. White did not despair of its renewal. All 
along, it is likely, he had regarded it with an interest 
different from what had yet been avowed. At his in- 
stance, when " most part of the land-men returned," " a 
few of the most honest and industrious resolved to stay 
behind, and to take charge of the cattle sent over the year 
before. And not likinsr their seat at Cape Ann. 

Removal to ^ " -•- . 

Naumkeag. choscn cspccially for the supposed commodity of 
fishing, they transported themselves to Nahum- 
keike, about four or five leagues distant to the southwest 
from Cape Ann."^ 

White wrote to Conant, exhorting him " not so to de- 
sert the business, faithfully promising that, if himself, 
with three others, whom he knew to be honest and pru- 
dent men, viz. John Woodbury, John Balch, and Peter 
Palfrey, employed by the adventurers, would stay at 
Naumkeag, and give timely notice thereof, he would pro- 
vide a patent for them, and likewise send them whatever 

1 Hubbard, Chap. XVIIl. — Planter's pers,"&c. Its authorship is, on satisfac- 

Plea, Chap. VII., VIII. The Planter's tory grounds, attributed to Mr. ^Vhite. 

Plea, published anonymously in London, It urges, for encouragement to coloni- 

in 1630, was reprinted, in 1838, by Mr. zation, the example of the Plymouth 

Force, of Washington, in the second colony (Chap. VII.). 
volume of his " Tracts and other Pa- ^ ibid., Chap. IX. 



VIII.] MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 287 

they should write for, either men, or provision, or goods 
wherewith to trade with the Indians." ^ With difficulty 
Conant prevailed upon his companions to persevere. They 
" staved to the hazard of their lives." ^ Wood- 

1627. 

bury was sent to England for supplies. 

" The business came to agitation afresh in London, and, 
being at first approved by some and disliked by others, 
by argument and disputation it grew to be more vulgar ; 
insomuch that, some men showing some good affection to 
the work, and offering the help of their purses if fit men 
might be procured to go over, inquiry was made whether 
any would be willing to engage their persons in the voy- 
age. By this inquiry it fell out that among others they 
lighted at last on Master Endicott, a man well known to 
divers persons of good note, who manifested much will- 
ingness to accept of the offer as soon as it was tendered, 
which gave great encouragement to such as were upon 
the point of resolution to set on this work of erecting a 
new colony upon the old foundation."^ 

The scheme on foot was no longer one of Dorchester 
fishermen looking for a profitable exercise of their trade. 
It had " come to agitation in London," where " some men " 
had offered " the help of their purses," and a man of con- 
sequence, Humphrey, probably from a county as distant as 
Lincoln, was already, or very soon after, Treasurer of the 
fund.^ Matters were ripe for the step of securing a do- 
main for a colony, and the dimensions of the domain 
show that the colony was not intended to be a small one. 
A grant of lands extending from the Atlantic to the 
Western Ocean, and in width from a line running three 
miles north of the River Merrimac to a line three miles 

1 Hubbard, Chap. XVIII. ciates when Conant was first written to : 

2 Conant's petition of May 28, 1671, "Mr. White engaged Mr. Humphrey, 
in the Massachusetts archives. the Treasurer of the joint adventurers, 

'■^ Planter's Plea, Chap. IX. to write to him in their names," &c. 

4 Hubbard (Chap. XVIII.) makes But I should not think it entirely safe 
Humphrey the Treasurer of the Asso- to rely upon this. 



288 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

south of the Charles,^ was obtained from the Council for 

New England by " Sir Henry Eos well and Sir 

March 19. Joliu Youug, kuights, and Thomas Southcote, 

MaTslchu- John Humphrey, John Endicott, and Simon 

setts from ^hitcomb, gjentlemeu," for themselves, " their 

the Council ' o •" 

for New helrs, and associates." E.oswell and Young were 
gentlemen of Devon, Southcote was probably of 
the same county, and AVhitcomb is believed to have been 
a London merchant. 

Gorges, though not in the counsels of the patentees, 
supposed himself to understand their object. Having men- 
tioned the angry dissolution by King Charles of his second 
Parliament, and his imprisonment of some of the patriot " 
leaders, he proceeds to say, that these transactions " took 
all hope of reformation of church government from many 
not affecting episcopal jurisdiction, nor the usual practice 
of the Common Prayers of the Church; whereof there 
were several sorts, though not agreeing among themselves, 
yet all of like dislike of those particulars. Some of the dis- 
creeter sort, to avoid what they found themselves subject 
unto, made use of their friends to procure from the Coun- 
cil for the affairs of New England to settle a colony within 
their limits ; to which it pleased the thrice-honored Lord 
of Warwick to write to me, then at Plymouth, to con- 
descend that a patent might be granted to such as then 
sued for it. "Whereupon I gave my approbation, so far 
forth as it might not be prejudicial to my son Eobert 
Gorges's interests, whereof he had a patent under the seal 
of the Council. Hereupon, there was a grant passed as 
was thought reasonable." ^ 

1 The patentees among whom the the Secretary shall write out a copy of 
eastern coast of New England had been the former grant to the Earl of War- 
partitioned six years before, surrendered wick and others, Avhich was by them 
their claims (see above, pp. 222, 285). resigned to this company, to be pre- 
I confidently put this construction on sented to his Lordship." (Massachu- 
the following record of the meeting of setts Colony Records, I. 53.) 
the Company, September 29, 1629, ^ Gorges, Briefe Narration, &c., 
viz.: " It is thought fit and ordered that Chap. XXVI. 



Vm.] MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 289 

After three months, Endicott, one of the six patentees, 
was despatched, in charge of a small party, to su- 
persede Conant at Naumkeag as local manager.^ 
Woodbury had preceded them. They arrived at the close 
of summer. The persons quartered on the spot, the re- 
mains of Conant's company, were disposed to johnEndi- 
question the claims of the new-comers. But the pott's com- 

. . pany at 

dispute was amicably composed, and, in commem- saiem. 
oration of its adjustment, the place took the name 
of " Salem," the Hebrew word for peaceful. The colony, 
made up from the two sources, consisted of "not much 
above fifty or sixty persons,"- none of them of special im- 
portance except Endicott, who w^as destined to act for near- 
ly forty years a conspicuous part in New England history.^ 
Before the winter, an exploring party either began, 
or made preparations for, a settlement at Mishawum, now 
Charlestown."* With another party, Endicott, during 
Morton's absence in England, visited his diminished com- 
pany at Merry-Mount, or, as Endicott called it, 3Iount 
Daffon, " caused their May-pole to be cut down, and re- 

1 Mr. Haven has satisflictorily slio-wn own cliarge " ; from wliicli it has been 
that the first page of the Eecords of inferred that they were not of Endi- 
the Company of Massachusetts Bay re- cott's company. (Everett, Address at 
lates to preparations for the voyage of Charlestown, June 28, 1830.) The 
Endicott. (Archa3ologia Americana, visitors found at Mishawum "an Eng- 
III- 3.) lish palisaded and thatched house, 

2 Planter's Plea, Chap. IX. wherein lived Thomas Walford, a 

3 Gott, Davenport, Trask, and Ealph smith." — It is greatly to be regretted, 
and Richard Sprague, companions of that for this brief but very interestino- 
Endicott, as well as Conant, Palfrey, and period we have so little information 
Woodbury, of the " old planters," were except from the unsatisfactory narra- 
afterwards Deputies to the General tive of Hubbard. It is an important 
Court. Davenport was a lieutenant in fact, however, that he must have con- 
the Pequod war, and subsequently cap- versed much with Eoger Conant, who 
tain of the fort in Boston harbor. lived to old age and was his neighbor. 

4 According to the Charlestown rec- It would be curious to point out traces 
ords, — Avhich, however, are not a docu- of his adoption of Conant's prejudices, 
ment of the first authenticity, not hav- as well as other tokens of the state of 
ing been made till more than thirty mind in which he wrote, if the discus- 
years afterwards, — some of the emi- sion were worth the space which the 
grants of 1628 had come over " at their necessary citations would occupy. 

VOL. I. 25 



290 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

buked them for their profaneness, and admonished them 
to look there should be better walking." The winter 
proved sickly ; an " infection that grew among the passen- 
gers at sea, spread also among them ashore, of which many 
died, some of the scurvy, other of an infectious fever." 
Endicott sent to Plymouth for medical assistance, and 
Fuller made a visit to Salem.^ 

The new Dorchester Company," like that which had 
preceded it, and like the company of London Adventur- 
charterofthe ^rs conccmed in the settlement at Plymouth, was 
SrTr of "^ ^^^^ ^ voluntary partnership, with no corporate 
Massachu- powors.^ Tho extensive acquaintance of Mr. 

1G29." White with persons disaffected to the rulers in 
church and state was probably the immediate oc- 
casion of advancing the business another step. Materials 
for a powerful combination existed in different parts of the 
kingdom, and they were now brought together for Uinited 
action. The Company having been "much enlarged,"^ 
a royal charter was solicited and obtained, creating a 
corporation under the name of the " Governor and Com- 
pany of the Massachusetts Bay in New England;"^ This 

1 Bradford, History, 238, 263. ing of a reasonable sum of money, a 

2 I follow usage in employing this patent was granted with large encour- 
name in relation to Roswell and his five agements every way by his most ex- 
associates, though I am more than doubt- cellent Majesty." The fact that five 
ful as to the correctness of the apphca- persons joined Endicott in securing the 
tion to them. Their patent is lost. It territory of Massachusetts by a deed 
does not appear that any one of the from the Council, while measures were 
patentees was a Dorchester man. Nor in progress for obtaining the royal char- 
do I know any other authority than ter, is passed over as immaterial. . 
Hubbard's for the statement of their ^ Cradock's Letter of February 16, 
being persons " about Dorchester." 1629, to Endicott. 

2 The silence of the "Planter's Plea" ^ Both these proper names were used 

respecting the patent from the Council in early times in different senses. Gov- 

for New England to Sir Henry Roswell ernor Winthrop, when he entitled his 

and his. five associates, favors the idea work a " History of New England" in- 

that it was taken simply as a transition tended by that name to denote the 

step. Its language, next following the Massachusetts Colony, and this appears 

mention of the .engagement of Endl- to have been the prevailing use for some 

cott, is (Chap. IX.): "Hereupon divers years after its settlement. In 1644, 

persons having subscribed for the rais- Roger Williams's colony was called in 



VIII.] MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 291 

is the instrument under which the Colony of Massachu- 
setts continued, to conduct its affairs for fifty-five years. 
The patentees named in it were Hoswell and his five asso- 
ciates, with twenty other persons, of whom White was 
not one.-^ It gave power for ever to the freemen of the 
Company to elect annually, from their own number, a 
Governor, Deputy-Governor, and eighteen Assistants, on 
the last Wednesday of Easter term, and to make laws and 
ordinances, not repugnant to the laws of England, for 
their own benefit and the government of persons inhabit- 
ing their territory. Eour meetings of the Company were 
to be held in a year, and others might be convened in a 
manner prescribed. Meetings of the Governor, Deputy- 
Governor, and Assistants were to be held once a month, 
or oftener. * The Governor, Deputy-Governor, and any 
two Assistants, were authorized, but not required, to ad- 
minister to freemen the oaths of supremacy and allegiance. 
The Company might transport settlers not "restrained 
by special name." They had authority to admit new asso- 
ciates, and establish the terms of their admission, and elect 
and constitute such ofiicers as they should see fit for the 
ordering and managing of their afiairs. They were em- 
powered to " encounter, repulse, repel, and resist by force 
of arms, as well by sea as by land, and by all fitting ways 
and means whatsoever, all such person and persons as 
should at any time thereafter attempt or enterprise the 
destruction, invasion, detriment, or annoyance to the said 
plantation or inhabitants." Nothing was said of religious 
liberty. The government may have relied upon its power 
to restrain it, and the emigrants on their distance and 
obscurity to protect it." 

its ctarter" Providence Plantations in month. At least five others of those 

Neio England." Anciently, by Massa- Adventurers, viz. White (of London), 

chusetts Bay was commonly meant what Pocock, Sharp, Revell, and Andrews, 

is now often called Boston Baij, within were subsequently members of the Mas- 

Nahant and Point Allerton. sachusetts Company. (Comp. Brad- 

1 One of the twenty, Goffe, had for- ford's Letter-Book, in Mass. Mst. Coll., 

merly been among the Adventurers in XXIII. 48.) 
partnership with the planters at Ply- 2 Xhe charter is in Hazard, I. 239. 



292 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

The first step of the new corporation was to organize a 
government for its colony. It determined to place the local 
April 30. administration in the hands of thirteen Counsel- 
S-Te"cTiony ^^I's, to retain their offices for one year. Of these, 
at Salem. gevcn bcsidcs the Governor (in which office Endi- 
cott was continued) were to be appointed by the Company 
at home ; these eight were to choose three others ; and the 
whole number was to be made up by the addition of such 
as should be designated by the persons on the spot at the 
time of Endicott's arrival, described as " old planters." -^ 
A proposal had iust been accepted from certain 

March 2 ^ ^ ^ i i • i 

"Boston men," to interest themselves m the adven- 
ture to the amount of five hundred pounds, being a hun- 
dred pounds in addition to what, it appears, they had pre- 
viously promised, "and to provide able men to send over."^ 
Unfortunately, no letter has been preserved of those 
sent by Endicott to England at this interesting juncture. 

There are, however, two letters addressed to him 

Instructions 

from the by tlic Compauy, and one by Cradock, appointed 
in the charter to be its first Governor. With 
various directions as to the details of his administration, 
they speak of the "propagation of the Gospel" as "the 
thing they do profess above all to be their aim in settling 
this plantation." They enjoin the keeping of " a diligent 
eye over their own people, that they live unblamable and 
without reproof" They forbid the planting of tobacco, 
except under severe restrictions. They order satisfaction 

1 Records in Arcliasologia Amerl- vfitb. often negotiation, so ripened that, 
cana, III. SOf, 305. in the year 1628, we procured a pa- 

2 Mass. Colonial Records, I. 28. — tent," &c. (Letter to the Countess 
Dudley, perhaps one of these Boston of Lincoln.) From the language, 
men, says: "About the year 1G27, "about the year 1627," I think it is 
some friends, being together in Lincoln- natural to infer, that the subject was 
shire, fell into discourse about New canvassed in Lincolnshire as well be- 
England, and the planting of the Gos- fore as after that year. It was in 1627 
pel there ; and after some deliberation, that White wrote from Dorsetshire, 
we imparted our reasons, by letters and. urging Conant to remain where he was. 
messages, to some in London and the According to the old style, which Dud- 
West Country, where it was likewise ley used, the patent was procured, as 
deliberately thought upon, and at length, he says, " in the year 1628." 



VIII.] MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 293 

to be given to the " old planters," by the offer of mcorpora- 
tion into the Company and of a share in the lands. They 
speak of unsuccessful negotiations with Oldham, who as- 
serted a claim under the patent of Robert Gorges, and give 
orders for anticipatmg him in taking possession of Massa- 
chusetts Bay. They direct that persons who may prove 
" not conformable to their government," or otherwise dis- 
agreeable, shall not be suffered '• to remain within the 
limits of their grant," but be shipped to England. They 
prescribe a distribution of the servants among families, 
with a view to domestic order and Christian instruction 
and discipline. They enjoin a just settlement with the 
natives for lands. And they transmit a form of oaths to 
be taken by the Governor and members of the Council. 

After the organization under the charter, no time was 
lost in despatching a reinforcement of colonists. Six ves- 
sels were prepared, and license was obtained from iggg. 
the Lord Treasurer for the embarkation of " eigh- ^^''^ ^*^- 
ty women and maids, twenty-six children, and three hun- 
dred men, with victuals, arms, and tools, and necessary 
apparel," and with "one hundred and forty head of cattle, 
and forty goats." A committee of the Company were care- 
ful " to make plentiful provision of godly ministers." Mr. 
Skelton, Mr. Higginson, and Mr. Bright, members of the 
Council, with Mr. Smith, another minister, sailed jiay4 u. 
in the first three vessels, which reached Salem iiigginson's 
about the same time, and were soon followed by s"\em7 ^^ 
the residue of the fleet. Mr. Graves, another of •^''''''• 
the Counsellors, was employed by the associates as an 
engineer. Immediately on arriving, he proceeded with 
" some of the Company's servants under his care, and some 
others," to Mishawum, where he laid out a town.^. Bright, 

1 This very prompt movement to- a similar meaning. The patent of 

wards Charlestown was connected with Eobert Gorges which brought him to 

the claim of Oldham. And not im- Weymouth in 1G23 (see above, p. 206) 

probably the visit made to that pe- was for ten miles "on the northeast 

ninsula in the previous autumn had side of Massachusetts Bay," according 

25* 



294 HISTOEY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

who was one of his party, returned to England in the 
following summer, dissatisfied, probably, with the eccle- 
siastical proceedings which had taken place. Smith went 
for the present to the fishing station at Nantasket. 

Higginson wrote home : " When we came first to Naum- 
keag, we found about half a score houses, and a fair house 
newly built for the Governor. We found also abundance 
of corn planted by them, very good and well-liking. And 
we brought with us about two hundred passengers and 
planters more, which, by common consent of the old plant- 
ers, were all combined together into one body politic, under 
the same governor. There are in all of us, both old and 
new planters, about three hundred, whereof two hundred 
of them are settled at Naumkeag, now called Salem, and 
the rest have planted themselves at Masathuset's Bay, 
beginning to build a town there, which we do call Char- 
ton, or Charlestown But that which is our great- 
est comfort and means of defence above all other is, that 
we have here the true religion and holy ordinances of 
Almighty God taught among us. Thanks be to God, we 
have here plenty of preaching and diligent catechizing, 
with strict and careful exercise and good and commenda- 
ble orders to bring our people into a Christian conversa- 
tion with whom we have to do withal. And thus we 
doubt not but God will be with us ; and if God be with 
us, who can be against us ] " ^ 

Of the new-comers, Skelton and Higginson, who had 
been Non-conformist clergymen of the Church of England, 
were the only persons that exerted a material influence on 
the affairs of the infant colony.^ Of the early life of the 

to a contemporaneous meaning of tliat Jolm Oldliam, tlie other to Sir William 

name ; that is, for a territory extending Brereton. The JNIassachusetts Com- 

from Charles River to Nahant. At the pany always maintained that Robert 

death of Robert Gorges, his right, better Gorges's patent was not good in law. 

or worse, was inherited by his brother, l Higginson, New England's Planta- 

John, who, two months before the char- tion, 123, 124. 

ter of the Massachusetts Company, sold ^ Of the five persons associated with 

it in two parts, one to John Dorrell and them by the Company as Counsellors to 



VIII.] MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 295 

former, scarcely anything is known; lie had been edu- 
cated at Clare Ilall, Cambridge, and Endicott had g.^,„„gJ 
" formerly received much good by his ministry." ^ ^^^^^°^- 
Higginson, of Jesus College and St. John's, Cam- Francis 
bridge, and subsequently rector of one of the "'?§'"s°"- 
churches of Leicester, had been deprived of his benefice 
for non-conformity. After the practice of the time, he 
became a lecturer," and was so employed among his former 
parishioners when he received the application of the Mas- 
sachusetts Company to proceed to their colony.^ 

A day within four weeks from their arrival was ap- 
pointed for the choice of a pastor and a teacher ; and, after 
prayer, fasting, and a sermon, Mr. Skelton was Ecciesiasti- 
chosen to the former office, and Mr. Higginson zatioir"' 
to the latter. Having accepted the trust, they •'"'y^o. 
were set apart to it with simple solemnity. Mr. Hig- 
ginson and three or four of the gravest men laid their 
hands on Mr. Skelton's head and prayed, and then, for 
the consecration of Mr. Higginson, the same service was 
repeated by his colleague. The next step was to gather 
a church, or society of communicants. Mr. Higginson 
drew up " a confession of faith and church covenant, ac- 



Endicott, only Samuel Sliarpe Is known tans, A"ol. II. Chap. IV.) Land broke 

to have remained in the colony. John up the system in 1633. He said the 

and Samuel Browne were sent home lecturers were " the most dangerous 

after only five or six weeks, under cir- enemies of the state." 
cumstances presently to be related. 3 u osd of March, 1628 [1629]. At 

Bright, as has been mentioned, re- this meeting, intimation was given by 

mained scarcely a year, and Graves Mr. Nowell, by letters from Mr. Isaac 

soon disappears from the documents. Johnson, that one Mr. Higgeson, of 

1 Cradock's letter to Endicott, April Leicester, an able mlnlstfer, proffers to 
17, 1629. go to our plantation; who being ap- 

2 One method taken by the Puritans proved for a reverend, grave minister, 
to supply the deficiency of evangehcal fit for our present occasions, it was 
preachers, of which they complained, thought by those present to entreat Mr. 
was to employ lecturers to preach on John Humphrey to ride presently to 
Sunday afternoons and market-days. Leicester, and. If Mr. Iliggeson may 
They were supported from funds raised conveniently be had to go this present 
by voluntary contribution, and held by voyage, that he should deal with him." 
trustees. (Neal, History of the Purl- (Mass. Col. Rec, I. 37.) 



296 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

cording to Scripture," of which copies were delivered to 
thirty persons, and an invitation was despatched to the 
church at Plymouth to send messengers to witness the fur- 
ther proceeding. The day appointed for it having 
arrived, the two ministers prayed and preached; 
thirty persons assented to the covenant, and associated 
themselves as a church; the ministers, whose dedication 
to the sacred office had appeared incomplete till it was 
made by a church constituted by mutual covenant, were 
ordained to their several offices by the imposition of the 
hands of some of the brethren appointed by the church ; 
and Governor Bradford " and some others with him, com- 
ing by sea," and being " hindered by cross winds that 
they could not be there at the beginning of the day, came 
into the assembly afterward, and gave them the right hand 
of fellowship, wishing all prosperity and a blessed success 
.unto such good beginnings." -^ 

How much of the church system thus introduced had 
already been resolved upon before the colonists of the 
Massachusetts Company left England, and how long a 
time, if any, previous to their emigration such arrange- 
ments were made, are questions which we have probably 
now insufficient means to determine. Thus much is cer- 
tain ; that, when Skelton and Higginson reached Salem, 
they found Endicott, who was not only their Governor, 
but one of the six considerable men who had made the 
first movement for a patent, fully prepared for the eccle- 
siastical organization which was presently instituted. In 
1629. the month before their arrival, Endicott, in a let- 
MayH. ^gj. ^q Bradford, thanking him for the visit of 
Fuller,^ had said: " I rejoice much that I am by him sat- 
isfied touching your judgments of the outward form of 
God's worship ; it is, as far as I yet gather, no other than 
is warranted by the evidence of truth, and the same which 
I have professed and maintained ever since the Lord in 

1 Morton, Memorial, 146. ^ Bradford, 265. 



VIII.] MASSACHUSETTS BAY, 297 

mercy revealed himself unto me." And the promptness 
with which the system was adopted in Salem favors the 
idea of previous concert respecting it, at least on the part 
of the leading men. 

But whether distinctly preconcerted in England or not,-^ 
and whether anticipated by a greater or smaller portion 
of the emigrants, some such system, under the circum- 
stances, could scarcely have failed to grow up on the soil. 
To persons with minds so prepossessed, a six weeks' voy- 
age away from familiar scenes must needs have opened 
a long religious experience.^ In a North American 
wild, the power of conventional associations was broken. 
The minds of the serious exiles could find nothing to 
repose upon but the naked simplicity of evangelical 
truth. Sincerely desirous, above all things else, to know 
and to do God's will, they had heretofore found their in- 
quiries and their service obstructed and restrained. They 
had long led a troubled life for conscience' sake. They 
had now made well-nigh the last sacrifice, placing a wide 
ocean between themselves and most earthly objects of 
their love. Having paid the heavy price, why should they 
not fully enjoy the purchase'? Withdrawn beyond the 
reach of persecutors, why leave the strange liberty unused 1 
Why not betake themselves at once to the letter of Scrip- 

1 Cotton Mather relates that, "tak- lia, Book III. Part II. Chap. I.) It is 
ing the last look at his native shore, Hig- not necessary here to raise the general 
ginson said, ' We "will not say, as the question of the trustworthiness of the 
Separatists were wont to say at their testimony of Cotton IMather. It is 
leaving of England, " Farewell, Baby- enough to say, that, in this instance, he 
Ion ; farewell, Rome ! " But we will say, is testifying, in 1697, to words repre- 
Farewell, dear England! Farewell, sented to have been uttered in 1629, 
the Church of God in England, and all on the other side of the water. 
the Christian friends there. We do not ^ On the voyage, Iiign;inson had en- 
go to New England as separatists from joyed some prelibations of his liberty 
the Church of England, though we can- " with singing a psalm, and prayer that 
not but separate from the corruptions was not read out of a book." (Relation 
in it. But we go to practise the positive of the Last Voyage, &c., in Hutchin- 
part of church reformation, and propa- son's Collection, &c., 46.) — See Win- 
gate the Gospel iu America.'" (Magna- throp, in Hutchinson's Collection, 130. 



298 HISTOEY OF NEW ENGLAND. " [Chap. 

ture, and as freely as the primitive disciples, as freely as 
if neither mitre nor canon had ever been made, erect 
their religious institutions after what they understood to 
be the pattern in the authentic Gospel 1 In their position, 
such words as Non-conformity and Separatism ceased to be 
significant. It was of great moment that they should 
conform to the Bible. It was of very little moment if, in 
doing so,, they should be found to be separated in dis- 
cipline and usages from a Church thousands of miles 
away. As one party after another of earnest men came 
to confer together on New England soil, it is striking to 
observe to what an extent they had grown to be of one 
mind respecting the duty of rejecting the whole constitu- 
tion of the English Establishment. If scruples presented 
themselves, they were dismissed with summary decision ; 
not a fragment of the hierarchical order found a place 
in the fabric of the New England churches. 

The transaction which determined the religious constitu- 
tions of New England gave offence to two of the Counsel- 
^ , . , lors, John and Samuel Browne. Considering the 

Expulsion of <^ 

twomaiG- late proceedings, as well they might do, to amount 
to a secession from the national establishment, they, 
with some others of the same mind, set up a separate wor- 
ship, conducted according to the Book of Common Prayer. 
Endicott and his friends were in no mood to tolerate this 
schism. The brothers, brought before the Governor, said 
that the ministers " were Separatists, and would be Ana- 
baptists." The ministers replied, " that they came away 
from the Common Prayer and ceremonies, and had suffered 
much for their non-conformity in their native land, and 
therefore, being in a place where they might have their 
liberty, they neither could nor would use them, because 
they judged the imposition of these things to be sinful 
corruptions in the worship of God." There was no com- 
posing such a strife ; " and therefore, finding those two 
brothers to be of high spirits, and their speeches and prac- 



VIII.] MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 299 

tices tending to mutiny and faction, the Governor told 
them that New England was no place for such as they, 
and therefore he sent them both back for England at the 
return of the ships the same year."^ The brothers made 
their complaint to the Corporation at home, who 

^ ^ ^ ^ ' Sept. 19. 

agreed to submit to referees the adjustment of the 
difference. The Company wrote letters of caution to En- 
dicott and the ministers. "It is possible," they 
said, " some undigested counsels have too sudden- 
ly been put in execution, which may have ill construction 
with the state here, and make us obnoxious to any adver- 
sary."^ This language, with more of the same tenor, ap- 
pears to have been prompted, not so much by want of 
sympathy with the course of the colonists, as by an ap- 
prehension of the unfavorable eifect which might be pro- 
duced by it in high quarters in England. 

This proceeding had first raised, and for tlie present issue 
had decided, a question of vast magnitude. The right of 
the Governor and Company of Massachusetts Bay 

-"- •' •' Anti-Episco- 

to exclude at their pleasure dangerous or dis- p»i poi'cy at 
agreeable persons from their domain, they never 
regarded as questionable, any more than a householder 
doubts his right to determine who shall be the inmates 
of his home.^ No civilized man had a right to come, 

1 For -want of a detailed contempo- Chap. XLIII.), whose oljject did not 
raneous account, I take this from Mor- distinctly require him to observe it. It 
ton's Memorial (148). The transac- appears to be equally unknown to Mr.- 
tion was one of special interest to the INIarsden (History of the Early Puritans, 
Plymouth people, and it may be pre- Chap. XL). And Mr. Anderson, in 
sumed that they were correctly in- his learned and not uncandid " History 
formed concerning it. It is not un- of the Church of England in the Colo- 
hkely that some, who had come to the nies" (I. 3G2 et seg,.), charges the treat- 
ordination, remained long enough to ment of the Brownes, above described, 
witness the consequent proceedings. to the Plj-mouth people, and founds 

The difference between the Massa- upon this mistake some strictures on an 

chusetts and Plymouth Colonies has not American writer, 

been understood by English students of ^ Mass. Col. Kec, I. 408. 

our history. Not only is it overlooked ^ " We have thought fit to give you 

by so good and so recent a writer as this order, that, unless he [Ralph Smith] 

Lord Mahon (History of England, &c., will be conformable to our government, 



300 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAKD. [Chap. 

or to be, within their chartered limits, except themselves 
and such others as they, in the exercise of an absolute 
discretion, saw fit to harbor. The policy of such a use 
of their right as was now made by their officer and rep- 
resentative, it is easy to understand, would, in exist- 
ing circumstances, appear to him equally evident. The 
English hierarchy was immensely powerful, both in its 
own resources and in the favor of an absolute monarch. 
Of its vigilance and cruelty the colonists had had a well- 
nigh ruinous experience. If it could keep its arms about 
them, they thoroughly knew from the past what they had 
to expect from it in the future. They had fled from it 
to the wild solitude of another continent. Should they 
suffer it to follow them, if they were able to keep it off? 
A conventicle of a score of persons using the Liturgy 
might be harmless ; but how long would the conventicle 
be without its surpliced priest, and when he had come, 
how far in the distance would be a bishop, armed with 
the powers of the High-Commission Court 1 

Religious intolerance, like every other public restraint, 
is criminal wherever it is not needful for the public safe- 
ty; it is simply self-defence, whenever tolerance would 
be public ruin. It may be, no doubt, that the danger, 
supposed to demand it, is overrated by a timid imagina- 
tion. But where it is strictly true that two sets of people 
cannot live with security in each other's presence, it is 
an idle casuistry which condemns the earlier comer and the 
stronger possessor for insisting on the unshared occupation 
of his place of residence. He may not only, through 
cowardice or ill-temper, too easily persuade himself that 
exclusiveness is essential to possession; he may further 
use unnecessary harshness in vindicating his exclusive 

you suffer him not to remain within the correction ; and if any prove incorrigi- 

Hmits of our grant." (Letter of the Com- ble, and will not be reclaimed by gen- 

pany to Endicott, April 17, 1629.) — tie correction, ship such persons home." 

"We desire, if it may be, that errors (Ibid.) — Comp. AVinthrop, I. 45,under 

may be reformed with lenity or mild the date of November 11, 1630. 



Vin.] MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 301 

claim to his own. But it is preposterous to maintain 
that, in the supposed circumstances, the right to ex- 
clude is not his, or that its exercise is not his bounden 
duty. And the right becomes of yet more value, and the 
duty more imperative and inevitable, when the good in 
question is one of such vast worth as religious freedom, 
to be protected by the possessor, not only for himself, but 
for the myriads, living and to be born, of whom he as- 
sumes to be^the pioneer and the champion. 

Meanwhile, a movement of the utmost importance, prob- 
ably meditated long before, was hastened by external pres- 
sure. The state of public affairs in England in the spring 
and summer of this year had brought numbers to the 
decision which had been heretofore approached with sor- 
rowful reluctance, and several persons of character and 
condition resolved to emigrate at once to the New World. 
It was necessary to their purpose to secure self- Transferor 
government, as far as it could be exercised by 
British subjects. Possibly events might permit 
and require it to be vindicated even beyond that line. At 
any rate, to be ruled in America by a commercial corpo- 
ration in England, was a condition in no sort accordant 
with their aim. At a General Court of the Com- 1629. 
pany, Cradock, the Governor, " read certain propo- -^"'^ ^^• 
sitions conceived by himself; viz. that for the advancement 
of the plantation, the inducing and encouraging persons 
of worth and quality to transplant themselves and families 
thither, and for other weighty reasons therein contained, 
[it is expedient] to transfer the government of the planta- 
tion to those that shall inhabit there, and not to continue 
the same in subordination to the Company here, as now 
it is." -^ The Corporation entertained the proposal, and, 

1 Mass. Col. Rec, I. 49. — "Mr. gis whom he had been talking with for 

Governor read certain propositions con- two or three years, or even that Burgis 

celved by himself." So writes Mr. felt called upon to record all that he 

Secretary Burgis in the Journal. But might know of the preparations behind 

it is not likely that Cradock told Bur- the scene. Hubbard says (Chap. 

VOL. I. 26 

. li 



the charter 
to New Eng 
land. 



302 



HISTOEY OF NEW ENGLAND. 



[Chap. 



Cambridge 
Aug. 26. 



in view of " the many great and considerable consequences 

thereupon depending," reserved it for deUberation. Two 

days before its next meeting, twelve gentlemen,^ assembled 

at Cambrido^e, pledged themselves to each other 

Agreement at o ' x o 

to embark for New England with their families 
for a permanent residence, provided an arrange- 
ment should be made for the charter and the administra- 
tion under it to be transferred to that country.^ Legal 
advice was obtained in favor of the authority to make the 
transfer; and on full consideration it was deter- 
mined, " by the general consent of the Company, 
that the government and patent should be settled in New 
England." The old officers resigned, and their places 
were filled with persons of whom most or all were ex- 
pecting to emigrate.^ John Winthrop was chosen Gov- 
ernor, with John Humphrey for Deputy-Governor, and 
eighteen others for Assistants. Humphrey's departure 
was delayed, and, on the eve of embarkation, his place 
was supplied by Thomas Dudley. 



Aug. 29. 



XVni.), that, -wlien Endicott -svas de- 
spatclied, in 1628, "he was fully in- 
structed with power from tlie Company 
to order all affairs, in the name of the 
patentees, as their agent, until them- 
selves should come over, which ivas at 
that time intended, but could not be ac- 
complished till the year 1630." 

1 Six of them are known to have 
been already members of the Massachu- 
setts Company, viz, Saltonstall, Vassall, 
Nowell, Pynchon, Johnson, and Hum- 
phrey, the name of the last of whom 
suggests the means of communication 
between the Dorchester and the Cam- 
bridge confederates. (See above, p. 
287, note 3.) Of the rest, Winthrop 
and Dudley first appeared at a court 
of the Company, October 15, 1629, and 
Thomas Sharpe, October 20. 

2 " We will so really endeavor the 
execution of this work as, by God's as- 
sistance, we will be ready in our per- 
sons, and with such of our several fam- 



ilies as are to go with us, to embark for 
the said plantation by the first of March 
next, to pass the seas, under God's pro- 
tection, to inhabit and continue in New 
England. Provided always, that, before 
the last of September next, the whole 
government, together with the patent 
for the said plantation, be first legally 
transferred." (Agreement at Cam- 
bridge, August 26, 1629, in Hutchin- 
son's Collections, 25, 26.) 

3 Cradock, the former Governor, was 
chosen one of the Assistants ; but I do 
not know that he ever intended to come 
over. The same may be said of Samuel 
Aldersey, Thomas Goffe, and Nathaniel 
Wright, the last of whom ojjposed the 
transfer of the charter. Cradock, Goffe, 
and Wright were three of the five per- 
sons in England intrusted soon after 
(December 1st) with the care of the 
joint stock, of which Aldersey was also 
Treasurer ; and this may have been the 
reason for choosing them to be Assistants. 



V.XX.J MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 303 

Winthrop, then forty-two years old, was descended from 
a family of good condition, long seated at Groton in Suf- 
folk, where he had a property of six or seven 

•'--'-*' A'ew officers 

hundred pounds a year, the equivalent of at least ofthecom- 
two thousand pounds at the present day. His 
father and grandfather were lawyers. Commanding un- 
common respect and confidence from an early age,^ he 
had moved in the circles w^here the highest matters of 
English policy were discussed, by men who had been asso- 
ciates of Whitgift, Bacon, Essex, and Cecil. Humphrey 
was " a gentleman of special parts, of learning and activ- 
ity, and a godly man " ; ^ in the home of his father-in-law, 
Thomas, third Earl of Lincoln, the head, in that day, of 
the now ducal house of Newcastle, he had been the fa- 
miliar companion of the patriotic nobles. Of the Assist- 
ants, Isaac Johnson, esteemed the richest of the emigrants, 
was another son-in-law of Lord Lincoln, and a land- 
holder in three counties. Sir Richard Saltonstall, of Hali- 
fax, in the West Riding of Yorkshire, was a bountiful 
contributor to the Company's operations.^ Thomas Dud- 
ley, with a company of volunteers which he had raised, 
had served, thirty years before, under Henry the Fourth 
of France ; since which time he had managed the estates 
of the Earl of Lincoln. Lie was old enough to have lent 
a shrill voice to the huzzas at the defeat of the Armada, 
and his military service had indoctrinated him in the lore 
of civil and religious freedom. Theophilus Eaton, an 
eminent London merchant, was used to courts, and had 
been minister of Charles the First in Denmark. Simon 
Bradstreet, the son of a Non-conformist minister in Lin- 
colnshire, and grandson of " a Suffolk gentleman of a fine 



1 Cotton Mather says (Book 11. Chap. 3 j jg y^Qi ]j;now how the name of 
IV. § 3), that Winthrop was "made, at Kichard Saltonstall, mentioned by Sir 
the unusually early age of eighteen, a Simonds D'Ewes (Autobiography, I. 
Justice of the Peace." But the state- 121, 140) as his contemporary at Cam- 
ment wants better evidence. bridge in 1618 and his "very entire 

2 Winthrop, History of New Eng- friend," is to be connected with this 
land, I. 332. gentleman. 



304 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. "^.C^ap. 

estate," had studied at Emanuel College, Cambridge. 
"William Vassall was an opulent West-India proprietor. 
" The principal planters of Massachusetts," says the preju- 
diced Chalmers, " were English country gentlemen of no 
inconsiderable fortunes; of enlarged understandings, im- 
proved by liberal education; of extensive ambition, con- 
cealed under the appearance of religious humility." ^ 

But it is not alone from what we know of the position, 
character, and objects of those few members of the Massa- 
„ . ^ chusetts Company who were proposinsr to emi- 

Position and r J ^ r r O 

character of grato at the early period now under our notice, 

its members. . - 

that we are to estimate the power and the pur- 
poses of that important corporation. It had been rapidly 
brought into the form which it noAV bore, by the political 
exigencies of the age. Its members had no less in hand 
than a wide religious and political reform, — whether to 
be carried out in New England, or in Old England, or 
in both, it was for circumstances, as they should unfold 
themselves, to determine. The leading emigrants to 
Massachusetts were of that brotherhood of men who, by 
force of social consideration as well as of intelligence and 
resolute patriotism, moulded the public opinion and ac- 
tion of England in the first half of the seventeenth cen- 
tury. While the larger part stayed at home to found, as 
it proved, the short-lived English republic, and to intro- 
duce elements into the English Constitution which had 
to wait another half-century for their secure reception, 
another part devoted themselves at once to the erection of 
free institutions in this distant wilderness. 

In an important sense, the associates of the Massachu- 
setts Company were builders of the British, as well as of 
the New-England Commonwealth. Some ten or twelve 
of them, including Cradock, the Governor, served in the 
Long Parliament. Of the four commoners of that Parlia- 
ment distinguished by Lord Clarendon as first in influence, 

1 History of the Revolt of the American Colonies, I. 58. 



VIIL] MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 305 

Yane had been Governor of the Company, and Hampden, 
Pym, and Fiennes, (all patentees of Connecticut,) if not 
members, were constantly consulted upon its affairs. The 
latter statement is also true of the Earl of Warwick, the 
Parliament's Admiral, and of those excellent persons, 
Lord Say and Sele and Lord Brooke, both of whom at 
one time proposed to ernigrate. The Company's meetings 
placed Win throp and his colleagues in relations with numer- 
ous persons destined to act busy parts in the stirring times 
that were approaching ; — with Brereton and Hewson, 
afterwards two of the Parliamentary Major-Generals ; with 
Philip Nye, who helped Sir Henry Vane to "cozen" the 
Scottish Presbyterian Commissioners in the phraseology of 
the Solemn League and Covenant ; ^ with Samuel Vassall, 
whose name shares with those of Hampden and Lord Say 
and Sele the renown of the refusal to pay ship-money, and 
of courting the suit which might ruin them or emancipate 
England ; with John Venn, who, at the head of six thou- 
sand citizens, beset the House of Lords during the trial 
of Lord Strafford, and whom, with three other Londoners, 
King Charles, after the battle of Edgehill, excluded from 
his offer of pardon ; with Owen Rowe, the " firebrand of the 
city " ; with Thomas Andrews, the Lord Mayor who pro- 
claimed the abolition of royalty. Sir John Young, named 
second in the original grant from the Council for New Eng- 
land, as well as in the charter from King Charles, sat in 
Cromwell's second and third Parliaments. Others of the 
Company, as Yane and Adams, incurred the Protector's 
displeasure by too uncomplying principles. Six or seven 
were members of the High Court of Justice for the king's 
trial, on which occasion they gave a divided vote. Four 
were members of the Committee of Peligion, the most 
important committee of Parliament; and one, the Coun- 
sellor John White, was its Chairman.^ 

1 Rushwortli, Historical Collections, ^ In the third volume of Archaso- 

V. 466, 467. — Clarendon, History of logia Americana (xlvii. et seq.) the 

the Rebellion, H. 232, 292. learned Secretary of the American 
26* 



306 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

A question lias been raised, whether the Company had 
a right, and was legally competent, to convey the charter 
across the ocean, and execute on a foreign soil the pow- 
Rightoftho 6rs conferred by it. Certain it is that no such 
Company to pi'oceedino: is forbidden by the letter of the in- 

convey its ■■■ '^ * 

charter to strumcnt ; and a not disingenuous casuistry might 
inquire, If the business of the Company may be 
lawfully transacted in a western harbor of Great Britain, 
why not under the king's flag in a ship at sea, or on the 
opposite shore 1 What were the king's purpose and expec- 
tation in respect to the removal, cannot be positively de- 
clared. It cannot be maintained that such a disposition 
of a colonial charter would be contrary to the permanent 
policy of England ; for other colonial charters, earlier and 
later, were granted, — Sir William Alexander's, William 
Penn's, Lord Baltimore's, those of Rhode Island and Con- 
necticut, — to be kept and executed without the realm. 

But, however that may be, those were not the times 
for such men as the Massachusetts patentees to ask what 
the king wished or expected, but rather how much of 
freedom could be maintained against him by the letter 
of the law or by other righteous means ; and no principle 
of jurisprudence is better settled, than that a grant is to 
be interpreted favorably to the grantees, inasmuch as the 
grantor, being able to protect himself, is to be presumed 
to have done so to the extent of his purpose. The emi- 
nent Puritan counsellor, John White, the legal adviser of 
the Company in all stages of this important proceeding, 
instructed them that they could legally use the charter in 
this manner. Very probably it had been drawn by his 
own hand, in the form in which it passed the seals, with 

Antiquarian Society, Mr. Haven, has logue of members of the Company con- 
presented a. body of most curious infor- tains a hundred and ten names. He 
mation, from which I have borrowed says (Ibid., cxxi.) that it "contains, 
above, in respect to these and other doubtless, the greater proportion of 
early freemen of the Company of Mas- members, and all who were at all prom- 
sachusetts Bay. Mr. Haven's cata- inent or influential." 



VIII.] 



MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 



307 



a care to have it free from any phraseology which might 
interfere with this disposition of it. Certainly Winthrop 
and his coadjutors may be pardoned for believing that it 
was legally subject to the use to which they put it, since 
such was the opinion of the crown lawyers themselves, 
when, in the second following generation, the question 
became important. In the very heat of the persecution 
which at length broke down the charter, the Chief Jus- 
tices, Rainsford and North, spoke of it as " making the 
Adventurers a corporation upon the place," and Sawyer, 
Attorney-General in the next reign, expressed the same 
opinion ; — " The patent having created the grantees and 
their assigns a body corporate, they might transfer their 
charter, and act in New England." ^ 



1 Chalmers, Annals, 173. — In treat- 
ing tills subject, Grahame (History of 
the Rise and Progress of the United 
States, I. 259) says : " An English cor- 
poration, appointed hij its charter to re- 
side in London, resolved itself, by its 
own act, into an American corporation, 
and transferred its residence to ]Massa- 
chusetts." On the contrary, the ab- 
sence from the charter of any limitation 
of residence appears to me to be one 
of the important points in the case. 
The Council for New England, char- 
tered to hold and govern territory there, 
had been constituted " one body politic 
and corporate," " in our toAvn of Ply- 
mouth, in the county of Devon." (See 
Hazard, I. 107.) The ]\Iassachusetts 
Company had not been " appointed by 
its charter to reside " anywhere. 

And if this omission seems significant, 
there is express language which ap- 
pears not less so. The charter em- 
powers the Company and their assigns, 
not to " send, carry, and transport," but, 
" out of any our realms and dominions 
whatsoever, to take, lead, carry, and 
transport, for and into their voyages, 
and for and towards the said plantation 
in New England, all such and so many 



of our loving subjects, or any other, 
strangers, that will become our loving 
subjects and live under our allegiance, 
as shall willingly accompany them in the 
same voyages and plantation." (Ibid., 
Ill, 112.) Edward Johnson, who was 
one of the emigrants of 1G30, says 
(Wonder- Working Providence of Sion's 
Saviour, Chap. VII.) : " It was thought 
meet a pattern [patent] should be 
procured, comprised after the manner 
of a corporation company or brother- 
hood, with as large liberty for govern- 
ment of this association as could be got 
under the broad seal of England, which 
accordingly was done by advice of one 
Mr. 'White, an honest counsellor at 
law, as also further by the honored 
Mr. Richard Belllngham." Both of 
these gentlemen were deeply interested 
in the movement. The former was the 
counsellor who has been mentioned as 
having been consulted upon the inter- 
pretation of the instrument ; the latter 
was afterwards Governor of the Com- 
pany and the Colony. Whether Johnson 
had been correctly informed or not, I 
incline strongly to the opinion that the 
charter was drawn by some one who 
had its ultimate transfer to America in 



308 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

He who well weighs the facts which have been pre- 
sented in connection with the principal emigration to 

Massachusetts, and other related facts which will 
spkitJd and offer themselves to notice as we proceed, may find 
XTdesign himself conducted to the conclusion, that, when 
of the move- ■\yinthrop aud his associates prepared to convey 

across the water a charter from the king, which, 
they hoped, would in their beginnings afford them some 
protection both from himself and through him from the 
powers of Continental Europe, they had conceived a pro- 
ject no less important than that of laying, on this side of 
the Atlantic, the foundations of a nation of Puritan Eng- 
lishmen, foundations to be built upon as future circum- 
stances should decide or allow. It would not perhaps be 
pressing the point too far to say, that, in view of the thick 
clouds that were gathering over their home, they contem- 
plated the possibility that the time was near at hand when 
all that was best of what they left behind would follow 
them to these shores ; when a renovated England, secure 
in freedom and pure in religion, would rise in North 
America; when a Transatlantic English empire would 
fulfil, in its beneficent order, the dreams of English patriots 
and sages of earlier times.^ 

If such were the aims of the members of the Massachu- 
setts Company, it follows that commercial operations were 
a merely incidental object of their association And, in 
fact, it does not appear that, as a corporation, they ever 

view, and tLat tlie project of that trans- tlie discernment of Burke, " Tliis col- 

fer was no afterthought, as it has been ony received its principal assistance 

considered. It is worthy of remark, from the discontent of several great 

that Johnson's omission, as well as men of the Puritan party, who were its 

White's (see above, p. 290), to notice protectors, and who entertained a de- 

the patent obtained from the Council for sign of settling amongst them in New 

New England, confirms the idea that England, if they should fail in the meas- 

the obtaining of that patent was only a ures they were pursuing for establishing 

subordinate transition step towards the the liberty and reforming the reUgion 

royal charter which had been already of their mother country." (Account of 

in contemplation. the European Settlements in America, 

1 Few things worth notice escaped II. 145.) 



Vin.] MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 309 

held for distribution any property except their land; or 
that they ever intended to make sales of their land in 
order to a division of the profits among the individual 
freemen; or that a freeman, by virtue of the franchise, 
could claim a parcel of land even for his own occupation ; ^ 
or that any money was ever paid for admission into the 
Company, as would necessarily have been done, if any 
pecuniary benefit was attached to membership. Sev- 
eral freemen of the Company — among others, the three 
who were first named in the charter,^ as well as in the 
patent from the Council for New England — appear to 
have never so much as attended a meeting. They were 
men of property and public spirit, who, without intend- 
ing themselves to leave their homes, gave their influence 
and their money to encourage such as were disposed to 
go out and establish religion and freedom in a new coun- 
try. 

The Company had no stock, in the sense in which that 
word is used in speaking of money corporations. What 
money was needed to procure the charter, to conduct the 
business under it, and carry out the scheme of coloniza- 
tion, was obtained neither by the sale of negotiable secu- 
rities, nor by assessment, but by voluntary contributions 
from individuals of the Company, and possibly from oth- 
ers, in such sums as suited the contributors respectively. 

1 John and Samuel Browne were free- cote, Hutchinson says (History, I. 16) : 
men of the Company, named as such in " It is very hkely the three persons first 
the charter ; but when they were " pro- named in this grant had nothing more 
posing to take their passage in the Com- in view by the purchase than a settle- 
pany's ships for New England," where ment for trade with the natives, or for 
they were to be Counsellors, it was fishing, or for other advantageous pur- 
" agreed by those present that for their poses. As soon as a colony for religion 
passage and diet they should pay five was projected, we hear no more of 
pounds each, and that for their encour- them." The fact is, we never hear of 
agement land should be allotted to them them till a colony for religion was pro- 
there, as if they had subscribed fifty jected, and then we hear of them at the 
pounds in the general stock." (Mass. head of the movement in its first two 
Col. Kec, I. 34.) important public stages. 

2 Of Roswell, Young, and South- 



310 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

These eontribiitions made up what is called in the rec- 
ords the Joint Stock, designed to be used in providing 
vessels and stores for the transportation of settlers. It is 
true that these contributors, called Adventurers, had more 
or less expectation of being remunerated for their outlay ; 
and for this purpose two hundred acres of land within the 
limits of the patent were pledged to them for every fifty 
pounds subscribed,-^ in addition to a proportional share 
of the trade which the government of the Company was 
expecting to carry on. But a share of the profits of trade, 
as of the land, was to be theirs, not because they were 
freemen, but because they were contributors, which many 
of the freemen were not, and perhaps others besides free- 
men were.^ 

When the transfer of the charter and of the govern- 
ment to America had been resolved upon, it was agreed, 
that at the end of seven years a division of the 

Arrangement * 

of financial profits of a proposcd trade in fish, furs, and 
other articles should be made among the Adven- 
turers agreeably to these principles ; and the management 
of the business was committed to a board consisting of 
five persons who expected to emigrate, and five who were 
to remain in England. But this part of the engagement 
appears to have been lost sight of; at least never to have 
been executed. It is likely that the commercial specula- 
tion was soon perceived to be unpromising ; and the outlay 
had been distributed in such proportions, that the loss was 

1 Mass. Col. Eec, I. 42, 43. effectual motive for contributions was 

2 la respect both to object and to a public one. For years after the es- 
methods, there is a resemblance, render- tablishment of the colony in ]\Iassachu- 
ing them mutually illustrative, between setts, it continued to be benefited by 
the Company of Massachusetts Bay and the bounty of its English patrons, 
the Kansas Aid Society, separated from . (Winthrop, II. 342.) And as this 
each other in time by two centuries must have been principally bestowed 
and a quarter. The latter society, as by the friends of the Assistants and 
well as the former, had a conditional other leading men, it must have oper- 
arrangement for reimbursing the con- ated as a means of sustaining their in- 
tributors to its funds. But the only fluence in the internal administration. 



VIII.] 



MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 



311 



not burdensome in any quarter. The richer partners sub- 
mitted to it silently, from public spirit; the poorer, as. a 
less evil than that of a further expense and risk of time 
and money. ^ 

From the ship Arbella,^ lying in the port of Yarmouth, 
the Governor and several of his companions took leave of 



1 Appropriations of land in the plan- 
tation, on the principle which has been 
explained, were made, not only to resi- 
dent contributors, but equally to non- 
residents, the lands to be occupied by 
their servants ; as at Maiden, Ipswich, 
and Marblehead to Cradock, who never 
came over, and at Watertown to Sir 
Eichard Saltonstall, who stayed but a 
year. The question of a method of 
reimbursement to the contributors was 
frequently under deliberation during 
the last five or six months before the 
departure of the expedition. (Mass. 
Col. Eec, I. 54-67.) A reduced val- 
uation of claims was agreed to, and the 
scheme, as finally matured, authorized 
the ten Trustees to accumulate funds 
for their redemption, at the expiration of 
seven years, from half the trade in furs, 
and from monopolies of the manufacture 
of salt, of the transportation of passengers 
and freight, and of the providing of mag- 
azines for storage. On the other hand, 
the Adventurers so privileged were to 
be charged with half the expense of 
churches and ministers, and of fortifi- 
cations and other public works. These 
were mutual liabilities, which probably, 
after a little experience, it was thought 
to be for the interest of both parties to re- 
lease. An indication of a tendency to- 
wards this conclusion appears in a vote 
of a court of the Company, held Decem- 
ber 1st: "That if those that intend to 
inhabit upon the plantation shall, before 
the first of January next, take upon 
them all the said engagements and oth- 
er charges of the joint stock, then the 
power and jirivileges of the undertakers 
to determine, and all the trade, &c., to 



be free." (Ibid., 55, 56, 59, 62-66.) 
Samuel Aldersey was chosen, Decem- 
ber 1st, to be Treasurer of the Trustees. 
(Ibid., 65, 69.) But we hear nothing 
of him after the embarkation. In 
February, 1630, a few weeks before 
Winthrop sailed, another appeal to 
benevolence was made. " It was pro- 
pounded that a ' common stock ' [so to 
be called in distinction from the "joint 
stock "] should be raised from such as 
bear good affection to the plantation 
and the propagation thereof, and the 
same to be employed only in defray- 
ment of public charges, as maintenance 
of ministers, transportation of poor fam- 
ilies, building of churches and fortifica- 
tions, and all other public and necessary 
occasions of the plantation." (Ibid., 
68.) Of this fund George Harwood 
was chosen Treasurer. The contrib- 
utors to it were to look for their re- 
imbursement to the fixed allowance 
of two hundred acres of land for every 
fifty pounds, and were to have no in- 
terest with the previous Adventurers 
in the profits of the trade. In 1634 
(Ibid., 128) and 1638 (Ibid., 238) 
the General Court called on Plarwood 
for his account. In 1635, the Colony 
paid Cradock fifty-five pounds (Ibid., 
165), and in 1647 (Ibid., II. 226) his 
executrix made a claim for six hundred 
and eighty pounds. 

2 Formerly The Eagle. She was of 
three hundred and fifty tons' burden, 
carried twenty-eight guns, and was nav- 
igated by fifty men. She had been 
bought by the Company, and received 
her new name in compliment to Lady 
Arbella (wife of Isaac) Johnson. 



company 
1630. 
April 7. 



\ . 
\ 

\, 
\ 

312 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

their native country by an address, whicli they entitled 
Departure of "The Humble Request of his Majesty's Loyal 
winthrop's s^ijnects, the Governor and the Company late 

company. J ' , 

1630. gone for New England, to the Rest of their Breth- 
ren in and of the Church of England." They 
Their "Hum- asked a favorablo construction of their enter- 
bie Request." p^.^gg^ ^ud good wlshcs aud prayers for its suc- 
cess. With a tenacious affection which the hour of parting 
made more tender, they said : " We esteem it our honor 
to call the Church of England, from whence we rise, 
our dear mother,^ and cannot part from our native coun- 
try, where she specially resideth, without much sadness 

of heart, and many tears in our eyes Wishing our 

heads and hearts may be as fountains of tears for your 
everlasting welfare, when we shall be in our poor cottages 
in the wilderness, overshadowed with the spirit of suppli- 
cation, through the manifold necessities and tribulations 
which may not altogether unexpectedly, nor, we hope, 
unprofitably, befall us, and so commending you to the 
grace of God in Christ, we shall ever rest your assured 
friends and brethren." The address is said to have been 
drawn up by Mr. White of Dorchester. 

The incidents of the voyage are minutely related in a 

journal begun by the Governor on shipboard off the Isle 

• March 29. o^ AVight. Prcaching and catechizing, fasting 

and thanksgiving, were duly observed. A record 

Their voyage. «, ., f , , • ,^ , -i ' 

of the writer s meditations on the great design 
which occupied his mind while he passed into a new 
world and a new order of human affairs, would have been 
a document of the profoundest interest for posterity. But 
the diary contains nothing of that description. On the 

1 This profession of attachment to ther one nor the other was the Church, 

the Church of England has been con- nor were both. The question upon their 

strued as a profession of attachment to forms was then in agitation in England, 

its government and ritual. But what as well as in Scotland. As to Scotland, 

the government and ritual would ulti- it was ultimately determined in one 

mately be, was then uncertain, and nei- way ; as to England, in another. 



Vni.] MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 313 

voyage Winthrop composed a little treatise, which he 
called ."A Model of Christian Charity." It breathes the 
noblest spirit of philanthropy. The reader's mind kindles 
as it enters into the train of thought in which the author 
referred to " the work we have in hand. It is," he said, 
" by a mutual consent, through a special overruling Provi- 
dence, and a more than an ordinary approbation of the 
churches of Christ, to seek out a place of cohabitation 
and consortship under a due form of government both civil 
and ecclesiastical^ ^ The forms and institutions under 
which liberty, civil and religious, is consolidated and 
assured, were floating vaguely in the musings of that 
hour. 

The Arbella arrived at Salem after a passage of nine 
weeks, and was joined in a few days by three vessels 
which had sailed in her company. The Assist- juneia. 
ants, Ludlow and Rossiter, with a party f^om'^''®''''™'''''- 
the west country, had landed at Nantasket a fortnight 
before, and some of the Leyden people, on their way to 
Plymouth, had reached Salem a little earlier yet. Seven 
vessels from Southampton made their voyage three or 
four weeks later. Seventeen in the whole came before 
winter, bringing about a thousand passengers." 

It is desirable to understand how this population, des- 
tined to be the germ of a state, was constituted. Of 
members of the Massachusetts Company, it cannot be 
ascertained that so many as twenty had come over. That 

1 Mass. Hist. Coll., XXVII. 45. riymouth [Ludlow's, the Mary and 

2 For the common reckoning of //- John] carried about one hundred and 
teen hundred I suppose there is no forty persons, and the ship which goes 
earlier or better authority than the from Bristowe carrieth about eighty 
Charlestown Records, compiled in 1664. persons." These eighty persons, how- 
"Winthrop, in a letter to his wife from ever, were destined for Plymouth, leav- 
Cowes, says (Winthrop, I. 368) : "We ing eight hundred and forty for the 
are, in all our eleven ships, about seven number of emigrants to Massachusetts 
hundred persons, passengers, and two Bay ; and the four other vessels of the 
hundred and forty cows, and about six- seventeen did not so much convey pas- 
ty horses. The ship which went from seugers as stores and goods for trading 

VOL. I. 27 



314 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap, 

Company, as has been explained, Avas one formed mainly 
for the furtherance, not of any private interests, but of a 
great public object. As a corporation, it had obtained the 
ownership of a large American territory, on which it de- 
signed to place a colony which should be a refuge for 
civil and religious freedom. By combined counsels, it had 
arranged the method of ordering a settlement, and the 
liberality of its members had provided the means of trans- 
porting those who should compose it. This done, the 
greater portion were content to remain, and await the 
course of events at home, while a few of their number 
embarked to attend to the providing of the asylum which 
very soon might be needed by them all. It may be safely 
concluded that most of the persons who accompanied the 
emigrant members of the Company to New England, sym- 
pathized with them in their object. It may be inferred 
from the common expenditures which were soon incurred, 
that considerable sums of money w^ere brought over. And 
almost all the settlers may be presumed to have belonged 
to one or another of the four following classes : — 1. Those 
who paid for their passage, and who were accordingly 
entitled on their arrival to a grant of as much land as if 
they had subscribed fifty pounds to the " common stock " 
of the Company ; ^ 2. Those who, for their exercise of some 
profession, art, or trade, were to receive specified remuner- 
ation from the Company in money or land ; ^ 3. Those who 
paid a portion of their expenses, and, after making up the 

1 Mass. Col. Rec, I. 34, 35. This quary, the Reverend Mr. Hunter, says 

liberality, however, -vvas perhaps pecu- (Mass. Hist. Coll., XXX. 171) that it 

liar to the case of individuals, whom it " consisted very much of persons who, 

was thought desirable to tempt to make though not of the very first rank, were 

the voyage. The allowance of land yet men of substance and good alUances, 

afterwards set against passage-money will-making families, families 

was only fifty acres Instead of two hun- high in the subsidy-books, while some 

dred. Compare ArchcTol. Amer., HI. of them, as the WInthrops, were among 

28.— Of the emigration which " fol- the principal gentry of the county." 
lowed Governor Winthrop from his 2 Mass. Col. Rec, I. 29, 30, 37. 
own county," that learned English anti- «.;>.^- 



VIII.] MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 315 

rest by labor at the rate of three shillings a clay, were to 
receive fifty acres of land ; ^ 4. Indented servants, for 
whose conveyance their masters were to be remunerated 
at the rate of fifty acres of land for each.^ All English- 
men were eligible to the franchise of the IMassachusetts 
Company ; but, until elected by a vote of the existing free- 
men, no one had any share in the government of the plan- 
tation, or in the selection of its governors. 

The reception of the new-comers was discouraging. 
More than a quarter part of their predecessors at Salem 
had died during the previous winter, and many sickness 
of the survivors were ill or feeble. The faith- ^"'^^^^"^• 
ful Higeinson was wasting with a hectic fever, 

oo O ^ Aug. 6. 

which soon proved fatal. There was a scarcity 
of all sorts of provisions, and not corn enough for a fort- 
night's supply after the arrival of the fleet. " The re- 
mainder of a hundred and eighty servants," who, in the 
two preceding years, had been conveyed over at a heavy 
cost, were discharged from their indentures, to escape the 
expense of their maintenance. Sickness soon began to 
spread, and, before the close of autumn, had proved fatal 
to two hundred of this year's emigration.^ Death aimed 
at the " shining mark " he is said to love. Lady Arbella 
Johnson, coming " from a paradise of plenty and pleasure, 
which she enjoyed in the family of a noble earldom, into a 
wilderness of wants," ^ survived her arrival only a month ; 
and her husband, singularly esteemed and beloved by the 
colonists, died of sjrief a few weeks after. "He 

11 1 • 1 T -I • Sept. 30. 

was a holy man and wise, and died in sweet 
peace." ^ 

Giving less than a week to repose and investigations at 
Salem, Winthrop proceeded with a party in quest of some 
more attractive place of settlement. He traced the Mys- 

1 Mass. Col. Rec, I. 35. ^ Hubbard, 133. 

2 ArchjBol. Amer., III. 28. 5 Winthrop, I. 34. 

3 Dudley to the Countess of Lincoln. 



316 HISTOEY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

Examination tic Elvei' a few Hiiles up from its mouth, and, after 
ofthecoim- ^ three days' exploration, returned to Salem to 
June 17. l^eep the Sabbath. "When ten or eleven vessels 
had arrived, a day of public thanksgiving was 
^"'^ ^' observed in acknowledgment of the Divine good- 
ness which had so far prospered the enterprise. 

After a sufficient pause for deliberation and conference 

concerning the forms of organization of the new society, 

the subject of an ecclesiastical settlement was the 

Ecclesiastical «^ 

settlement, first uiattcr to reccivc attention. On a day sol- 
"^ ' emnized with prayer and fasting, the Reverend 
Mr. Wilson, after the manner of proceeding in the year 
before at Salem, entered into a church covenant with 
Winthrop, Dudley, and Johnson.^ Two days after, on 
Sunday, they associated with them three of the Assistants, 
Mr. Nowell,Mr. Sharpe, and Mr. Bradstreet, and two other 
persons, Mr. Gager and Mr. Colburn.^ Others were pres- 
ently added; and the church, so constituted, elected Mr. 
Wilson to be its teacher, and ordained him to 
that charge at Mishawum. At the same time, Mr. 
Nowell was chosen to be ruling elder, and Mr. Gager and 
Mr. Aspinwall to be deacons. From the promptness of 
these measures, it is natural to infer that they had been 
the subject of consideration and concert before the landing.^ 

1 For this Covenant, see Drake's In the Bay ; but, blessed be God, more 
History of Boston, 93, or Emerson's friends. The Governor hath had confer- 
Historical Sketch of the First Church, 11. ence with me, both In private, and before 

2 Letter of Fuller and WInslow to sundry others. Opposers there is not 
Bradford, In Bradford, 277-279. wanting, and Satan is busy ; but, if the 

3 Before Phillips, presently minister Lord be for us, who can be against us ? 
of Watertown, had been on shore a fort- The Governor hath told me he hoped we 
night, he told Fuller that, " if they would will not be wanting in helping them, so 
have him stand minister by that calling that I think you will be sent for. Here 
which he received from the prelates In is a gentleman, one Mr. Cottington, a 
England,hewouldleavethem." (Fuller's Boston man, who told me that Mr. 
Letter to Bradford, June 28, In Mass. Cotton's charge at Hampton was that 
Hist. Coll., in. 74.) Yet Phillips had they should take advice of them at Ply- 
been one of the signers of the " Humble mouth, and should do nothing to offend 
Eequest." (See above, p. 312.) Fuller them. Captain Endicott, my dear friend 
wrote : " We have some privy enemies and a friend to us all, is a second Bar- 



VIIL] MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 317 

But there was some lingering scruple respecting the inno- 
vation on accustomed forms; and either for the general 
satisfaction, or to appease some doubters, " the imposition 
of hands " was accompanied with " this protestation by all, 
that it was only as a sign of election and confirmation." ^ 

In the choice of a capital town, attention was turned to 
Mishawum, already called Charlestown. Here, ten weeks 
after the landing, the first Court of Assistants 

. • . . - n t Courts of 

on this side oi the water was convened. The Assistants. 
Assistants present were Saltonstall, Ludlow, Eos- ^"^" ^' 
siter, Nowell, Sharpe, Pynchon, and Bradstreet. Three 
others were in the country ; Johnson, Endicott, and Cod- 
dington. The question first considered was that of pro- 
vision for the ministers. It was " ordered that houses be 
built for them with convenient speed at the public charge. 
Sir Richard Saltonstall undertook to see it done at his 
plantation [Watertown] for Mr. Phillips, and the Gov- 
ernor at the other plantation for Mr. Wilson." Allow- 
ances of thirty pounds a year to each of these gentlemen 
were to be made at the common charge of the settle- 
ments, " those of Mattapan and Salem exempted," as being 
already provided with a ministry.^ Provision was also 

ro-w." All this evidently expresses Ful- may be considered decisive. Besides, 
ler's solicitude respecting the pending this was only a Court of Assistants, and 
question of the ecclesiastical constitu- the Assistants had no power of such elec- 
tion of the new colony. Fuller, as has tion by the charter, nor, as yet, by any 
been related, had secured Endicott's order of the Company, though an order 
sympathy and concurrence in the pre- to that effect was made soon after. That 
ceding year learned antiquary, Mr. Drake, (History 

1 Winthrop, I. 31 -33. of Boston, 94,) argues very ingeniously 

2 Johnson (Wonder-Working Prov- in defence of Johnson's statement, but 
idence, Chap. XVII.) says that the I cannot come to his conclusion. 
Court was holden on board of the Ar- 3 Kossiter and Ludlow, who, " with 
bella, and that it chose Winthrop and many godly famihes and people from 
Dudley to be respectively Governor Devonshire, Dorsetshire, and Somerset- 
and Deputy-Governor The former shire," had set sail from Plymouth two 
statement may be correct, but scarcely or three weeks before Winthrop, in a 
the latter. Winthrop and Dudley had vessel of four hundred tons, were ac- 
been already chosen in England for the companied by two ministers, Mv. War- 
year. The public records say nothing of ham and Mr. Maverick. The proceed- 
an election, which in such a matter ings in respect to these gentlemen are 

27* 



318 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

made for Mr. Graves as engineer and Mr. James as bea- 
dle. It was ordained " that carpenters, joiners, brick- 
layers, sawers, and thatchers should not take above two 
shillings a day, nor any man should give more, under pain 
of ten shillings to taker and giver " ; and " sawers " were 
restricted as to the price they might take for boards. The 
use or removal of boats or canoes, without the owner's 
leave, was prohibited, under penalty of fine and imprison- 
ment. Saltonstall, Johnson, Endicott, and Ludlow were 
aj)pointed to be Justices of the Peace, besides the Gov- 
ernor and Deputy-Governor, who were always to have 
that trust by virtue of their higher office. And " it was 
ordered that Morton, of Mount Woolison, should pres- 
ently be sent for by process."-^ Morton had lately 
been brought back to Plymouth by Allerton (who 
incurred much censure on that account),^ and, repairing 
to Mount Wollaston, had resumed his old courses. 

A recital of the action of the Board of Assistants at 
their first meetings on this continent wdll explain the 
early exigencies of their administration, and the view en- 
tertained by them of their duties and powers. At a sec- 
ond Court, held at Charlestown, the following business 

remarkable, exlilbiting no less than tlie day ; and in the latter part of the day, 
adoption by Massachusetts emigrants, as the people did solemnly make choice 
before leaving England, of the congre- of and call those godly ministers to be 
gational model of church government, their officers, so also the Reverend Mr. 
and that too with the countenance of Warham, a famous preacher at Exeter, 
Mr. White of Dorchester, who for this and ]\Ir. Maverick did exjiress the 
occasion seems to have set light by his same." Clap, who records this trans- 
relation to the Established Church, action (j\Iemoirs of Captain Roger Clap, 
"These godly people resolved to live 21), appears to represent himself as an 
together; and therefore, as they had eyewitness to it. — Prince (Chron. Hist., ' 
made choice of those two reverend ser- 200), on the authority of a manuscript 
vants of God, JMr. John Warham and letter, says that Warham and IMaverick 
]!ilr. John Maverick to be their minis- were "at the same time ordained." — 
ters, so they kept a solemn day of fasting Eossiter's company, having landed at 
in the new hospital at Plymouth in Eng- Nantasket (May 30), first proceeded to 
land, sjiending it in preaching and pray- the site of Watertown, and then to that 
ing ; where that worthy man of God, the of Dorchester (IMattapan) , where they 
Reverend Mr. John White of Dorches- concluded to fix themselves, 
ter, in Dorset, was present, and preached ^ Mass. Col. Rec., I. 73, 74. 
the word of God in the fore part of the 2 Bradford, 252, 253. 



VIII.] MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 319 

was transacted. It was agreed " that every third Tuesday- 
there should be a Court of Assistants held at 

Sept. 7. 

the Governor's house." It was " ordered that 
Thomas Morton of Mount Wollaston should presently be 
set into the bilboes, and after sent prisoner to England by 
the ship called the Gift, now returning thither ; that all 
his goods should be seized upon to defray the charge of his 
transportation, payment of his debts, and to give satisfac- 
tion to the Indians for a canoe he unjustly took away from 
them ; and that his house should be burned down to the 
ground, in sight of the Indians, for their satisfaction for 
many wrongs he hath done them from time to time." Mr. 
Clarke was directed to pay to John Baker the sum of 
thirty-eight shillings, for cheating him in a sale of cloth. 
A stipend was granted to Mr. Patrick and Mr. Underhill, 
as military instructors and officers. The names of Boston, 
Dorchester, and Watertown were assigned to the places 
which still bear them. And it was ordered that no plan- 
tation should be made within the limits of the patent, with- 
out permission from a majority of the board of Governor 
and Assistants, and that " a warrant should presently be 
sent to Agawam [Ipswich], to command those that are 
planted there forthwith to come away."-^ 

At a third Court, also held at CharlestoAvn, regulations 

1 The friends of the colonists at Lome tion. The Board, being always ready 
were meanwhile exerting themselves to give their best assistance to works of 
successfully in their behalf. 1C30, Sep- this kind, which aim at the propagation 
tember 29, the Lords of the Privy of the Christian religion, the honor of his 
Council received a petition from the Majesty, and increase of trade, thought 
Governor and Company of the Massa- fit, and ordered, that his Majesty's Attor- 
chusetts Bay, praying, — 1. leave to ney-General shall be praj-ed and re- 
transport provisions (which was grant- quired to call unto him the Governor or 
ed) ; 2. a stopping of the disorderly such Assistants of the said Company as 
trade of fishermen and other interlopers, are here in England, and, upon confer- 
by enforcement of the proclamation of ence with them, to insert them into a 
the twentieth year of James, November draft of a proclamation, and prepare a 
6, " with some other needful and benef- bill fit for his Majesty's signature." 
icent additions, which might tend to the (Journal of the Privy Council.) Secre- 
safety and prosperity of the said planta- tary Coke was present at the meeting. 



320 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

were enacted against allowing the Indians the use of fire- 
arms, and asrainst partinsf with corn to them, 

Sept. 28. ~ . , . . . 

or sending it out of the jurisdiction, without 
a license. Constables were appointed for Salem and 
Dorchester. The wages of common laborers were fixed 
at sixpence a day, and those of mechanics who were em- 
ployed in building at sixteen pence, in addition to " meat 
and drink." Order was given for the seizure of " Kichard 
Clough's strong water, for his selling great quantity there- 
of to several men's servants, which was the occasion of 
much disorder, drunkenness, and misdemeanor." The 
execution of a contract between certain parties for the 
keeping of cattle, was defined and enforced. Sir Richard 
Saltonstall was fined four bushels of malt for absenting 
himself from the meeting. Thomas Gray, for " divers 
things objected against him," was ordered "to remove 
himself out of the limits of this patent before the end of 
March next." " For the felony committed by him, where- 
of he was convicted by his own confession," John Goul- 
burn, as principal, and three other persons, as accessaries, 
were sentenced " to be whipped, and afterwards set in the 
stocks." Servants, " either man or maid," were forbidden 
to " give, sell, or truck any commodity whatsoever, with- 
out license from their master, during the time of their 
service." An allowance was made to Captains Underhill 
and Patrick for quarters and rations ; and, for their main- 
tenance, a rate of fifty pounds was levied, of which sum 
Boston and "Watertown were assessed eleven pounds each, 
Charlestown and Dorchester seven pounds each, Roxbury 
five pounds, and Salem and Mystic each only three 
pounds, — a sort of indication of the estimated wealth of 
those settlements respectively. 

The public business proceeded at the next two Courts 

after the same manner. A restriction, which it seems had 

existed under Endicott's administration, on the 

price of beaver, was removed. A bounty was of- 



VIII.] MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 321 

fered for the killing of wolves, to be paid by the owners 
of domestic animals in sums proportioned to the amount of 
their stock. Encouragement was given, by a legal rate of 
toll, to the setting up of a ferry between Charlestown and 
Boston. A servant of Sir Richard Saltonstall was sentenced 
to "be whipped for his misdemeanor towards his master" ; 
and bonds were taken for good behavior in a case of " strong 
suspicion of incontinency." Sir Richard Salton- 

■•• • f, . . Nov. 30. 

stall was fined five pounds for whipping two per- 
sons without the presence of another Assistant. A man 
was ordered to be whipped for fowling on the Sabbath- 
day ; another for stealing a loaf of bread ; and another for 
breaking an engagement to pilot a vessel, with the privi- 
lege, however, of buying off the punishment with forty 
shillings. The employers of one Knapp, who was indebted 
to Sir Richard Saltonstall, and of his son, were directed to 
apply half of their wages to the discharge of the debt. An 
assessment of sixty pounds was laid on six settlements for 
the maintenance of Mr. Wilson and Mr. Phillips, of which 
sum Boston and Watertown were to pay twenty pounds 
each, and Charlestown half as much ; and Roxbury, Mys- 
tic, and Winnisimmet were charged with six pounds, 
three pounds, and one pound respectively.^ 

An epidemic sickness at Charlestown was ascribed to 
the want of good water.^ An ample supply of it being 
found in Boston, a portion of the people removed General 
to that peninsula ; ^ and there, for the first time bos"oi!" 
after their arrival on this continent, was held one °''*' ■'^• 
of those quarterly General Courts of the Company of 

1 Mass. Col. Eec, I. 75 - 78, 81, 82. these people were In. And that which 

2 « Almost in every family lamenta- added to their present distress was the 
tion, mourning, and woe was heard, and want of fresh water." (Johnson, Won- 
no fresh food to be had to cherish them, der- Working Providence, Chap. XVII.) 
It would assuredly have moved the 3 Blaxton Is said to have invited 
most locked-up affections to tears, no them across the channel. He had prob- 
doubt, had they passed from one hut to ably come to Boston Bay with Robert 
another, and beheld the piteous case Gorges In 1623. (See above, p. 206.) 



322 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

Massachusetts Bay, which were prescribed in a provision 
of the charter. 

A hundred and eighteen persons, including several of 
the earlier planters, gave notice at this Court of their de- 
sire to be admitted to the freedom of the Company. Per- 
haps it was in anticipation of the doubtful result of such 
Adoption of an irruption of strangers, that a rule was adopt- 



newi-uiesfor ^^^ materially diifering from that of the charter, 



election and 



legislation. £qj, ^j^g clioico of tlic liighcst magistrates, the 
enacting of laws, and the appointment of ministerial 
officers. The Company delegated important attributes of 
their power to the Assistants. It was ordered that As- 
sistants only, " when there are to be chosen," should in 
future be chosen by the Company at large ; and that the 
Assistants, with a Governor and Deputy-Governor, to be 
elected by them from their own number, " should have 
the power of making laws and choosing officers to exe- 
cute the same." The arrangement soon proved to be out 
of harmony with the spirit of the time and the place. It is 
not difficult to understand why it was speedily abandoned ; 
but neither is its adoption under the circumstances matter 
of surprise. By the time the emigrants had been four 
months on shore, the vastness of their enterprise must 
have begun to reveal to them its difficulties, and to be 
contemplated with profound solicitude. It had become 
evident that occasions were to arise, such as would call for 
great experience, capacity, and firmness in the govern- 
ment. It was not unnatural that the less qualified of the 
Company should shrink from such a trust, and should be 
inclined to repose it in such of their number as were es- 
teemed the most competent, as well as that they should de- 
sire to obtain a degree of security against persons about to 
become their associates. But while considerations like 
these may have conciliated to the measure the approba- 
tion of disinterested men, whether possessing or not pos- 
sessing the franchise, a further explanation of what took 



VIIL] 



MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 



323 



place may be thought to present itself in the fact, that, in 
this general meeting which reposed such trust in the 
magistrates, the eight magistrates who were present per- 
haps constituted the majority of legal voters,^ though it 
seems that on so important an occasion they thought it 
expedient to seek the concurrence of others who might 
presently be admitted to the Company, and the measure 
" was fully assented unto by the general vote of the peo- 
ple, and erection of hands." ^ 

The plantations through which the Massachusetts set- 
tlers were scattered were now eight in number; namely, 
Salem, Charlestown, Dorchester, Boston, Water- 

Settlements 

town, Roxbury (where Mr. Pynchon, one of the about Boston 
Assistants, had sat down with a party), Mystic 
(assigned to Mr. Cradock, and occupied for him by some 



1 Jolinson and Higginson were now 
dead, and Vassall, Briglit, Revell, and 
Thomas Sharpe had returned home. 
So that, besides the Governor, Deputy- 
Governor, and Assistants, I think it can- 
not be positively shown that, in October, 
1630, there was in Massachusetts a sin- 
gle freeman of the Company, except 
John Glover of Dorchester, who, from 
his having been a Deputy in the Gen- 
eral Court, without being made a free- 
man on this side of the water, and from 
his subscription to the stock in May, 
1628 (Felt, Annals of Salem, 509), may 
be concluded to have possessed the fran- 
chise before he emigrated. Samuel 
Sharpe of Salem, Abraham Palmer of 
Charlestown, William Colburn of Bos- 
ton, and the ministers, Skelton and 
Phillijjs, had been variously connected 
with the Company in England ; but it 
seems that they had not actually ob- 
tained its franchise there, since we find 
them to have applied for it in Massachu- 
setts in October, 1630, (Mass. Col. Eec, 
I. 79, 80,) and to have received it accord- 
ingly, — Sharpe in July, 1632, the rest 



in May, 1631. (Ibid., 366, 367.) When 
Sharpe was chosen an Assistant in Eng- 
land, in October, 1629, (Ibid., 60,) it 
must have been only in anticipation of 
his becoming a freeman. And we read 
that, in February, 1630, "Mr. Koger 
Ludlow was chosen and sworn an As- 
sistant in the room of Mr. Samuel 
Shai-pe, who, by reason of his absence, 
had not taken the oath." (Ibid., 69.) 
He, as well as Palmer and Skelton, came 
over Avith Higginson almost immediately 
after the charter was in the Company's 
hands, and probably before arrange- 
ments were made for the admission of 
new associates. Phillips first appears 
in the records of the Company when the 
Arbella was off the Isle of Wight, ready 
to sail. Colburn signed the " Agree- 
ment at Cambridge," but his name does 
not otherwise occur in connection with 
the Company's doings in England, un- 
less (which is altogether uncertain) he 
was the " Mr. Colbrand " who was pres- 
ent at two meetings in August, 1629. 
(Ibid., 50.) 
2 Ibid., 79. 



224: HISTOKY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

servants), and Saiigus (Lynn), to which place some 
emigrants of the last year had probably strayed from 
Salem.-^ Before winter, the Governor and several of the 
principal persons liad erected and occupied some rude 
temporary habitations on the peninsula of Boston. A 
fortification was projected, and the narrow isthmus which 
connects Boston with Roxbury was fixed on for 

Dec. 6. . . . "^ 

its Site ; but before anything was done further 

than to collect some materials, the spot Avhich is now Old 

Cambrids^e was preferred, and the Governor and 

Dec. 28. ° ^ . 

all but two of the Assistants engaged together 
to build houses there in the following year.^ 

With the wretched shelter which was all that most of 
the recent emigrants had been able to provide, the winter, 
Sickness and from tho last week in December, when the cold 
famine. g^^ jj^^ ^q ^j-^g middle of February, proved griev- 
ously severe. Many died of the scurvy, which disease, 
Winthrop thought, especially afiected " such as fell into 
discontent, and lingered after their former conditions in 
England." ^ Sufiering from want of food was added to the 
distresses of the time. Shell-fish had to serve for meat ; 
ground-nuts and acorns for bread. It was a welcome re- 
lief when a vessel sent to the southern side of 

November. r^ ^ it tiiii /^ 

Cape Cod procured a hundred bushels oi corn. 

The scarcity of bread-stufi's in England was such, that for 

every bushel of imported flour, when it was to be had, 

the colonists had paid fourteen shillings sterling. A fast 

jg3i. had been appointed to be kept throughout the 

^^^■^- settlements, to implore Divine succor. The day 

1 Lewis, History of Lynn, pp. GO, Gl. understood to be what is now Old Cam- 

2 Dudley, Lptter to the Countess of bridge or Watertown ; but this could 
Lincoln. They had, he says, before not be, for Dudley says that the reason 
thought of a place " three leagues up of their sitting down at Watertown and 
Charles Eiver." This would correspond other near places was that they were 
to what is now Waltham or Weston, too much disabled by sickness to carry 
and I think it very likely to have been their " ordnance and baggage so far " as 
near the mouth of Stony Brook, which " three leagues up Charles Eiver." 
divides those two towns. It has been ^ Winthrop, I. 45. 



VIII.] 



MASSAC-HUSETTS BAY. 



325 



before that which was to be thus solemnized, a vessel 
arrived from England with supplies, and a pub- 



Feb. 22. 



lie thanksgiving was substituted.^ 

For three months, there is no record of Courts of As- 
sistants after those whose proceedings have been related. 
They were probably suspended because of the cold weath- 
er. When resumed, they were 2:enerally held with 

'' <^ •' Renewal of 

regular intervals of three weeks, their business counsof 
being that of adjudicating as well as legislating 
upon matters of organization, criminal and civil jurispru- 
dence, probate, and police. An order was passed for re- 
shix3ping to England six persons, of whose offence legj. 
nothing more is recorded than that they were ^^^^'^^i- 
" persons unmeet to inhabit here," and for sending Sir 
Christopher Gardiner and Mr. Wright " prisoners into 
England by the ship Lion, now returning thither." The 
constable of Dorchester was fined five pounds "for taking' 



1 Mather says (Magnalia, Book II. 
Chap. IV. §6) that, when this vessel 
appeared, the Governor " was distribut- 
ing the last handful of the meal in the 
barrel unto a poor man distressed by 
the "wolf at the door." Contemporary 
relations are more to the purpose, as 
those of Clap and Johnson, who came 
with "WInthrop's fleet. " O the hun- 
ger that many suffered ! " writes Clap 
(Memoirs, p. 14), "and saw no hope 
in an eye of reason to be supplied, only 
by clams, and mussels, and fish." " In 
the absence of bread," says Johnson, 
" they feasted themselves with fish ; the 
women once a day, as the tide gave 
way, resorted to the mussels, and clam- 
banks, which are a fish as big as horse- 
mussels, where they daily gathered their 
families food with much heavenly dis- 
course of the provisions Christ had 
formerly made for many thousands of 
his followers in the wilderness. Quoth 
one, ' My husband hath travelled as 
far as Plymouth,' (which is near forty 

VOL. I. 28 



miles,) ' and hath with great toil brought 
a little corn home with him, and be- 
fore that Is spent, the Lord will as- 
suredly provide.' Quoth the other, 
' Our last peck of meal is now in the 
oven at home a-baking, and many of 
our godly neighbors have quite spent 
all, and we owe one loaf of that little 
Ave have.' Then spake a third, 'My 
husband hath ventured himself among 
the Indians, for corn, and can get none, 
as also our honored Governor hath dis- 
tributed his so far, that a day or two more 
win put an end to his store, and all the 
rest ; and yet methinks our cluldren are 
as cheerful, fat, and lusty with feeding 
upon those mussels, clam-banks, and oth- 
er fish, as they were i;i England Avith 
their fill of bi-ead ; which makes me 
cheerful in the Lord's providing for us, 
being further confirmed by the exhor- 
tation of our pastor to trust the Lord 
with providing for us, whose is the earth 
and the fulness thereof" (Wonder- 
Working Providence, Chap. XXIV.) 



326 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

upon him to marry" a couple. The employment of In- 
dians in families, without license from the Court, and pay- 
ments to them in silver or gold coin, were forbidden. A 
quack was sentenced to pay a fine, besides being made 
liable to an action for damages, for pretending " to cure 
the scurvy by a water of no worth nor value, which he sold 
at a very dear rate." A " surveyor of the ordnance and 
cannoneer." was appointed, with an annual stipend of 
ten pounds. Sir Richard Saltonstall was ordered 

March 8. • n tt 

to satisfy two Indians for the loss of their wig- 
wams, burned by his careless servants. "Thomas Fox, 
servant of Mr. Cradock," was sentenced to be whipped, 
for uttering scandalous speeches against the Court. 

The charter required the presence of seven Assistants 
with the Governor or Deputy-Governor to give legal force 
to the action of a Court of Assistants. A departure from 
this provision seemed to be demanded by the necessity 
of the case ; and a Court of Assistants, " in regard the 
number of Assistants were but few, and some of them go- 
ing for England," adopted the rule, "that, whensoever the 
number of Assistants resident within the limits of this ju- 
risdiction should be fewer than nine, it should be lawful for 
the major part of them to keep a Court; and whatsoever 
orders or acts they made should be as legal and authentical 
as if there were the full number of seven or more."^ Sooner 
than keep up the legal number of Assistants by an elec- 
tion of inferior men, they did not scruple to disregard the 
restrictions of their fundamental and constituent law. 

The rule which had limited the wages of artificers and 

workmen was rescinded. Towns were ordered to take care 

to have every person within their limits, " except 

March 22. • . *' "^ . . . • i 

magistrates and ministers, provided with arms, 
those of ability at their own expense, others at that of the 
town. Such as had "cards, dice, or tables in their houses," 
were to "make away with them before the next Court, 

1 Mass. Col. Eec, I. 82-84. 



VIII.] MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 327 

under pain of punishment." Three men were sentenced 
to be " whipped for stealing three pigs." Patrols of four 
men were appointed to be kept every night at 
Dorchester and at Watertown, the southern and 
western outposts; and military companies were to be 
trained every Saturday. The amount of ammunition to 
be kept by each soldier was prescribed ; and the firing of 
a gun after the night watches were set was made punish- 
able by whipping, and a second offence by measures more 
severe. Travellers to Plymouth were never to go single 
or unarmed. A servant of Mr. Humphrey was 
ordered to be " severely whipped " at Boston and 
Salem for striking an overseer "when he came to give 
him correction for idleness in his master's work." To a 
servant of Mr. Pelham was awarded a whipping for 
" unjust selling of his master's tools." John Norman was 
"fined for his not a^Dpearing at the Court, being sum- 
moned." Eules were made for restraining stray cattle and 
swine, and for compensating any damages done by them. 
The indentures of a servant were transferred from one mas- 
ter to another. Walford, the smith, found at Charlestown, 
was fined forty shillings, " for his contempt of authority 
and confronting ofiicers," and was enjoined to depart with 
his wife " out of the limits of this patent before the twen- 
tieth day of October next, under pain of confiscation of 
his goods." The Court entertained a charge against Endi- 
cott for assault and battery, and caused a jury to be im- 
panelled which amerced him in forty shillings.^ 

1 On tliis occasion, Endlcott, writing -with such daring of me with his arms 

from Salem to Winthrop on other busi- on kembow, &c. It would have pro- 

ness, said : " Sir, I desired the rather to voiced a very patient riian. But I will 

have been at Court, because I hear I write no more of it, but leave it till we 

am much complained on by goodman speak before you face to face. Only 

Dexter, for striking him. I a,cknowl- thus far further, that he hath given out, 

edge I was too rash in striking him, if I had a purse he would make me 

understanding since that it is not lawful empty it, and if he cannot have justice 

for a justice of peace to strike. But if here, he will do wonders in England, 

you had seen the manner of his carriage, and if he cannot prevail there, he will 



328 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

There were very few natives in the neighborhood of the 

new settlements. Chickatabot, said to have been then chief 

sachem of the • Massachusetts, visited Governor 

Visit of _ ' 

ciiickatabot. Winthrop with an attendance of his principal 

March 23. i , i • • i • • (* i • i 

men and their wives, bringing irom his home on 
Neponset River the present of a hogshead of Indian corn.-^ 
Pleased with his hospitable reception, he repeat- 
ed his visit in a few weeks, and a communication 
of good offices was established,^ The Massachusetts In- 
dians were interested to make the English their protectors 
against the Tarratines, of whose hostility they were in 
constant dread. 

A visit from another native had after a time more im- 
portant consequences. An Indian from Connecticut Hiver 
Embassy camo to tho Governor, with a request "to have 
from Con- gomo Englishmen to come plant in his country, 

necticut '-' . 

River. and offered to find them corn, and give them year- 

ly eighty skins of beaver; and that the country 
was very fruitful, &c., and wished that there might be two 
men sent with him to see the country." The object ap- 
peared to be to obtain an alliance with the English against 
the Pequots. " The Governor entertained them at dinner, 
but would send none with him." ^ 

At the opening of spring, several of the emigrants went 
to England ; some, as Wilson and Coddington,^ to bring 
their families ; others, discouraged or for other reasons, 

try it out -with me liere at blows. Sir, the old quarrel between him and those 

I desire that you will take all into con- of Plymouth, wherein he lost seven of 

sideration. If it were lawful to try it his best men." (See above, pp. 202, 203.) 

at blows, and he a fit man for me to ^ Winthrop, I. 49, 54. 

deal with, you should not hear me com- 3 Ibid., 52. 

plain ; but I hope the Lord hath brought '^ In his " Demonstration of True 
me off from that course." (Hutchinson, Love unto you the Rulers of the Col- 
Collections, 51, 52.) ony of the Massachusetts," published in 
1 Dudley says of Chickatabot (Let- 1674, Coddington says: "Before Bos- 

ter, &c.) that he " hath between fif- ton was named, I built the. first 

ty and sixty subjects. This man least good house, in which the said Governor 

favoreth the English of any sagamore [Bellingham] and merchant Braxel now 

we are acquainted with, by reason of dwell." (p. 4.) 



VIIL] MASSACHUSETTS BAY, 329 

not designing to return.^ A number of the congregation 
assembled at the Governor's house to bid their Retumof 
teacher farewell. There was a magistracy on the Jn^gram?.^ 
spot, and the civil order could proceed; but in Marchso. 
the teacher's absence, some provisional arrangement was 
necessary for the well-being of the church. Mr. Wilson, 
" praying and exhorting the congregation to love," com- 
mitted to Winthrop, Dudley, and Nowell the ruling 
elder, the trust of conducting public worship ; and, at 
his request, the Governor commended him and his fellow- 
voyagers to the Divine protection with prayer.^ 

It had been intended that the vessel in which Wilson 
sailed for England should carry a passenger of very differ- 
ent character. Christopher Gardiner was one of 

^ _ ■■- Sir Cliristo- 

those mysterious visitors whose appearance in re- piieroardi- 
mote settlements so easily stimulates the imagina- 
tions of men of more staid habits, and better mutual 
acquaintance. Who he was, and whence and why he 
came to New England, which he did just before the ar- 
rival of Winthrop, was never known with certainty.^ It 
is not improbable that he was an agent, or spy, of 'Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges, with whom he is known to have cor- 
responded.^ Perhaps he was only one of those eccen- 
tric lovers of roaming and adventure who are attracted 

1 After several months' experience of I thank God, I like so well to be here, 
the country, Dudley had -written : " If as I do not repent my coming. And if 
any come hither to plant for Tvorldly I were to come again, I would not have 
ends, that can live well at home, he altered my course, though I had fore- 
commits an error of which he will soon seen all these afflictions." 

repent him; but if any godly 2 "Winthrop, I. 50. 

men, out of religious ends, will come 3 "He came into these parts under 
over to help us in the good work we are pretence of forsaking the world, and to 
about, I think they cannot dispose of live a private life in a godly course ; 
themselves nor of their estates more to not unwiUing to put himself on any 
God's glory and the furtherance of their mean employments and take any pains 
own reckoning." (Letter to the Count- for his living, and sometime offered 
ess of Lincoln.) Winthrop had written himself to join to the churches in sun- 
to his wife (I. 453) : "We here enjoy dry places." (Bradford, 294.) 
God and Jesus Christ. Is not this '^ Winthrop, History, I. 57. 
enough ? What would we have more ? 
28* 



330 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. VIII. 

by newly opened regions and new forms of life. He 
called himself Sir Christopher Gardiner; and that he 
was entitled to the designation may be inferred from its 
being given to him in some proceedings of the Privy 
Council.-^ Among other particulars of the ill repute which 
followed him, one was, that he was a Knight of the Holy 
Sepulchre, and another that he was a " nephew " (a kins- 
man at some remove) of Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester 
in Queen Mary's day. Governor Dudley wrote,^ that, ac- 
cording to information received by the magistrates, he 
had been a great traveller in Europe and the East, and 
had now two wives living in England, while in Massa- 
chusetts he was attended by a female companion whom 
he gave out to be his cousin, but who, when examined, 
appeared to know but little of his position or his objects. 
His incognito^ his apparent immorality, and his imputed 
Popery (afterwards ascertained from some papers dropped 
by him at Plymouth) were so many causes of the disfavor 
under which he labored, and united to make his presence 
undesirable. The wives, or one of them, sent a complaint 
against him to the Governor, who set on foot measures 
for his apprehension, which coming to his knowledge, he 
took to flight, and wandered about for a month among the 
Indians. At length, he was given up by them at Ply- 
mouth, from which place Captain Underhill, in the service 
of the Massachusetts magistrates, brought him to Boston,^ 
two months after the passage of the order which has been 
mentioned for his transportation to England. The master 
of the Lion could not be persuaded to take charge of 
him, and it was some months longer before he could be 
gotten rid of Arrived in England, where he does not 
appear to have been restrained of his liberty, he 
soon found out the enemies of the colony, and 
engaged actively in intrigues to its prejudice. 

1 See below, p. 365, note 2. 3 Bradford, History, 295. — Win- 

2 Letter to the Countess of Lincoln. tHrop, History, I. 55, 57. 



CHAPTER IX. 

It has been mentioned, that, at the time to which the 
history of the Massachusetts Colony has been brought 
down, the older settlement at Plymouth had increased 
to the number of about three hundred persons, and 
that, about the time of the discharge from their engage- 
ments to the London partners, they had extended their 
trading operations both to the east and to the west. The 
place of the crazy Pogers, the minister brought over by 
AUerton, and soon sent back, was supplied by jgog. 
Smith, who had come with Higginson's fleet. •^""^• 
Some of the Plymouth people found him at Nantasket, 
"weary of being in that uncouth place, and in a poor 
house that would neither keep him nor his goods dry. 
So seeing him to be a grave man, and understood he had 
been a minister, though they had no order for any such 
thing, yet they presumed and brought him. He was here 

accordingly kindly entertained and housed, and 

exercised his gifts among them, and afterwards was chosen 
into the ministry, and so remained for sundry years." -^ 

A few weeks before the new minister came, thirty-five 
members of the Leyden church had joined their friends, 
accomplishing a long-deferred hope of both par- August. 
ties. The poor people at Plymouth, just in- 
volved in new pecuniary obligations to an op- ^^°™Ley 
pressive amount, were but too happy, not only to defray 
all the expenses of the new-comers, but to give them 
dwellings, and supply them with food for more than a 

1 Bradford, 3G3. — Smith probably left Plymouth in 1G35. (See Mass. Hist. 
CoU., IV. 108.) 



Renewed 
emisi'iition 

den. 



332 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

year, till there was time for them to make provision for 
themselves.^ 

AUerton, who on his late visit to England had endeav- 
ored without success to obtain an amendment of the pa- 
tent, prospered better in a second attempt. The Coun- 
Third patent cil for Now Euglaud conveyed to William Brad- 
°^^'i63o!"'*" ford, his heirs, associates, and assigns, a tract of 

Jan. 13. \qj^^ including New Plymouth, and another on 
the Kennebec, — both of which, however, for want of 
geographical knowledge, were imperfectly defined. The 
patent recites, that it is given " in consideration that Wil- 
liam Bradford and his associates have for these nine years 
lived in New England, and have there inhabited, and 
planted a town called by the name of New Plymouth, at 

their own proj)er costs and charges ; and now, by the 

special providence of God and their extraordinary care 
and industry, they have increased their plantation to near 
three hundred people, and are upon all occasions able to 
relieve any new planters or other his Majesty's subjects 
who may fall upon that coast." It empowers Bradford, 
"his associates, his heirs, and assigns, at all times here- 
after, to incorporate, by some usual or fit name and title, 
him or themselves, or the people there inhabiting under 
him or them, with liberty to them and their successors 
from time to time to frame and make orders, ordinances, 
and constitutions," not contrary to the laws of England, 
or to any frame of government established by the Council, 
" and the same to put or cause to be put in execution by 
such officers and ministers as he and they shall authorize 
and depute " ; and, " for their several defence, to encounter, 
expulse, repel, and resist by force of arms, as well by sea 

as by land, by all ways and means whatsoever, and 

to take, apprehend, seize, and make prize of all such per- 
sons, their ships and goods, as shall attempt to inhabit or 
trade with the savage people of that country within the 

1 Bradford, 245-248. 



IX.] PLYMOUTH. 333 

several precincts and limits of his and their several plan- 
tation, or shall enterprise or attempt, at any time, de- 
struction, invasion, detriment, or annoyance to his and 
their said plantation." In short, the patent invested 
Bradford and his associates, in respect to the granted 
territory, with all the power which the Council, by its 
charter, was made capable of conveying to its assigns. 
A royal charter, with the same powers as that of the Mas- 
sachusetts Company, was much desired by the Plymouth 
people. At Allerton's solicitation, orders were given by 
the Privy Council for the preparation of such an instru- 
ment ; and the business seemed proceeding prosperously, 
when a clause for exonerating the colony from the pay- 
ment of customs for seven years, which appears to have 
been inserted by Allerton without instructions,^ occasioned 
objections, delay, and finally complete disappointment. 
New Plymouth Colony, though soliciting it often, and at 
no small expense, was never able, before its annexation to 
Massachusetts, to obtain any better foundation for its gov- 
ernment than the patent of the Plymouth Company.^ 

Another party of Leyden people presently came over. 
The two cost their American friends five hundred and 
fifty pounds sterling for their outfit and transpor- May. 
tation from Holland, in addition to the expense gratlon tom 
of their reception and of their support till the ^^y'^^"- 
second following harvest ; " and this charge of maintain- 
ing them all this while was little less than the former 
sum." But the burden was more than willingly borne ; 
" a rare example," writes the reasonably complacent Gov- 
ernor, '' of brotherly love and Christian care in performing 

i Bradford, 252. Bradford tbouglit a- charter for Plymouth. (Mass. Hist, 

that Allerton raised the question for a Coll., III. 71, 72.) 

selfish purpose, " to have an opportunity ^ xhe patent is in Hazard, I. 298 

to be sent over again, for other regards." et seq. The original instrument, with 

Shirley supposed that not only Sir Fer- the signature of the Earl of Warwick, 

dinando Gorges, but Cradock, Win- and what remains of the seal of the 

throp, and others of the Massachusetts Council, is kept at Plymouth, in the 

Company, interested themselves against office of the Register of Deeds. 



334 msTOKY OF new England. [Chap. 

their promises and covenants to their brethren, and in a 
sort beyond their power." ^ The consequence of this gen- 
erosity was eminently beneficial. In proportion as mem- 
bers of the Leyden congregation became numerous at Ply- 
mouth, the better party there — the party of Bradford, 
Brewster, and their compeers — was strengthened, and the 
colony was made to conform more to its original design." 

Soon after this increase of numbers, an incident occurred 
which occasioned much unhappiness. John Billington, 
An execution of Plymouth, — a troublcsome associate from the 
for murder, 'begimiing, — havlug been convicted of wilful 
murder after trial by a jury, the magistrates consulted " Mr. 
Winthrop and other the ablest gentlemen in the Bay of 
the Massachusetts," respecting their competency to inflict 
the penalty of that crime. They advised, with unani- 
mous consent, that the murderer " ou^ht to die, 

September. ^ 

and the land be purged from blood " ; and he was 
executed accordingly.^ It was the first instance of capital 
punishment in New England. The colonists might well 
question their right to inflict that penalty. But it was 
idle to think of finding the needed protection for their 
lives in courts three thousand miles away. And the ne- 
cessity of the case seemed to impose upon them the re- 
sponsibility of administering what they esteemed the law 
of nature and of God. 

For four or five years from this time, the business rela- 
tions between the partners at New Plymouth and those at 
London became more and more complicated and unsatisfac- 
tory. Allerton, who passed back and forward between them 
as agent for the Plymouth associates, fell under their serious 
displeasure for transactions implicating them without their 
authority, as well as for other alleged misconduct, and was 

1 Bradford, 248, 249. that they ■were not of the most consid- 

2 "They were such as feared God, erable persons left at Leyden, nor of 
and were both welcome and useful," such as were best able to provide for 
wrote Bradford (Letter-Book, in INIass. themselves. 

Hist. Coll., in. 70), though he regretted 3 Bradford, 276. 



IX.] PLYMOUTH. 335 

continued in his trust only through tenderness for Brew- 
ster, whose daughter was AUerton's wife. In two years 
he had raised their debt from four hundred to four thou- 
sand pounds. Still, under the honest and wise conduct 
of Bradford and his associates, affairs prospered on the 
small scale which belonged to them. " Though the part- 
ners were plunged into great engagements, and oppressed 
with unjust debts, yet the Lord prospered their trading, 

that they made yearly large returns Also the 

people of the plantation bes^an to ffrow in their 

^ ^ ^ O O Increase of 

outward estates, by reason of the flowing of many wealth at 
people into the country, especially into the Bay 
of the Massachusetts, by which means corn and cattle 
rose to a great price, by which many were much enriched, 
and commodities grew plentiful." ^ 

A party of Narragansett Indians having pursued some 
Pokanoket allies of Plymouth to an English outpost, 
Winthrop sent twenty-seven pounds of powder ^^^2. 
to Standish, who had been despatched to their ^p^'^- 
relief; upon which the ISTarragansetts withdrew. An 
event of no little interest was a visit of Governor October. 
Winthrop to Plymouth, accompanied by his pas- ^|"(S 
tor, Mr. Wilson. The journey took two days ^^^'^ 
each way.^ 

1 Bradford, 255, 256, 279, 280, 286, the Province of New Netherlands." 

289-291,302, 309. — Allerton -was dis- In 1643, Winthrop (II. 96) speaks of 

charged from his agency for the planta- him as being at New Amsterdam, but 

tioninl630. (Ibid., 276.) But he was calls him "Mr. Allerton of New Haven." 

chosen to be one of the Assistants as He was at New Haven in February, 

late as 1633, In the spring of 1635, he 1645 (Ibid., 210), and is occasionally 

was at Marblehead, as appears from an mentioned in its Records during the 

order of the Massachusetts Assistants next seven years. He died there in 

passed March 4, for his removal from February, 1659, and lies buried in the 

that place. (Mass. Col. Eec, I. 142.) public square. (Dr. Bacon's Letter, in 

Marblehead was part of Salem, and Aller- Mass. Hist. Coll., XXVII. 242.) He 

ton may have followed Eoger Williams had " built a grand house on the creek, 

thither from Plymouth. A writing of with four porches." (Stiles, History of 

his is preserved at Plymouth, in which, Three of the Judges, 65.) 

under the date of October 27, 1646, he 2 Such an incident should be related 

styles himself " of New Amsterdam in in Winthrop's own words (I. 91 - 93) : 



Ison 
mouth. 



336 



HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. 



[Chap. 



As property and a sense of security increased, the people 
at Plymouth, showed a disposition to dis]Derse, for the con- 
venience of more pasturage and other accommodations. 
" The town, in which they lived compactly till now, was 
left very thin, and in a short time almost desolate. And 
if this had been all, it had been less, though much. But 
the church must also be divided, and those that had lived 
so long together in Christian and comfortable fellowship 
must now' part and suffer many divisions." A separate 
Duxbury and cliurch aud towu, with the name of Duxhury, were 
Marshfieid. establlshcd on the north side of the harbor, and 
pastures were assigned at Marshjield to such as engaged 
to keep them by servants, and not remove themselves 



" The Governor, ■with Mr. Wilson, pastor 
of Boston, and the two cajDtains, &c., "went 
aboard the Lion [October 25], and from 
thence Mv. Peirce carried them in his 
shallop to Wessaguscus. The next 
morning Mr. Peirce returned to his 
ship, and the Governor and his compa- 
ny went on foot to Plymouth, and came 
thither •within the evening. The Gov- 
ernor of Plymouth, Mr. WiUiam Brad- 
ford, (a very discreet and grave man,) 
with Mr.' Brewster, the ^Ider, and some 
othei's, came forth and met them with- 
out the town, and conducted them to 
the Governor's house, where they "were 
very kindly entertained, and feasted 
every day at several houses. On the 
Lord's day there was a sacrament, 
which they did partake in ; and in the 
afternoon ]\Ir. Koger Williams (accord- 
ing to their custom) propounded a ques- 
tion, to which the pastor, Mr. Smith, 
spoke briefly ; then Mr. Williams proph- 
esied ; and after, the Governor of Ply- 
mouth spoke to the question ; after him 
the elder ; then some two or three more 
of the congregation. Then the elder 
desired the Governor of Massachusetts 
and Mr. Wilson to speak to it, which 
they did. When this was ended, the 
deacon, Mr, Fuller, put the congrega- 



tion in mind of their duty of contribu- 
tion ; whereupon the Governor and all 
the rest went down to the deacon's seat, 
and put into the box, and then returned. 
About five in the morning [Oc- 
tober 31], the Governor and his com- 
pany came out of Plymouth ; the Gov- 
ernor of Plymouth, with the pastor and 
elder, &c. accompanying them near 
half a mile out of town in the dark. 
The heutenant. Holmes, with two oth- 
ers, and the Governor's mare, came 
along with them to the great swamp, 
about ten miles. When they came to 
the great river, they were carried over 
by one Luddam, their guide (as they 
had been when they came, the stream 
being very strong, and up to the crotch) ; 
so the Governor called that passage 
Ludda7n's Ford. Thence they came to 
a place called Hue's Cross. The Gov- 
ernor, being displeased at the name, in 
respect that such things might hereafter 
give the Papists occasion to say that 
their religion was first planted in these 
parts, changed the name, and called it 
Hue's Folly. So they came, that even- 
ing, to Wessaguscus, where they were 
bountifully entertained, as before, with 
store of turkeys, geese, ducks, &c., and 
the next day came safe to Boston." 



rS-i PLYMOUTH. 337 

from the original settlement.^ In the year following this 

dispersion, Plymouth was afflicted by the spread 

of " an infectious fever, of which many fell very Epidemic 

sick, and upwards of twenty persons died, men 

and women, besides children, and sundry of them of their 

ancient friends who had lived in Holland ; and in 

the end, after he had much helped others, Samuel Fuller, 
who was their surgeon and physician, .and had been a 
great help and comfort unto them, as in his faculty so 
otherwise, being a deacon of the church, a man godly and 
forward to do good, being much missed after his death ; 
and he and the rest of their brethren much lamented by 
them, and caused much sadness and mourning amongst 
them." 2 

Plymouth was the first of the English settlements to 
suffer from French depredation. The Plymouth partners, 
in connection with four of their London friends, had re- 
luctantly consented to establish a trading-house on the 
Penobscot, under the charge of one Edward Ashley, with 
whom Allerton had treated for that purpose in 

1630. 

London. Ashley did not remain long in Amer- 
ica, and the post fell under the care of Allerton,^ The 
third article of the treaty of St. Germain's ceded jggo, 
back to France the American territory lately con- '^^"'='^29. 
quered by England, including " all the places occupied in 
New France, Acadia, and Canada by subjects of his Ma- 
jesty of Great Britain." "^ The extent of Acadia to the 
west was long a subject of dispute. Claiming the Eng- 
lish post on the Penobscot as within the domain 

p , . . „ The French 

of their sovereign, a party of French, in a small on the Pe- 
vessel, attacked and rifled it, carrying off three 
hundred pounds' weight of beaver and other goods, to the 

1 Bradford, 302, 304. The Governor and will provoke the Lord's displeasure 

contemplated this beginning of a dis- against them." 
persion with much uneasiness: "This, 2 Ibid., 314. 
I fear, -will be the ruin of New England, 3 Ibid., 257 - 259, 267, 275. 
at least of the churches of God there, ^ The article is in Hazard, I. 319. 

VOL, I. 29 



338 • HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

value of more than five hundred pounds sterling.^ The 
following year an assault, accompanied with greater vio- 
lence, was made upon a factory established by 
Ashley and others at Machias. Not only was the 
property there deposited stolen, but two Englishmen were 
killed, and three were carried away prisoners.^ 

Their other eastern trading-house, on the Kennebec, 
gave occasion to a disaster of a difierent nature. Under 
Affray on the thclr patcut right to territory on this river, the 
Kennebec. Plymoutli pcoplo claimcd the monopoly of its 
Indian traffic. A person named Hocking, in command 
of a vessel from the Piscataqua belonging to Lord Say 

1634. and Sele, insisted on going up the river to trade. 

April. Howland, the Plymouth commander, after un- 
availing remonstrance, ordered his men to cut the cable 
by which the ship was anchored. Hocking shot one of 
them, and was himself shot dead in return. The business, 
as threatening mischief to all the colonies, was taken up 
by the General Court of Massachusetts. Alden, 
one of the party and a principal person of Ply- 
mouth, coming presently after on a visit to Boston, was 
detained to answer to the charge ; and the Massachusetts 
magistrates were scarcely induced to desist from a prosecu- 
tion of it by explanations which Standish first, and after- 

1 Winthrop, 79. — Bradford, 293, 294. duce [Castine]. ' Their connection -with 

Bradford erroneously places this inci- him was unfortunate. He turned out 

dent in 1631. Holmes says (Annals, as ill as they had augured from the be- 

1. 217) : " The French, .... had rifled ginning. (Bradford, 259.) On the 31st 

the trading-house, belonging to Ply- of December, 1631, the Attorney-Gen- 

mouth, at Penobscot." But in a note he eral was ordered to proceed against him 

refers to the factory established on the in the Star Chamber for furnishing arms 

Kennebec in 1628 (see above, p. 230), and ammunition to the savages ; and on 

and adds : " Whether they had set up the following 1 7th of February he was 

another at Penobscot, or whether these discharged from the Fleet Prison (his 

neio-hborinif places were sometimes offence having been committed before 

called by the same name, does not ap- the royal proclamation forbidding it), 

pear." I think there is no doubt that under a bond " not to offend in the like 

the trading-house robbed by the French kind hereafter." (Journal of the Privy 

was the same which the Plymouth peo- Council.) 

pie had joined with Ashley in establish- 2 Winthrop, 1 1 7, 154 ; Bradford, 291, 

ing on the Penobscot, at Point Baga- 292, 328. 



IX.] PLYMOUTH. 339 

wards Bradford, Winslow, and Smith, the mmister, were 
sent to make in person. At last, at a conference in Bos- 
ton, to which the Plymouth people invited all " the neigh- 
bor plantations," — but at which " none appeared, but 
some of the magistrates and rninisters of the Massachu- 
setts and their own," — it was agreed that, " though they 
all could have wished these things had never been, yet 
they could not but lay the blame and guilt on Hocking's 
own head." -^ Winslow soon after went a third time to 
England, partly on the errand of satisfying and conciliat- 
ing Lord Say and Sele. 

While these events occurred on the Eastern rivers, the 
enterprise of the Plymouth people had been taking a dif- 
ferent direction. Though as yet their humble Plymouth 
circumstances had kept them admonished of the tte^clnect- 
necessity of cautious movements, they had not '""*• 
been inattentive listeners to information, brought from 
time to time by native and by Dutch visitors, of a river to 
the west of them, called the Fresh River and the Connecti- 
cut Hiver, " a fine place both for plantation and trade." 
The descriptions of it by parties who had occasionally 
visited it, "not without profit," confirmed the favorable 
impressions which had been made. They had been in- 
formed of the visit made to Winthrop, in the first leaj. 
spring after his landing, by a chief and others, ^^''^'^■ 
who had ofiered him a settlement on the Connecticut, 
with a yearly tribute of corn and beaver.^ At length, the 
plan was conceived of a partnership among individuals of 
the two colonies in a trade to that region, and Winslow, 
who had himself visited it, repaired with Bradford 1633. 
to Boston for a conference. By building a forti- •'"'^ ^^• 

1 Winthrop, 1. 131, 136. — Mass. Col. occasion to the king to send a General 

Eec, I. 116. — Bradford, 316-322. Governor over, and besides had brought 

Bradford calls this " one of the saddest us all, and the Gospel, under a common 

things that befell them since they reproach of cutting one another's throats 

came." Winthrop says (131) it had been for beaver." 
feared that the transaction " would give 2 gee above, p. 328. 



340 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

fied trading-house, they proposed to anticipate the Dutch, 
who were reported to have the same scheme in view.-^ 

Discouraged by what they had heard of the shallow- 
ness of the river, and the number of warlike Indians on 
its banks, the Massachusetts people concluded to take no 
part in the project. Those of Plymouth then prosecuted 
it alone, and sent a vessel with the frame of a 

October. . , ^ . 

house, and workmen and materials for its con- 
struction. At some distance up the river (where now is 
Hartford), they were challenged by a party of Dutch, 
who had thrown up a rude work, and mounted two small 
cannons. After a parley and mutual threats, the English 
passed on without being assailed, landed at what is now 
the town of Windsor, put up, fortified, and provisioned 
their house, and then separated, a part to hold it, the 
rest to return as they came. A company of seventy 
Dutch, who in the following year came from New Am- 
sterdam to expel the intruders, having made their obser- 
vations on the spirit and the dispositions of the 
little garrison, were prevailed on to retire without 
violence.- It Avas not by Dutchmen that the Plymouth 
people were to be dispossessed of Connecticut. 

All that is extant of what can properly be called the 
legislation of the first twelve years of the Colony of Ply- 
Eari leois- ^^outh sufficcs to covcr in print only two pages of 
lationat ^^i octavo volumc.^ That of the first five years 

Plymouth. ^ _ "^ _ 

1C23. ■ consists of the single regulation, " that all criminal 
°''°' ^^" facts, and also all manner of trespasses and debts 
between man and man, shall be tried by the verdict of 
twelve honest men, to be impanelled by authority in form 
of a jury upon their oath." For seven years more, the 
only standing laws which appear to have been found 
necessary were some simple prohibitions of the employ- 

1 "Winthrop, 105. ^ Biigham, Compact, -with the Char- 

2 Bradford, 311-314. — Wintlirop, ter and Laws, of the Colony of New 
I. 105, 113.— Brodhead, Plistory of Plymouth, 28-30. 

New York, I. 234, 235, 240 - 242. 



1C34. 
December. 



IX.] PLYMOUTH. 341 

ment of handicraftsmen by " any strangers or foreigners 
till such time as the necessity of the Colony jgoc. 
be served," of the exportation of timber, corn, ^^"=^29. 
beans, or pease " without the leave and license of the 
Governor and Council," and of the covering of jgas. 
dwelling-houses "with any kind of thatch " ; with ^^"""y^. 
some arrangements respecting the division of lands and 
the accompanying rights of way, and respecting the gath- 
ering of fuel, fishing, hunting, and fowling. 

In the thirteenth year of the settlement, a penal pro- 
vision had to be adopted to protect the public weal 
against the prevailing absence of ambition for public 
office ; and " it was enacted, by public consent of 1333. 
the freemen of this society of New Plymouth, that ■^™' ^" 
if now or hereafter any were elected to the office of Gov- 
ernor and would not stand to the election, nor hold and 
execute the office for his year, that then he be amerced in 
twenty pounds sterling fine; and, in case refused to be 
paid upon the lawful demand of the ensuing Governor, 
then to be levied out of the goods or chattels of the said 
person so refusing. It was further ordered and decreed, 
that if any were elected to the office of council and re- 
fused to hold the place, that then he be amerced in ten 
pounds sterling fine, and in case refused to be paid, to be 
forthwith levied. It was further decreed and enacted, that 
in case one and the same person should be elected Gover- 
nor a second year, having held the place the foregoing 
year, it should be lawful for him to refuse without any 
amercement ; and the company to proceed to a new elec- 
tion, except they can prevail with him by entreaty." ^ 

At his urgent request, Bradford was now for the first 
time excused from the office of Governor, and Edward 
Winslow, who some months before had returned igsa. 
from his second visit to England, was chosen his "^""^ ^• 
successor, Bradford taking his place as one of the Assistants. 

1 Plymouth Colony Eecords, I. 5. 
29* 



342 HISTOKY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

Their number was at the same time raised from five to 
seven, and so remained during the separate existence of the 
Colony. At the end of "Winslow's year of service as chief 
magistrate, Thomas Prince was made Governor. Perhaps 
Winslow pleaded the privilege of exemption allowed to him 
by the recent statute ; perhaps the visit to England, which, 
in the public service, he made in the following year, was 
already contemplated. It had been " by full consent agreed 
1533, upon and enacted, that the chief government be 

Oct. 28. |.^g(j ^Q j^Yie town of Plymouth, and that the Gover- 
nor for the time being be tied there to keep his residence 
and dwelling, and there also to hold such courts as concern 
the whole." ^ The elections were made, as they had been 
heretofore, in the first week of January ; but at the elec- 

1634. tion of Prince it was ordered, that " the Governor 

Jan. 1. ^^^^ other officers . . . should not enter upon 
their offices till the twenty-seventh of March," and that 
the political year thenceforward should begin on that day.^ 

There is no original public register of Plymouth Colony 
of an earlier date than its seventh year, at which time 
Governor Bradford made a' record of some of the princi- 
pal transactions. The minutes of the Court at which 
Winslow was first made Governor begin a journal which, 
under the name of Court Orders, exhibits thenceforward 
the miscellaneous proceedings both of the General Courts, 
consisting of the body of freemen, and of the Courts of As- 
sistants, in the threefold character corresponding to their 
legislative, judicial, and executive functions. The General 
Courts conferred the franchise, and appointed not only 
the magistrates, but also inferior officers, such as consta- 
bles and assessors ; but, with these exceptions, the courts 
of both kinds appear to have exercised generally the same 

1 It was at this time that so much that the next choice of Governor -would 

fear was entertained of a dispersion fall on Prince, since in fact he subse- 

from Plymouth (see above, p. 336). quently removed to Duxbuiy, and 

There may have been a special reason afterwards to Eastham. 
for the law, if it was already expected 2 piym. Col. Rec, I. 21. 



IX.] PLYMOUTH. 343 

powers, according as a meeting of the one or the other 
occurred most seasonably in reference to the business to 
be disposed of. By registration in their own Journal, 
they recognized marriages, and other private contracts, as 
of sale,^ hire, labor, and the like. "With the help of a 
jury, they heard and determined disputes about property, 
claims for service and for wages, complaints of assault, 
and all the miscellaneous controversies which social life 
creates. They apprenticed orphans, and enforced the good 
treatment of apprentices and other servants. They pun- 
ished slanderers, runaways, libertines, drunkards, and dis- 
turbers of the peace, by fines and whipping. They as- 
signed lands for cultivation and for permanent possession, 
and apportioned from year to year the common meadow 
grounds for mowing. They superintended the probate of 
wills and administration on estates. They took order for 
the building and maintenance of fences and highways. 
They regulated commerce by restrictions upon the export 
of necessary articles. They made rules for the alewife 
and herring fishery, and for hunting and fowling. They 
prescribed bounties for the destruction of hurtful animals, 
and defined damages for trespasses by cattle, and for in- 
jury by fires. They provided for the sealing of the meas- 
ures used in trade. They established the pay of jurors, 
and restricted entertainment in public houses. And they 
gave diligent heed to arrangements for the military de- 
fence of the Colony." 



1 One of the minutes is curious, as 2 " Whereas our ancient work of for- 
indlcating the value of real estate at tification by continuance of time is de- 
Plymouth in the second decade : "1633, cayed, and Christian wisdom teacheth 
Oct. 7. Eichard Higgins hath bought us to depend upon God in the use of 
of Thomas Little his now [present] dwell- all good means for our safety, it is fur- 
ing-house and misted [homestead ?], for ther agreed by the Court aforesaid, that 
and in consideration of twenty-one a work of fortification be made .... by 
bushels of merchantable corn, whereof the whole strength of men able to labor 
twelve bushels to be paid in hand, and in the Colony." (Plym. Col. Eec, I. 6.) 
the remainder at harvest next ensuing." At the same Court (January 1, 1633), 
(Plym. Col. Rec, I. 16 ; comp. 33.) it was " further ordered, that every free- 



344 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

At the time of Prince's accession, a colonial tax of 
fifty-eight pounds and seventeen shillings was assessed on 
Taxational soventy-seven men and four women.^ This fact 
Plymouth. ^^^11 j^Q^ warrant any precise inference respecting 
the amount of the adult male population, inasmuch as 
there can be no doubt that there were servants and others 
who were exempt, and, indeed, names of men occur in the 
Court-Orders which do not appear on the tax-list. The 
list of the next preceding year, the earliest which is ex- 
tant, contains the names of eighty-six men and three 
women.^ When the Court- Orders registry was 
begun, the freemen were sixty-eight in number.^ 
While Plymouth was advancing in its slow and quiet 
growth, the younger but more robust Massachusetts set- 
tlement was engaged with high questions of policy. The 
charter of the Massachusetts Company had prescribed no 
condition of investment with its franchise, — or with what 
under the circumstances which had arisen was the same 
thing, the prerogatives of citizenship in the plantation, — 
except the will and vote of those who were already free- 
1631 men. At the first Cisatlantic General Court for 
May 18. elcctiou, " to the end the body of the commons 



man or other inhabitant of this Colony Bradford, Brewster, and five others 

provide for himself, and each under whose names are not historical, paid 

him able to bear arms, a sufficient mus- each £1.7; and Howland, Alden, and 

ket and other serviceable piece for war, Jonathan Brewster, each £1.4. It is 

with bandeleroes, and other appurte- matter of some surprise to see Standish 

nance, with what speed may be ; and rated in both years at only £0. 18. 

that, for each able person aforesaid, he But perhaps this was in consideration 

be at all times furnished with two of his public services. Collier, one of 

pounds of powder, and ten pounds of the two on whom the largest assessment 
bullet." was made, had lately arrived, and had 
1 Plym. Col. Kec, I. 27-29. — The been admitted to the franchise in the 
lowest rate, nine shillings, was that of preceding January. He had been one 
forty-five persons, including the four of the London Adventurers. (Brad- 
women, who were all widows. The largest ford, 201, 213.) He had now come 
sum (£ 2. 5) was assessed on Edward over to reside, and was henceforward 
Winslow and on William Collier ; the one of the most important men in the 
next largest (£ 1 . 1 6), on Isaac AUerton, Colony, 
who, the year before, had been assessed ^ Plym. Col. Rec, I. 9-11. 
£3.11. Stephen Hopkins paid £1.10. 3 Ibid., 3, 4. 



IX.] MASSACHUSETTS. 345 

may be preserved of honest and good men," it was " or- 
dered and asrreed, that, for the time to come, no 

^ , . Religious 

man shall be admitted to the freedom of this test for the 
body politic, but such as are members of some 
of the churches within the limits of the same." ^ 

The men who laid this singular foundation for the 
commonwealth which they were instituting, had been 
accustomed to feel responsibility, and to act upon well- 
considered reasons. By charter from the English crown, 
the land was theirs as against all other civilized people, 
and they had a right to choose according to their own rules 
the associates who should help them to occupy and govern 
it. Exercising this right, they determined that magistracy 
and citizenship should belong only to Christian men, as- 
certained to be such by the best test which they knew 
how to apply. They established a kind of aristocracy 
hitherto unknown. Not birth, nor wealth, nor learning, 
nor skill in war, was to confer political power ; but per- 
sonal character, — goodness of the highest type, — good- 
ness of that purity and force which only the faith of 
Jesus Christ is competent to create. 

The conception, if a delusive and impracticable, was a 
noble one. Nothing better can be imagined for the wel- 
fare of a country than that it shall be ruled on Christian 
principles ; in other words, that its rulers shall be Chris- 
tian men, ■ — men of disinterestedness and integrity of the 
choicest quality that the world knows, — men whose fear 
of God exalts them above every other fear, and whose con- 
trolling love of God and of man consecrates them to the 
most "generous aims." The conclusive objection to the 

1 Mass. Col. Eec, I. 87. same. Their liberties, among others, 

2 " None are so fit to be trusted with arc chiefly these: — 1. To choose all 
the liberties of the commonwealth as magistrates, and to call them to account 
church-members; for the liberties of at the General Courts; 2. To choose 
the freemen of this commonwealth are such burgesses, every General Court, 
such as require men of faithful integrity as, with the magistrates, shall make or 
to God and the state, to preserve the repeal all laws. Now both these liber- 



346 ' HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

scheme is one which experience had not yet revealed, for 
the experiment was now first made. It is, that the scheme 
is incapable of being carried out, because there are no 
tests of religious sincerity which will guard the weak 
judgment of man against error. When power is appro- 
priated to the religious character, the external signs of 
the religious character will be affected by the insincere 
and undeserving. Hypocrisy will manage to pass the 
barrier desis^ned to turn back all but eminent virtue. A 
test of this nature may exclude scandalous vices, but cer- 
tainly not the common workings of selfishness and passion. 
A trial will be sure to prove that such a project is but a 
generous dream. A government so constituted will not 
fail, before long, to show itself subject to the operation of 
the same disturbing causes as afi"ect other forms of polity, 
through the frailty of those by whom they are adminis- 
tered. 

Eegarded in another point of view, the plan was at 
once less novel and more feasible. It has been no unusual 
thing for communities to regard the common welfare as 
requiring the exclusion from political trusts of persons 
professing spiritual subjection to a foreign power. It is 
only within a few years that the old realm of England has 
felt strong enough to dispense with this security ; and a 
numerous party has lately arisen in America to insist that 
its institution is needful for the maintenance of freedom on 
this continent. When the fathers of Massachusetts estab- 
lished their religious test of citizenship, it was matter of 
fearful uncertainty what the faith and ritual of the Church 
of England would turn out to be. It was too painfully 
certain what had been the Church's treatment of themselves, 
and how hardly, without any further backsliding of its 
own, it was prepared to treat them again, should it come 

ties are sucli as carry along mucli pow- " Answer to Lord Say and Sele, Lord 
er -with them, either to establish or sub- Brooke, and other Persons of Quality,' 
vert the commonwealth." (John Cotton, in Hutchinson, I. 436.) 



IX.] MASSACHUSETTS. 347 

into power on their own soil. They were in error in sup* 
posing that, by the application of a religious test, they 
could exclude all but good men from their counsels. They 
were not so far from the truth, when they expected, by the 
application of such a test, to shut out from their counsels 
the emissaries of Wentworth and Laud ; and, in their early 
weakness, nothing was more indispensable than this for 
their protection. They had lately set up a religious pol- 
ity. The hopes and aims with which they had established 
it were of vital consequence to them. They knew that they 
could not maintain it, and the momentous interests, civil 
and religious, with which it seemed to them connected, 
should the council-chambers of their infant community 
admit the creatures of the English court and church. 

The special circumstances of the time at which this 
condition of franchise was imposed, were probably thought 
to call for a prompt decision. Till then, there had been 
no freemen of the Company except those who had become 
such in England, and might be supposed to be solicitous 
to promote the generous objects of its institution. At 
its first Cisatlantic meeting, more than a hun- 1530. 
dred persons had presented themselves as candi- O'^'-^^- 
dates for admission. An irruption of strangers was im- 
pending, and it could not fail to be a subject of grave 
anxiety to those now in possession of the power, what 
would be the character and purposes of associates who, 
once received into the Corporation, would be able to con- 
trol its action, and to carry out or defeat the designs for 
which it had been formed, and had been conducted hith- 
erto at great cost and sacrifice. The social elements al- 
ready collected on the spot were very diverse. What 
method should dispose them for harmonious and be- 
neficent action 1 Among those to be now received were 
not a few " old planters," doubtfully sympathizing in the 
views of the more public-spirited new-comers, and not 
improbably cherishing the recent grudge, and so prepared 



'348 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

for faction. Oldham's disturbing practices at Plymouth 
could not have been unknown, and he had just been dis- 
puting the title of the Company to its lands. Men of 
condition, like Blaxton, Maverick, Jeffries, and Burslem, 
had a similar adverse interest. Edward Gibbons, lately 
parted from the irregular adventurers at Mount Wollas- 
ton, was as yet a suspicious friend. Others, like Coles 
and AVignall, who soon afterwards gave trouble,^ may 
have been already regarded with distrust. How many like 
Morton of Merry-Mount there might prove to be among 
the yet untried multitude, or of the class of the Brownes 
and others who in the last two years had tasked the pru- 
dence and vigor of Endicott, it was still for time to dis- 
close ; and it was the office of a wise forethought, to 
provide some security against damage from them to the 
public weal. From such as, on due advisement, should 
be admitted into covenant with the church, some security 
would be obtained. Sincere professors would be earnest 
fellow-workers in the great enterprise; insincere profes- 
sors, if there were such, would be hampered and re- 
strained. 

A hundred and eighteen persons took the freeman's 

oath, and were admitted to the franchise.^ Winthrop 

ic3i_ was re-elected Governor, " by the general consent 

May 18. q£ ^]^g Court, wlthiu the meanins^ of the patent," ^ 

Winthrop ' o i. ^ 

and Dudley Dudloy bciug agalu associated with him in the 

re-elected. 

second oiiice. 

1 Mass. Col. Eec, I. 90, 91, 93, 107, Others did so subsequently. It must 

2 It would be Interesting to ascertain . be remembered that the rule of May 
what proportion of these new freemen 18, 1631, was prospective. 

were church-members, but the imper- 3 This language is ambiguous. It 

fection of the early records of the may be interpreted to mean that the 

churches prevents a precise answer to vote passed in October for the choice 

this question. An examination of the of the Governor by the Assistants had, 

list of the freemen admitted at this time on reflection, not met with approval, 

leads to the conclusion, that perhaps and that, notwithstanding that vote, the 

three quarters of them, certainly as method prescribed by the charter, of a 

many as one half, had previously con- choice by the freemen, was now fol- 

nected themselves with some church, lowed. But I think the words " within 



IX.] MASSACHUSETTS. 349 

Down to this time, and a little longer, while the free- 
men were without much mutual acquaintance, and so 
without preparation either for administration of the gov- 
ernment or for combined resistance to encroachment on 
their charter rights, the Assistants appear to have been 
consolidatina: power in their own hands. As at 

*-' -•■ Permanency 

the first General Court it had been determined to ofuieoffice 
transfer the power of choosing the Governor and 
Deputy-Governor from the freemen to the Assistants, at 
the second it was determined, " with full consent of all 
the commons then present, that once in every year, at 
least, a General Court shall be holden, at which Court it 
shall be lawful for the commons to propound any person 
or persons whom they shall desire to be chosen Assistants ; 
and, if it be doubtful whether it be the greater part of the 
commons or not, it shall be put to the poll; the like 
couLoO to be holden when the said commons shall see 
cause, for any defect or misbehavior, to remove any one 
or more of the Assistants." ^ In the form of a grant of 
privileges to the freemen, this was clearly a substitution 
of the invidious and difficult process of removal for the 
irresponsible freedom of that annual election de novo 
which was contemplated by the charter. And, accord- 
ingly, there is no record of an election of Assistants this 
year. Without doubt, as many of the old Assistants as 
remained in the country retained their office ; and so far 
a precedent was created for their permanent continuance 
in powder. 

The plan of establishing the capital at Newtown was 
relinquished. The site had been laid out, with lines for 
a fortification, and streets at right angles ; the Difference 
Deputy-Governor had established himself in a winth^p 
newly-built house ; and the Governor had set up ''"'' ^"^^^^y- 

the meaning of the patent " rather de- instrument, though not to its letter, 

note that the election was now made The early formal repeal of the rule of 

In the manner lately decided on, which election of October, 1630, will be men- 

the Court and its Secretary considered tioned in its place (below, p. 354). 
to be agreeable to the spirit of that ^ Mass. Col. Rec, I. 87. 
VOL. I. 30 



350 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

the frame of one ; when the tranquil aspect of relations with 
the natives seemed to render a concentration of the Colony 
less important, the superior advantages of the neighboring 
peninsula for residence and commerce had made themselves 
apparent, and Winthrop at last resolved to yield to the 
importunity of his neighbors, who urged him to remain 
in Boston. Dudley conceived a displeasure, which the 
Governor was not immediately able to pacify by the most 
friendly overtures. 

In another quarter, an ecclesiastical question threatened 
discord. It was reported that Phillips and Brown, the 
Religious pastor and the elder of Water town, had spoken 
watertown. of " the churchcs of Eome " as " true churches." 

July 21. Winthrop, Dudley, and Nowell visited the place 
to make inquiry. The doctrine was debated before a 
number of members of the Boston and Watertown congre- 
gations, and, against a minority of only three, was voted to 
be an error. But the matter was not put at rest till after 
a second visit of the same dignitaries Brown 

Dec. 8. . . . T . , J- 1 

appears to have been pertmacious m his heretical 
laxity. The final issue was, that, " after much debate, at 
length they were reconciled, and agreed to seek God in a 
day of humiliation, and so to have a solemn uniting, each 
party promising to reform what had been amiss ; and the 
pastor gave thanks to God, and the assembly brake up." ^ 
It may be presumed that the importance attached to this 
matter was incident to the political relations which were 
understood to be involved. If church-members, Avho were 
rulers in Massachusetts, should esteem the church of 
Eome a true church, where would be the safety of Massa- 
chusetts should England become Catholic 1 Thus out of 
political exigencies a union of church and state in Massa- 
chusetts was already dawning. 

A movement of the Tarratine Indians occasioned a mo- 
mentary uneasiness. A hundred of these people 
came up the Merrimack in canoes by night, and, 

1 Winthrop, I. 58, 67. 



Aug. 8 



IX.] MASSACHUSETTS. 351 

killing several of the friendly natives, stole down as far 
as Saugus, whence they retraced their steps, terrified by 
a discharge of the English alarm-guns.^ This was the first 
disturbance from the natives in the new Colony. 

At the same time with those measures of permanent 
administration which have been mentioned, minute regula- 
tions of police engaged the attention of the great council 
of freemen. A ferry was established between Winnisim- 
met and Charlestown. A uniform standard was appointed 
for weights and measures. A prohibition was issued 
against the unlicensed killing of "wild swine." Fines 
were imposed on individuals for refusing or neglecting 
. " to watch," and memoranda of private agreements were 
placed upon record.^ As the social system proceeded to 
take form, the business conducted by the Assist- j„„g ^4, 
ants of course extended more into detail. The hire ^""Jierpro- 

ceedings of 

of servants by any other than " a settled house- f^e Assist- 
keeper," was ordered to be for not less time than 
a year. No person was to leave the jurisdiction, by sea 
or land, or to buy provisions from any vessel, without per- 
mission from some magistrate. Philip RatclifFe was sen- 
tenced to " be whipped, have his ears cut off, fined forty 
shillings, and banished out of the limits of the jurisdic- 
tion, for uttering malicious and scandalous speeches 
against the government and the church of Salem." 
Chickatabot, the Neponset sachem, w^as " fined a skin of 
beaver for shooting a swine of Sir Eichard Saltonstall's." ^ 
An assessment of thirty pounds was levied on ten 
plantations, for " the making of the creek at the 
New Town twelve foot broad and seven foot deep." All 

1 Wintlirop, 59, — Hubbard, Chap, him "indemnity for the past and secu- 
XXV. — Johnson, Wonder-Working rity for the future," was milder than the 
Providence, Chap. XXV. last resort of Icings, and more advanta- 

2 Mass. Col. Eec, I. 87. geous to both parties; and its principle 

3 CJiickatabot was no subject of the was the same as that of contributions 
English. But the course, which on a levied upon foreign aggressors, or the 
small scale they took, to obtain from issue oi letters of reprisal. 



352 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

islands within the patent were to be held in trust by the 
magistrates, to provide a revenue for public uses. Assist- 
ants were empowered " to grant warrants, summons, and 
attachments, as occasion should require." The sagamore 
of Agawam was " banished from coming into any English 
house for the space of a year, under the penalty of ten skins 
of beaver." The time for burnino; over " s:round 

July 26. O & 

for corn " was prescribed. Charlestown and Eox- 
bury were required to furnish part of the night-watch of 
Boston. A day in every month was appointed for " a 
general training of Captain Underhill's company at Bos- 
ton and Koxbury," and another for " the training of them 
who inhabit at Charlestown, Mystic, and the New Town, 
the training to begin at one of the clock of the 

afternoon." Offenders were fined " for abusing 

Aug. 16. . ... 

themselves disorderly with drinking too much 
strong drink." Henry Lyon was " whipped and banished 

the plantation, for writing into England falsely 

and maliciously against the government and exe- 
cution of justice here," and John Dawe was "severely 
whipped" for tempting the chastity of an Indian woman. 

Josias Plastowe, " for stealins^ four baskets of 

Sept. 27. ' , ° 

corn from the Indians," was ordered to make 
twofold restitution, to pay a fine of " five pounds, and 
hereafter to be called by the name of Josias, and not Mr., 
as formerly he used to be." The price of boards was 

fixed. Adulterv was made punishable with 

Oct. 18. •' . ^ 

death. Corn was constituted a legal tender at 
the market price, " except money or beaver be expressly 
named." It was ordered, "that no planter, within the 
1632. limits of this jurisdiction, returning for England, 
March 6. gj^all Carry either money or beaver with him, 
without leave from the Governor, under pain of forfeiting " 
the property ; that Courts of Assistants " shall be held 
every first Tuesday in every month," instead of once in 
three weeks, as heretofore ; and that, " if any single per- 



IX.] MASSACHUSETTS. 353 

son be not provided of sufficient arms allowable by the 

captain or lieutenants, he shall be compelled to 

serve by the year with any master that will retain him, 
for such wages as the Court shall think meet to appoint." 
"Thomas Knower was set in the bilboes for 

Aprils. 

threatening the Court that, if he should be pun- 
ished, he would have it tried in England whether he 
was lawfully punished or not." -^ So minute and so multi- 
farious were the cares of the primeval magistrates of Mas- 
sachusetts Bay. 

The plan of fortifying Newtown had not been aban- 
doned when it ceased to be thought of as the capital 
town; and a tax of sixty pounds to defray the 
expense was levied on twelve plantations. On Thft'owns 
the reception at Watertown of the warrant for taxed by the 

, Assistants. 

payment oi the proportion of this tax due from 

that town, " the pastor and elder, «S:c. assembled Discontent at 

11 T !!• •• • Watertown. 

the people, and delivered their opinion that it was 
not safe to pay moneys after that sort, for fear of bringing 
themselves and posterity into bondage." It was the Eng- 
lish jealousy of taxation imagined to be illegal. AVater- 
town had paid its proportion of two general taxes before ; 
but one had been for the stipend of the two captains 
charged with the common defence, the other for the sup- 
port of two ministers, of whom Watertown had one,^ while 
the present appropriation might be alleged to be for a 
local object, in which that town was but little interested. 
The malecontents, summoned to Boston, were in- 
formed by Winthrop that " this government was 
in the nature of a Parliament, and that no Assistant could 
be chosen but by the freemen, who had power likewise to 
remove the Assistants, and put in others " ; whereupon 
they were " fully satisfied," and " their offence was par- 
doned, a recantation and submission under their hands " 



1 Mass. Col. Eec, I. 88-95. 2 ibid., 77, 82. 

30* 



354 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

having been first made, which they " were enjoined to 
read in the assembly the next Lord's day." -^ 

At the next General Court, the freemen resumed the 
right of making a direct election of their two highest 

jviay 9. magistrates. " It was generally agreed upon, by 

The freemen gj-ection of liauds, that the Governor, Deputy- 
resume the J i. J 

right of eiec- Govemor, and Assistants should be chosen by 
appoint Dep- the wholo Court of Governor, Deputy-Governor, 
Assistants, and freemen," though the freemen ac- 
quiesced in a limitation of the power which they pos- 
sessed by their charter, when they added a provision 
" that the Governor shall always be chosen out of the 
Assistants," which can only be understood as relating to 
the Assistants of the next preceding year. At the same 
time, they took the further important step of ordering 
the choice of " two of every plantation to confer with 
the Court about raising a public stock," a measure which 
proved to be the germ of a second house of legislature. 
Neither of these movements appears to have been opposed 
by the magistrates, though the former, at least, did not 
take them by surprise ; ^ and for the latter, it would seem, 
they must have been equally prepared, for the charter 
gave no power to the Assistants to assess even the free- 
men, still less to lay taxes on others living on the Com- 
pany's lands.^ The recent opposition at Watertown had 
been lawful and reasonable, and, however apparently 
checked, may be presumed to have been neither subdued 
in that spot, nor confined to it. The list of sixteen dep- 
uties from the eight towns, " to advise about the raising of 

1 Winthrop, I. 70. of the Assistants, but lie continued stiff 

2 Winthrop told them, a week before, in his opinion, and protested he would 
that he had heard of the freemen's in- then return back into England." (Win- 
tention to repeal the rule made at the first throp, I. 74 .) 

General Court (see above, p. 322), at 3 The Assistants, at their next Court, 

which "Mr. Ludlow grew into passion, laid a duty of a shilling on every pound 

and said that then we should have of beaver bought of an Indian, "to- 

no government." The proceeding was wards the defraying of public charges." 

" cleared in the judgment of the rest (Mass. Col. Rec, I. 96.) 



IX.] MASSACHUSETTS. 355 

a common stock," is suggestive. It appears to comprise 
the elements of a party of opposition to the magistrates. 
Oldham, from Watertown, was an active and able man, 
disaffected towards the existing state of things. His col- 
league, Masters, had been conspicuous in the late move- 
ment in Mr. Phillips's church, and was still contumacious.^ 
Edward Gibbons, of Charlestown, had been of the company 
at Merry-Mount. Conant and Palfrey, of Salem, were of 
the "old planters" there, over whom the charter officers 
had assumed control. Robert Coles, of Poxbury, unless 
there were two of the same name, was a person con- 
stantly commg under the censure of the magistrates. 

It was from no discontent with their rulers, but from 
just sensibility as to their charter rights, that the freemen 
had vindicated their own prerogative of election. Their 
vote placed "Winthrop and Dudley again in the highest 
offices, and re-elected the Assistants, adding to them John 
Humphrey and William Coddington,~ their ancient asso- 
ciates, who were expected from England, and John Win- 
throp, the Governor s son, who had lately arrived. " The 
Governor, among other things, used this speech to wintmop 
the people, after he had taken his oath : ' That he 1^^*° 
had received gratuities from divers towns, which p'^^^''"^^- 
he received with much comfort and content ; he had also 
received many kindnesses from particular persons, which 
he would not refuse, lest he should be accounted uncour- 
teous, &c. ; but he professed that he received them with 
a trembling heart, in regard of God's rule, and the con- 
sciousness of his own infirmity, and therefore desired 
them that hereafter they would not take it ill, if he did 
refuse presents from particular persons, except they were 
from the Assistants, or from some special friends.' To 

1 Winthrop, I. 81. person of that name who had been so 

2 Coddington had gone to England active in the business of the Colony 
a year before. (See above, p. 328.) from the first. (See above, pp. 287, 
John Humphrey was the distinguished 302, 317.) 



356 HISTOEY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

which no answer was made ; but he was told after, that 
many good people were much grieved at it, for that he 
never had any allowance towards the charge of his place." 
It was a natural and amiable feeling on the part of the 
"good peo|)le." But Winthrop's thorough uprightness 
made him incapable of being cheated by any such fallacy. 
Even without the fate of the Great Chancellor fresh in 
his memory, his was a spirit capable of feeling the dan- 
ger and the ignominy of the reception of private gifts by 
a public servant. 

Dudley " accepted of his place again, and, the Governor 
and he being reconciled the day before, all things were 
carried very lovingly amongst all." ^ It was not without a 
conflict with himself that Dudley came to this decision. 
His disgust had been so serious, that, as his second year of 
oflice was drawing: to an end, he had sent to 

Aprils. 1 . . , f. . . 

the Assistants a letter of resignation. At a pri- 
vate meeting they refused to accept it, but he 
persisted in his purpose for the present.^ The 
reader is tempted to wonder, that causes so trivial should 
have disturbed a man with cares and aims so comprehen- 
sive and generous. But such are the inconsistencies of 
human nature ; and occasions no more dignified have in- 
volved passionate monarchs in war, and changed the his- 
tory of nations. 

A fortification was erected in Boston, men of the 
neighboring towns laboring on it in succession.^ Several 
vessels arrived with passengers and stock, the 
Arrivals from emigration, though not yet renewed with activity, 
being more considerable than in the year before. 
A day of thanksgiving was kept for their safe 
passage, and for the intelligence which they 
brought of the prosperity of the Protestant interest in 
the successes of Gustavus Adolphus against the Emperor. 

1 Winthrop, I. 7G. 3 a On the Corn Hill"; probably 

2 Ibid., 72, 73. that since known as Fort Hill 



June 13. 



IX.J MASSACHUSETTS. 357 

Wilson returned to his parochial chame in Boston. 

f J 7 May 26. 

John Eliot,^ destined to win the name oi Apostle, 
had arrived there in the preceding autumn, since which 
time he had supplied Wilson's place. After an earnest 
struggle on the part of the Boston people to retain him 
as their teacher, a church was organized in Eoxbury under 
his ministry and that of Thomas Welde, who had come 
a week after Wilson's return ; and the Deputy-Governor 
removed from Newtown to place himself under their 
spiritual charge. A company from Braintree in 
England sat down at Mount Wollaston, but be- 
fore long, in conformity to an order of the magistrates, 
removed to Newtown.^ 

Wilson's return was soon followed by a gratifying in- 
cident. By his good offices, and those of Mr. Welde, Mr. 
Nowell, and the Dorchester ministers, a better un- September. 
derstandinsr was established between the Governor Recondiia- 



August. 



^b 



tion between 



and the Deputy-Governor. They had continued winthrop 
to meet each other, on occasions of business, with ^° ^ ^^' 
the usual reciprocations of courtesy, and "without any ap- 
pearance of any breach or discontent." But Dudley, who 
had a stubborn temper, had been deeply offended by the 
Governor's course in relation to the settlement at Newtown, 
and had hitherto received coldly the overtures for an ac- 
commodation which the generosity of the other party perse- 
vered in making. A conference between them, in 

Aug. 3. 

the presence of their friends who have been named, 

was " begun with calling upon the Lord." Dudley opened 

his private grievances, and added strictures on the public 

1 Eliot was now in the twenty-eighth other Puritans at the time, he arrived 
year of his age. His birthplace is not in Boston, November 3, 1631. His 
known. He was graduated in 1622 election to be teacher of its church cre- 
as Bachelor of Arts, at Jesus College, ates a presumption against the tradition 
Cambridge, and was afterwards assist- that it was in compliment to Cotton, 
ant to Thomas Hooker (presently to be whom they are said to have been ex- 
mentioned) in a private school near pecting, that the emigrants gave the 
Chelmsford, in Essex. Leaving England name of Boston to their chief town, 
from the same motives which impelled ^ Winthrop, I. 87. 



358 PIISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND, ^ [Chap. 

administration ; and the Governor partly justified his con- 
duct, and partly " acknowledged himself faulty." A dis- 
cussion took place, in which " they both fell into bitter- 
ness"; after which, "the meeting breaking up without any 
other conclusion but the commending the success of it by 
prayer to the Lord, the Governor brought the Deputy 
onward of his way, and every man went to his own home." 
The censure of the arbiters appears to have been limited 
to the injury which Dudley had received from the Gov- 
ernor's not fixing his residence at the place which had 
been understood to be agreed iipon. "The ministers 
afterward, for an end of the diiference, or- 

Sept. 4. ' 

dered that the Governor should procure them a 
' minister at Newtown, and contribute somewhat towards 
his maintenance for a time ; or, if he could not, by the 
spring, effect that, then to give the Deputy, towards his 
charges in building there, twenty pounds." Dudley im- 
mediately returned the money, " with this reason to Mr. 
Wilson, that he was so well persuaded of the Governor's 
love to him, and did prize it so much, as, if they had 
given him one hundred pounds instead of twenty pounds, 
he would not have taken it." And the good men " ever 
after kept peace and good correspondency together, in 
love and friendship,"^ their alliance being subsequently 
cemented by an intermarriage of their children. 

A transaction of material interest to the Colony, as well 
as to Wilson's religious charge, took place a few months 
„. . , , after his return. His church, orie^inally formed 

Division of J O .^ 

the Boston at Charlestowu, had soon transferred itself for 
worship to the opposite peninsula, where the 
greater part of its members gradually settled. The 
portion left behind, thirty-three in number, finding the 
passage over the river inconvenient in bad weather, and 
having opportunity to secure the services of a minister 
of their own, it was determined that they should con- 

1 Winthrop, I. 82-86, 88, 89. 



IX.] ^ MASSACHUSETTS. 359 

stitute a separate congregation. Mr. James, recently ar- 
rived from England, was placed in charge of it, 
while Mr. Wilson, who had hitherto been teacher 
of the original church, was now chosen to be its 

. . Nov. 22. 

pastor, and a meeting-house was built for him 
at what was thought a liberal expense.-^ Following the 
manner used at Salem for the induction of Higginson and 
Skelton to office, Wilson, and Oliver, his ruling elder, as- 
sisted by two deacons, prayed for each other mutually 
with imposition of hands. 

Boston was taking the character of the capital town. 
It was "thought by general consent" to be "the fittest 
place for public meetings of any place in the Town of 
Bay." ^ Blaxton's claim from pre-occupancy was '^°'*°°- 
quieted by " fifty acres of ground set out for him near to 
his house in Boston, to enjoy for ever." ^ It was " ordered 
that there should be a market kept at Boston, upon every 
Thursday, the fifth day of the week."^ The Assistants 
directed the building of a house of correction 

Oct. 2. 

there for the Colony's use, and of a dwelling-house 
for a beadle.^ Boston now contains a population of a hun- 
dred and seventy thousand souls. The property of its citi- 
zens equals two hundred and sixty millions of dollars. Its 
imports in a recent year amounted to nearly forty- 
five millions of dollars, its exports to more than 
twenty-eight millions, and its shipping to nearly half a 
million of tons.^ Its citizens tax themselves annually 
more than two millions of dollars, of which amount one 

1 It is said to have had mud walls 3 Ibld,^ 104. 
and a thatched roof. It stood on the ■* Ibid., 112. 
south side of State Street, probably at ^ Ibid., 100. 

the easterly corner -which it makes with ^ Report of the Secretary of the 

Devonshire Street. (Mass. Hist. Coll., Treasury on the Commerce and Navi- 

IV. 189.) "For which [the meeting- gation of the United States for the 

house] and Mr. Wilson's house, they Year ending June SO, 1857, pp. 324, 

had made a voluntary contribution of 368, 486, 620. The exact amounts 

about one hundred and twenty pounds." were as follows ; namely, imports, 

(Winthrop, I. 87.) $44,840,083; exports, $28,326,918; 

2 Mass. Col. Eec, I. 101. shipping, 447,996 tons. 



360 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

seventh part goes to the support of public schools. A 
partial collation of the facts belonging to the subject, 
made at the end of the first forty-five years of the present 
century, showed a result of voluntary contributions of 
citizens of Boston within that time to purposes of educa- 
tion and charity, and some similar miscellaneous objects of 
public usefulness, amounting to not less than five millions 
of dollars.^ Boston, when its first meeting-house was 
building, showed only a few cabins, on the eastern decliv- 
ity, and at the foot, of a hill which sloped towards the sea. 
At high water, its primitive area, of about two square 
miles, looked like tw^o islands. A drawbridge was soon 
thrown across the narrow channel which separated them, 
' and nature had provided for their connection with the 
mainland by a narrow isthmus, a mile in length. The 
uneven surface was divided among three hills, since known 
by the names of Beacon Hill, Fort Hill, and Copp's Hill, 
with their intervening valleys. Beacon Hill was a con- 
spicuous object from the sea and the surrounding coun- 
try, its highest peak rising to an elevation of a hundred 
and eighty feet above the water.^ 

1 American Almanac, XVII. 1G3. return shortly." (Ibid., Pref.) On the 

2 The greatest length of the penin- opposite page is a facsimile, on a re- 
sula of Boston, from Koxbmy line to ducedscale,ofamapprefixedtohisbook. 
the -water, is a little over two miles and "Boston," he says (37, 38), "is 
three quarters ; its greatest width, a little two miles northeast from Roxberry. 
over one mile. It contained about seven His situation is very pleasant, being 
hundred acres of land, before it was en- a peninsula, hemmed in on the south 
larged by embankments. The follow- side with the bay of Roxberry, on 
ing description of It, as it appeared in the north side with Charly River, the 
1633, is from "New England's Pros- marshes on the back side being not 
pect," by William AVood, published at half a quarter of a mile over ; so that 
London in 1634. Nothing, I believe, is a little fencing will secure their cattle 
known of Wood, except that, in August, from the wolves. Their greatest wants 
1633, (New England's Prospect, 38,) be wood and meadow-ground, which 
he left this country, where, he says in never were in that place, being con- ' 
his Preface, he had "lived these four strained to fetch their building tim- 
years." It is probable, therefore, that ber and firewood from the islands in 
he came over with Higginson's fleet, boats and their hay in lighters. It be- 
" The end of his travel was observa- ing a neck, and bare of wood, they are 
tlon" (Ibid., 47), and he " intended to not troubled with three great annoy- 



The SoutK partof NewEngUnd as it is 
i'l^nted this yearej6j4-. 




^^^^-r:rI9.^.^:^^..^^^^^ 



--^".i'2K4^, 



IX.] 



MASSACHUSETTS. 



361 



The colonists liad few natives in their vicinity, and they 
had little opportunity to acquaint themselves with the 
more formidable tribes of the interior. A Narragansett 
chief, named Miantonomo, destined afterwards to visit of a 
act a conspicuous part in this history, came to sachem!""'" 
Boston with his wife and several attendants, ^"s-3-''^- 
The Governor " brought the sachem and the rest of 
the company to his house, and made much of them, 
which he seemed to be well pleased with"; but he was 
" with some difficulty " induced to chastise three of his fol- 
lowers, who had broken into a dwelling.^ Nothing took 
place to indicate the design of his visit, but it was thought 
soon after that there were symptoms of general disaifec- 
tion on the part of the natives. Those in the neighbor- 
hood of the settlements made quarrels about the ^larm from 
bounds of their lands, and ceased to visit the "^<^ ^''-^'ans. 
English houses as had been their custom. The Narra- 



ances, of wolves, rattlesnakes, and mos- 
quitos. Those that live here upon their 
cattle must be constrained to take farms 
in tlie country, or else they cannot sub- 
sist; the place being too small to con- 
tain many, and fittest for such as can 
trade into England for such commodi- 
ties as the country wants, being the 
chief place for shipping and merchan- 
dise. This neck of land is not above 
four miles in compass ; in form almost 
square, having on the south side, at one 
corner, a great broad hill, whereon is 
planted a fort, which can command any 
ship as she sails into any harbor within 
the still bay. On the north side is an- 
other hill, equal in bigness, whereon 
stands a windmill. To the northwest 
is a high mountain, with three little 
rising hills on the top of it; wherefore 
it is called the Tramount. From the 
top of this mountain a man may over- 
look all the islands which lie before the 
bay, and descry such ships as are upon 
the sea-coast. This town, although it 
be neither the greatest nor the richest, 
VOL. I. 31 



yet it is the most noted and frequented, 
being the centre of the plantations, 
where the monthly Courts are kept. 
Here likewise dwells the Governor. 
This place hath very good land, afford- 
ing rich cornfields and fruitful gardens; 
having likewise sweet and pleasant 
springs." The highest of the " three 
little rising hills" on the top of the 
"high mountain," was directly behind 
the present State House. It was not 
levelled till about the year 1810. 

By an order of the Assistants, Novem- 
ber 7, 1G32, the Boston people were 
allowed to take wood from Dorchester 
Neck (now South Boston) for twenty 
years. (Mass. Col. Rec, I. 101.) At 
the time of Wood's departure, Boston 
was not the richest of the settlements. 
When the sum of £ 400 was raised for 
public uses, in the autumn of 1633, 
Boston and four other towns were as- 
sessed £ 48 each, while Dorchester 
had to pay £ 80. (Ibid., 110.) 

1 Winthrop, I. 86. 



362 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

gansetts were known to have meetings, with a view, as 
they gave out, to an expedition against the Nipnets. A 
friendly ])owow sent information that a plot was on foot ; 
and, as a measure of precaution, a camp was formed in 
Boston.^ The small-pox, which spread widely among the 
Indians about this time, was thought by some to have 
been the main protection of the feeble colony. 

The Indians had had no provocation.^ Not a foot of 
land previously in their occupation had been appropriated 
by the colonists, except by purchase.^ The region around 
Massachusetts Bay, almost depopulated by the epidemics 
which had prevailed before the arrival of the English, was 
for the most part vacant for their possession, without in- 
terference with the rights of any earlier inhabitant. The 
English Company had been scrupulously tender of the 
claims, and thoughtful for the welfare, of the aborigines 
1629. of the soil. " Above all," they wrote to Endicott 
April 17. -j-j^ their instructions to him and his Council, " we 
pray you be careful that there be none in our precincts 
permitted to do any injury, in the least kind, to the 
heathen people; and, if any offend in that way, let him 
receive due correction If any of the salvages pre- 
tend right of inheritance to all or any part of the lands 
granted in our patent, we pray you endeavor to purchase 
their title, that we may avoid the least scruple of intru- 
sion." " The earnest desire of our whole company," 
wrote Cradock in their behalf, " is that you have 

Feb. IG. ^._ ^ _ _ , "^ - 

a diligent and watchlui eye over our own people, 

1 WInthrop, I. 89. tice of " restricting savages -withiu the 

2 They Avere tenderly cared for in narrowest limits," says: "We cannot, 
the ravages of that terrible disease however, fall to applaud the modera- 
•which perhaps frustrated their hostil- tlon of the English Puritans, who first 
ity. " When their own people forsook established themselves in New Eng- 
them, yet the English came daily and land, and who, though furnished with a 
ministered unto them." (Ibid., 119; charter from their sovereign, bought 
comp. 116.) from the savages the land which they 

3 Yattel (Law of Nations, Book I. wished to occupy." — Chalmers bears a 
Chap. XYIli), in maintaining the jus- like testimony (Revolt, &c., L 86), 



IX.] MASSACHUSETTS. 363 

that tliey live unblamable and without reproof, and de- 
mean themselves justly and courteously towards the In- 
dians." There was much more to the same effect. And 
through the whole period of the colonial history, the legisla- 
tion respecting the natives was eminently just and humane.^ 
The last harvest raised by the English in and about 
Boston had been scanty, by reason of cold and wet weath- 
er through the summer. Inadequate supplies scarcity 
came from England, and, the winter which sue- °^^°°'^- 
ceeded proving a severe one, the settlers suffered scarcely 
less than in that which immediately followed their arrival. 
The hardship of the time did not prevent energetic action 
when intelligence arrived of the concentration of 1533. 
a French force at Port Royal in Nova Scotia, •'''"• ^^• 
accompanied by " divers priests and Jesuits." The Gov- 
ernor convened the Assistants, with " the minis- 

Preparations 

ters, and captains, and some other chief men," to against the 

. . _ French. 

consult upon measures proper to be taken tor 
security against neighbors so unwelcome. And it was 
determined to build a fort at Nantasket, " to be some 
block in an enemy's way, though it could not bar his en- 
trance " ; to finish that which had been laid out at Bos- 
ton ; and to see " that a plantation should be begun at 
Agawam [Ipswich], being the best place in the land for 
tillage and cattle, lest an enemy, finding it void, should 
possess and take it from us." ^ 

It was fortunate, in respect to the deficient supply of 

1 " It Is agreed that Sir Richard Sal- limits of the said patent, he shall be put 

tonstall shall give Sagamore John a to death." (Ibid., 100; comp. 121, 133.) 

hogshead of corn for the hurt his cattle That specimens of this kind of legislation 

did him In his corn." (Mass. Col. Rec, are not more frequent, is owing to the 

I. 102.) "It Is ordered that Nicholas determination Avhich It expressed, to 

Frost, for theft committed by him at the effect of Its severity upon disorder- 

DamarlU's Cove upon the Indians, ly pei-sons, and to the right feeling to- 

shall be severely whipped, and branded wards the natives which was generally 

in the hand with a hot Iron, and after entertained, 
banished out of this patent, with penal- ^ Winthrop, I. 9D. 
ty that, if ever he be found within the 



364: HISTOEY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

food, that there had been but little addition to the num- 
ber of the immigrants since the arrival of Governor Win- 
throp's company.^ Persons in England who were medi- 
tating a removal were naturally willing further to watch 
the experiment as it was made by those who had gone 
before ; and what they had learned respecting it had not 
been highly encouraging. The accounts which had been 
received of sickness and famine, and the return of some 
whose resolution had not held out, could not fail to give 
a check to the enterprise. Representations injurious to 
the Colony had been made by the Brownes, Morton, Gar- 
diner, EatclifF,- and others, and were backed by the great 
interest of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and of John Mason, 
who was concerned with him in the Eastern grants. 
These had not been without effect upon the minds of 
men in power ; and well-founded apprehensions were 
now felt of annoyance from the home government. 

The malecontents had actually prevailed to have their 
complaints entertained by the Privy Council; "among 
The Colony uiauy truths misrepeated," writes Winthrop, "ac- 
ToTihlitivy cusing us to intend rebellion, to have cast off our 
Council. allegiance, and to be wholly separate from the 
Church and laws of England ; that our ministers and peo- 
ple did continually rail against the state. Church, and 
bishops there, &c." Saltonstall, Humj^hrey, and Cradock 
(Ratcliff's master) appeared before a committee of the 
Council in the Company's behalf, and had the address or 
the good fortune to vindicate their clients, so that, on the 
1633. termination of the affair, the king said "he would 
Jan. 19. ]^^yg them severely punished who did abuse his 
Governor and the plantation " ; and from members of the 
Privy Council it was learned, says Winthrop, " that his 
Majesty did not intend to impose the ceremonies of the 
Church of England upon us, for that it was considered 

1 The number of immigrants in 1G31 2 See above, pp. 298, 319, 330, 
had been about 90 ; and 250 in 1632. 351. 



IX.] MASSACHUSETTS. 365 

that it was the freedom from such things that made peo- 
ple come over to us ; and it was credibly informed to the 
Council, that this country would in time be very bene- 
ficial to England for masts, cordage, &c., if the Sound 
[the passage to the Baltic] should be debarred." ^ 

The reasons for dismissing the complaint were alleged 
in the order adopted by the Council to that eifect : " Most 
of the things informed being denied, and resting to be 
proved by parties that must be called from that place, 
which required a long expense of time, and at the present 
their lordships finding that the adventurers were u]3on 
the despatch of men, victuals, and merchandises for that 
place, all which would be at a stand if the adventurers 
should have discouragement, or take suspicion that the 
state here had no good opinion of that plantation, — their 
lordships, not laying the fault, or fancies (if any be), of 
some particular men upon the general government, or 
principal adventurers, which in due time is further to be 
inquired into, have thought fit in the mean time to de- 
clare that the appearances were so fair, and the hopes so 
great, that the country w^ould prove both beneficial to this 
kingdom and profitable to the particular adventurers, as 
that the adventurers had cause to go on cheerfully with 
their undertakings, and rest assured, if things were carried 
as was pretended when the patents were granted, and 
accordingly as by the patents it is appointed, his Majesty 
would not only maintain the liberties and privileges here- 
tofore granted, but supply anything further that might 
tend to the good government of the place, and prosperity 
and comfort to his people there." ^ 

1 Wlnthrop, I. 100, 108. "upon long debate of the Avliole car- 

2 Journal of the Privy Council. — riage of the plantations of that coun- 
The business had been brought before try," twelve Lords, -with authority to 
the Lords of the Privy CouncU, Decern- call to their assistance any persons 
ber 19, 1632, by " several petitions of- whom they should see fit, were directed 
fered by some planters of New Eng- to "examine how the patents for the 
land, and a written declaration by Sir said plantations have been granted, and 
Christopher Gardiner, Knt." 5 when, how carried," and " the truth of the 

31* 



366 



HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. 



[Chap. 



At the annual election in the following spring, for a 

fourth time Winthrop was made Governor and Dudley 

Deputy-Governor, and the eierht Assistants of the 

May 29. ■■■ "^ _ '-' 

Re-election of last jesLi werc re-chosen, with the addition of Sir 
Richard Saltonstall, who was expected soon to 

return from England. By an appointment of the magis- 
trates at their first meeting, " a day of thanksgiv- 
mg was kept m all the congregations for their 

deliverance from the plots of their enemies"; and they 
made a grant of " one hundred and fifty pounds 
to the Governor, for this present year, towards 

his public charges and extraordinary expenses." 



July 2. 



aforesaid informations, or such other 
informations as shall be presented to 
them," and to " make report thereof to 
this Board, and of the true state of the 
plantations as they find them now to 
stand ; for -which purpose they are to 
call before them such of the patentees 
and such of the complainants and their 
witnesses, or any other persons, as they 
shall think fit." (Ibid.) 

Emanuel Downing, father of the 
more famous Sir George Downing, and 
brother-in-law of Winthrop, proved a 
good friend to the Massachusetts plant- 
ers on this occasion. Thomas Wiggin, 
of Piscataqua, was another. There is 
in the State-Paper Ofiice a letter from 
him, dated November 19, 1632, to " Sir 
John Cooke, Knt., Principal Secretary 
to his Majesty." He had " lately been 
in New England in America." The 
English "in the Massachusetts" were 
" about two thousand people, young 
and old," and were " generally most in- 
dustrious and fit for such a work." He 
says: "I have observed the planters 
there, by their loving, just, and kind 
dealing with the Indians, have gotten 
their love and respect and drawn them 
to an outward conformity to the Eng- 
lish, so that the Indians repair to the 
Enghsh Governor there and his depu- 
ties for justice. And for the Governor 



himself, I have observed him to be a 
discreet and sober man, giving good 
example to all the planters, wearing 
plain appai-el, such as may well be- 
seem a mean man, drinking ordinarily 
water, and, when he is not conversant 
about matters of justice, putting his 
hand to any ordinary labor with his 
servants, ruling with much mildness ; 
and in this particular I observed him 
to be strict In execution of justice upon 
such as have scandalized this state, 
either in civil or ecclesiastical govern- 
ment, to the great contentment of those 
that are best affected, and to the terror 
of offenders." He gives a dismal re- 
port of Morton, Gardiner, and Eatcliff", 
and says he is informed that they " do 
address themselves to Sir Ferdlnando 
Gorges, who by their false informations 
is now projecting how to deprive that 
plantation of the privileges granted by 
his Majesty, and to subvert their gov- 
ernment." " Being none of their plan- 
tation," he says, "but a neighbor by, 
I have done this out of that respect I 
bear to the general good." Wiggin 
had been superintendent of the upper 
plantation on the Piscataqua, and was 
continued In the same trust by Lord Say 
and Sele, Lord Brooke, and their two 
partners, who purchased that territory 
in 1632. See below, p. 517. 



IX.] MASSACHUSETTS. 367 

The death of Archbishop Abbot, making way for the 
accession of the furious Laud to the primacy, was nearly 
contemporaneous with the renewal of emig-ration 

-■- ^ '-' Renewal of 

to New England. Several parties of colonists^ thoemigra- 
now arrived at Boston, in one of which came John 
Haynes, an opulent landholder of the county of 
Essex, and three famous divines, Thomas Hooker, 
Samuel Stone, and John Cotton. They were men of emi- 
nent capacity and sterling character, fit to be concerned in 
the founding of a state. In all its generations of worth 
and refinement, Boston has never seen an assembly more 
illustrious for generous qualities or for manly culture, than 
when the magistrates of the young colony welcomed Cot- 
ton and his fellow- voyagers at Winthrop's table. 

Hooker and Stone went to Newtown, and were chosen, 
the former to be pastor, and the latter to be teacher, of a 
church established there. In the sequel of a conference 
between the " Governor and Council " and " the ministers 
and elders of all the churches," ^ Cotton, much coveted by 
other plantations, was associated with Wilson as teacher 
of the Boston church. The new ministers were severally 
inducted to their ofiices with solemnities similar to those 
which had been first adopted at Salem. 

The borough of Boston in Lincolnshire, which perhaps 
had already furnished to Massachusetts some of its emi- 
nent settlers,^ stands low upon the river Witham, five 

1 The number, in 1633, -was about lingham,Leverett,and Hutchinson came 
seven hundred. (Winthrop, I. 100, later. The Eeverend Mr. Whiting, of 
102, 104, 105, 108, 111, 115.) Saugus, had been rector of the church 

2 Ibid., 112. at Skirbeck, a mile from Boston. 

3 As early as March, 1629, ten " Bos- It is from Cotton Mather (Magnalia, 
ton men " had proposed to take a large Book II. Chap, V.) that we have the 
interest in the Company (see above, p. particulars of Dudley's early life ; and I 
292). Ofdistinguished early emigrants do not see that he had a motive for 
to Massachusetts, commonly referred to misstating them, or that, situated as he 
the English Boston (see Young, Massa- was, he could have been mistaken in 
chusetts, 48, note 3), Dudley and Cod- them. Yet, contrary to his testimony, 
dington came over with the charter ; Thomson (History and Antiquities of 
Hough accompanied Cotton, and Bel- Boston, 427) says: "Boston has no 



368 HISTOIJY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

miles from the eastern coast of England. At the end of 
the thirteenth century, its commercial importance was 
such, that it is said to have "paid twice as much-duty 
upon the great articles of export of the time as London 
did, and more than a third of the entire duty paid upon 
those articles by the whole kingdom." ^ At present, it 
contains about seventeen thousand inhabitants. Its name 
was derived from its ancient church of St. Botolph, per- 
haps the most stately parish church in England, a cathe- 
dral in size and beauty. It was from this superb temple 
that John Cotton came to preach the Gospel 

John Cotton. .,., _^. ^ 

withm the mud walls and under the thatched 
roof of the meeting-house in a rude New-England hamlet. 
He was rector of St. Botolph's for nearly twenty years 
before Winthrop's emigration to America." The son of a 
barrister in easy circumstances, he had been successively 
an undergraduate at Trinity College, and a Fellow and 
Tutor at Emmanuel College, in the University of Cam- 
bridge, where he had acquired a distinguished reputation 
for ability and learning. In Boston, his professional 
labors had been of astonishing amount, and the sanctity, 
and mingled force and amiableness, of his character had 
won for him a vast influence. At the departure of Win- 
throp's company, he made a journey to take leave of 
them at Southampton.^ The Lord Keeper, AVilliams, his 
diocesan, was his personal friend, and desired to deal 
gently with his non-conformity. But the Archbishop was 
not to be eluded. The dogs of the High-Commission 

claim to Thomas Dudley." "Nor," lac i Ibid., 347. 

adds, "lias this district any better claim 2 Cotton -was not at Boston till five 

to William Coddington ; he "was prob- years after the attempt of the Scrooby 

ably a resident of Alford or its neigh- people to sail thence for Holland. See 

borhood." Bellingham also, though Ke- above, p. 138. 

corder of Boston, Thomson thinks 3 Scottow, Narrative of the Planting 

never resided there. (Ibid., 428.) of the Massachusetts Colony, 13. — 

Hutchinson was of a Boston family, but See above, p. 316, note 3. 

his residence was in the neighboring 

town of Alford. (Ibid., 431.) 



rX.] MASSACHUSETTS. 369 

Court were set upon Cotton, and with difficulty he es- 
caped to London, where for a time he was concealed by 
John Davenport, then vicar of St. Stephen's, and by other 
friends. His design to get out of the kingdom was 
suspected, and pursuivants were sent to arrest him and 
Hooker at the Isle of Wight, where it was supposed they 
would embark. But they went on board in the Downs, 
and, avoiding discovery, arrived at their destination. 

After another harvest, there was still " great scarcity of 
corn, yet people lived well with fish and the fruit of their 
gardens." ^ The urgency of the case had shown, for the 
time, the folly of laws restricting the terms of sale for the 
necessaries of life ; and " the price of corn, for- 
merly restrained to six shillings the bushel, was 
now set at liberty to be sold as men could agree." The 
supplies of the year, though insufficient for comfort, were 
thought to be enough for gratitude; and, "in regard of 
the many and extraordinary mercies which the Lord had 
been pleased to vouchsafe of late to this plantation, name- 
ly, a plentiful harvest, ships lately arrived with persons 
of special use and quality, &c.," a day was ap- 
pointed for " public thanksgiving through the 
several plantations."^ 

Enterprises of discovery and trade began to be under- 
taken. The restless John Oldham, with three compan- 
ions, found his way by land to Connecticut September. 
Eiver, which on their return they reported to be foTe'cLr 
about one hundred and sixty miles distant from "e^'-^"'- 
the Bay. They had "lodged at Indian towns all the 
way," and brought back some beaver, some " hemp, which 
grows there in great abundance, and is much better than 
the English," and " some black lead, whereof the Indians 



1 Wintlirop, I. 108. and November 28, 1G39 (Ibid., 277); 

2 Similar festivals in recognition of but it does not appear that in the earK- 
the bounties of the year were held Oc- est times there was always an autumnal 
tober 8, 1638 (Mass. Col. Kec, I. 241), thanksgiving. (See above, p. 187.) 



Oct. 16. 



370 HISTOEY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

told him there was a whole rock." ^ A vessel of sixty 
tons, the Blessing of the Bay, which had been built by 
the Governor at Mystic, coasted Long Island (where the 
natives were " a very treacherous people "), looked into 
the Connecticut River, and visited the Dutch settlement 
at the mouth of the Hudson, where her people found a 
courteous reception, and bartered their commodities for 
some beaver. They protested against any attempt of the 
Dutch upon Connecticut, and were answered by a request 
that all controversy upon the subject might be referred to 
the home governments of the rival parties.^ 

The example of men of such note as had recently come 
over, and the desire of being associated with them, had 
a favorable effect on further emigration. The renewal of 
the movement attracted the attention of the English court, 
and secured a more favorable hearing for the representa- 
, , tions of disaffected persons, if indeed we are not 

Renewal of ^ ' 

complaints rathcr to suppose that the injurious representa- 

at court. . . . , , - - ^ , 

tions were invited and rewarded by the govern- 
ment at home. The spirit of the court had now reached 
its height of arrogance and passion. It was at this time 
that sliip-moneij was first levied, and the Star Chamber 
was rioting in the barbarities which were soon to bring 
an awful retribution. The precedent by which, in dis- 
regard of the chartered privileges of the Virginia Com- 
pany,^ the government of Virginia had been taken into 
the king's hands, was urged in relation to the Massachu- 
setts Company. An Order in Council was obtained, re- 
1634. citing that " the Board is given to understand of 
.Feb. 21. ^^Q frequent transportation of great numbers of 
his Majesty's subjects out of this kingdom to the planta- 
tion called NeiD England, amongst whom divers persons 
known to be ill-affected, discontented not only with civil 
but ecclesiastical government here, are observed to resort 
thither, whereby such confusion and distraction is already 

1 Winthrop, I. 11. 2 Ibid., 133, 134. 3 See above, p. 192, note. 



IX.] 



MASSACHUSETTS. 



371 



grown there, especially in point of religion, as, beside the 
ruin of the said plantation, cannot but highly tend to the 
scandal both of church and state here." Thereupon it 
commanded the detention of "divers ships now in the 
river of Thames, ready to set sail thither, freighted with 
passengers and provisions"; the attendance of the masters 
before the Council, on an appointed day, " with a list of 
the passengers and provisions in each ship"^; and the 
production before the board, by Mr. Cradock, of the char- 
ter of the Massachusetts Company. Cradock's reply, that 
the charter had gone to America, perhaps first apprised 
the government of that important fact.~ 

Intelligence of the threatening state of affairs in Eng- 
land had not reached the Colony, when a transaction took 
place of the utmost importance in relation to its Reform of the 
internal order. It now contained three or four government. 



1 Journal of the Privy Council. The 
proceeding began and ended as follows. 

1634, February 10. The bailiffs and 
officers of customs of Ipswich were or- 
dered to stay a ship bound for New 
England with passengers. 

February 14. An order was de- 
sjoatched to the marshals of the Admi- 
ralty, and to all officers of the navy and 
customs, to stop ten ships in the Thames 
bound for New England. 

February 28. The masters of the 
vessels detained were called before the 
Council, and, for " reasons best known 
to their Lordships," it was " thought fit 
that for this time they should be per- 
mitted to proceed on their voyage," 
after giving bonds, — (1 .) To cause all 
persons on board their ships "that should 
blaspheme, or profane the holy name of 
God," to " be severely punished " ; (2.) 
To " cause the prayers contained in the 
Book of Common Prayers established 
in the Church of England to be said 
daily, at the usual hours for morning 
and evening prayers," in the presence 
of " all persons aboard these said ships"; 



(3.) To " receive aboard or transport " 
no passenger not certified by the offi- 
cers of the port of embarkation to have 
"taken both the oaths of allegiance and 
supremacy"; (4.) To certify, "upon 
their return into this kingdom, the 
names of all such persons as they should 
transport, with their proceedings in the 
execution of the above articles." 

1635, January 21 and February 18. 
The shipmasters' bonds were cancelled. 

2 Hutchinson (I. 36, 37) erroneously 
supposes the Orders for detaining ships 
to have been made in 1633, and to have 
preceded the large emigration in the 
summer of that year. For he goes on 
to say: "It is certain a stop was not 
put to the emigration. There came 
over, amongst many others in this year, 
Mr. Haynes," &c. The Orders are 
dated in February, 1633, but this was 
by the reckoning of the Old Style, ac- 
cording to which the year began on 
Lady Day, or the 25th of March. 
Hutchinson also (37) confounds the ac- 
tion of the Council in this year with that 
in the year before (see above, p. 365.) 



372 HISTOET OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

thousand inhabitants, distributed in sixteen towns.^ The 
settlements had so extended, that the most distant, Ips- 
wich, was thirty miles from the capital, and it was not 
convenient or safe for the freemen all to travel to Boston 
at the same time. Everything tended to a change in 
the organization of the government, and the considera- 
tions which manifested its necessity at the same time dic- 
tated its form. The freemen, by some previous concert, 
the method of which is not recorded, determined to do 
by representation a part of the office which belonged 
to them in the management of the corporate business; 
1C34. and, at the fifth General Court held in Massachu- 
^^^ "• setts, twenty-four persons appeared, delegated by 
eight towns ^ " to meet and consider of such matters as 
they [the freemen] were to take order in at the same Gen- 
eral Court." This great step was an easy extension of the 
proceeding of the General Court of the second year be- 
fore, when deputies had been sent from the towns with 
a power limited to the assessment of taxes.^ 

Having assembled, the Deputies " desired a sight of the 
patent, and, conceiving thereby that all their laws should 
be made at the General Court, repaired to the Governor 
to advise with him about it." "* Pie told them, that, when 

1 Wood, New England's Prospect, above, p. 302.) Certainly neither the 
44. " These [the sixteen which he had legal existence of a corporation, nor the 
described] be all the towns that were validity of its votes, depends on the 
begun when I came for England, which presence in one place rather than an- 
was the fifteenth of August, 1G33." other of the signed and sealed instru- 

2 Namely, three each from New- ment which gave it being. But, in cases 
town, Watertown, Charlestown, Boston, requiring an appeal to public instru- 
Roxbury, Dorchester, Saugus, and Sa- ments, originals always have necessarily 
lem. The towns are here arranged in an authority superior to copies. The 
the order of the lists of their delegates emigrants to IMassachusetts wisely an- 
on the record. (Mass. Col. Rec, 1. 116.) ticijsated that occasions for such appeal 

3 Winthrop, I. 128. See above, p. might arise, and they prudently desired 
354. to have the highest evidence in their 

* The reader may have felt at a loss own hands, both to save it from being 

to account for the stress laid by Win- corrupted, and to be able to produce it 

throp and his friends on the transfer of whenever they desired. In the present 

the original charter to America. (See instance, when a question of rights un- 



IX.] MASSACHUSETTS. 373 

the patent was granted, it was supposed that the number 
of freemen would be no larger than could conveniently 
assemble ; that such was no longer the fact, and that they 
could best act by representatives, in making as well as 
in executing laws ; that whatever might be hereafter, " for 
the present they were not furnished with a sufficient num- 
ber of men qualified for such a business, neither could the 
commonwealth bear the loss of time of so many as must 
intend it; — yet this they might do at present: namely, 
they might at the General Court make an order, that, 
once in the year, a certain number should be appointed, 
upon summons from the Governor, to revise all laws, &c., 
and to reform what they found amiss therein ; but not to 
make any new laws, but prefer their grievances to the 
Court of Assistants"; — and that, finally, in regard to pub- 
lic supplies and the distribution of lands, it was right that 
they should have a decisive voice, and "that no assess- 
ment should be laid upon the country without the con- 
sent of such a committee, nor any lands disposed of" ^ 

Abundant cause as they had to revere and love Win- 
throp, the democratic jealousy of the freemen had become 
aroused by his long continuance in office ; — the more 
when Cotton, lately arrived as he was, had laid down the 
doctrine in his Election Sermon, that "a magistrate ought 
not to be turned into the condition of a private man with- 
out just cause, and to be publicly convict, no more than 
the magistrates may not turn a private man out of his 
freehold without like public trial." ^ The freemen quietly 
expressed their judgment as to the theory of public office 
being of the nature of a freehold, by abstaining for four 
years from a re-election of any person to be Governor at 
the end of his official term. 

We are not, however, to suppose, that disgust at Cot- 

der the charter occurred, if only a copy authenticity would have been subject 

could have been produced, though cer- to suspicion and to cavil, 
tified like that -which had been sent to ^ Winthrop, I. 128, 129. 
Endicott (Mass. Col. Rec, I. 186), its 2 ibid., 132. 
VOL. I. 32 



374 • HISTOKY OF KEW ENGLAKD. [Chap. 

ton's doctrine respecting permanence in office was even 
^ . the main cause of the temporary alienation from 

Decline of . . 

winthrop's Winthrop of the confidence of his constituents. 
Rather, Cotton's injudicious interference was the 
result of observations, which a little time had sufficed him 
to make, of the decline of the Governor's popularity. In 
fact, a party hostile to Winthrop had been forming. It 
was impossible that a ruler should undertake so untried 
a task as that which had devolved on him on his arrival 
here, and execute it with the vigor which the circum- 
stances required, without creating vindictiveness in some, 
disaffection and distrust in many, uneasiness and doubt 
even in minds not disposed to be censorious. Any ques- 
tionable exercise of authority, however necessary at the mo- 
ment, would excite alarm. Every practical question has 
two sides ; the preferable side is not always evident, and 
the honest judgment which is honestly overruled is tempt- 
ed to suspect a selfish bias in the successful party. In the 
transactions at Watertown, Winthrop might appear to 
have assumed a somewhat overbearing tone.-^ The " old 
planters" might naturally be jealous of him. He had had 
" some differences " with Coddington, as well as with Dud- 
ley ; ^ and one eff'ect of these perhaps appeared in the elec- 
tion, by the Court which displaced him, of Dudley to be 
his successor, and of Coddington to be Treasurer.^ And, 
in fine, the new policy of introducing Deputies into the 

1 See above, pp. 350, 353. overcome me.'" He desired, " without 

2 AVinthrop, 1. 118. — " Some differ- offence, to refuse the offer," and rather 
ences fell out still, now and then, be- to buy, " and so very lovingly con- 
tween the Governor and the Deputy, eluded." (Ibid., 118.) — Bradstreet 
which yet were soon healed." Soon was now elected Secretary (Mass. Col. 
after one of them, Winthrop "wrote Eec, I. 118), the first Secretary chosen 
to the Deputy, who had before desired on this side of the water. 

to buy a fat hog or two of him, being ^ Coddington was put by the free- 
somewhat short of provisions, to desire men in the place of Pynchon, who 

him to send for one, and to ac- (Ibid., 99) had been appointed Treas- 

cept it as a testimony of his good will, urer by the Assistants, the second year 

The Deputy returned this an- before. Pynchon was the first Treas- 

swer : ' Your overcoming yourself hath urer appointed in the Colony. 



IX.] MASSACHUSETTS. 375 

General Court was not unnaturally inaugurated by the 
deposition of the highest representative of the old policy, 
the head of the magistrates. This is the first instance of 
an election by ballot.-^ It would have been hard for the 
freemen to nerve themselves to the point of displacing 
their old benefactor by the customary " erection of hands." 
The administrative reform, which had evidently been 
well considered beforehand, was carried out in a business- 
like manner. It was resolved, " that none but proceedings 
the General Court hath power to choose and ad- Genwai'^ 
mit freemen"; or "to make and establish laws; ^°''"* 
or to elect and appoint," remove, or determine the duties 
and powers of, civil or military officers ; or " to raise 
moneys and taxes, and to dispose of lands." ^ A fine was 
imposed upon the Court of Assistants for consenting to 
the " breach of an order of Court against employing 
Indians to shoot with pieces." It was probably appre- 
hended that resentment at these proceedings might tempt 
the Assistants to withdraw from their duties ; and accord- 
ingly, " if any Assistant, or any man deputed by the free- 
men to deal in public occasions of the Commonwealth, 
should absent himself without leave in time of public 
business," his negligence was made punishable by fine, at 
the discretion of the Court. A series of laws of the Assist- 
ants "concerning swine" had occasioned dissatisfaction and 
quarrels. They were now repealed ; and it w^as " agreed that 
every town shall have liberty to make such orders about 

1 " Chosen by papers." (Mass. Col. Governor, and Assistants had authority 
Rec, I. 132.) by the charter "to take care for the 

2 At their Court six weeks earlier best disposing and ordering of the gen- 
(Mass. Col. Rec, I. Ill), the Assistants eral business and affairs of, for, and 
had made some lavish distributions of concerning the said lands." (Ibid., 10.) 
land, giving, for instance, a thousand The equitable principle of taxation was 
acres to Mr. Haynes, five hundred acres now adopted, "that, in all rates and pub- 
to the Deputy-Governor and the same to He charges, the towns shall have respect 
Mr. Oldham, and so on. And this may to levy every man according to his estate, 
have moved the freemen to restrict the and with consideration of all other his 
right of the Assistants in this respect, abilities whatsoever,and not according to 
But in fact the Governor, Deputy- thenumber of his persons." (Ibid., 120.) 



376 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

swine as they shall judge best for themselves." The judicial 
power of the magistrates was abridged by an order " that 
no trial shall pass upon any for life or banishment, but 
by a jury summoned, or by the General Court," the jurors 
to be designated by the freemen of the several plantations. 
The charter had provided for four General Courts in a year. 
Since the first summer of its administration in New Eng- 
land, only one in each year had been convened, the annual 
spring Court of Elections. It was now " ordered, that 
there shall be four General Courts held yearly, to be sum- 
moned by the Governor for the time being, and not to be 
dissolved without the consent of the major part of the 
Court." And finally, to give permanence to the repre- 
sentative power of the Commons, it was enacted, " that 
it shall be lawful for the freemen of every plantation to 
choose two or three of each town before every General 
Court, to confer of and prepare such public business as 
by them shall be thought fit to consider of at the next 
General Court, and that such persons as shall be hereafter 
so deputed by the freemen of the several plantations to 
deal in their behalf in the public affairs of the Common- 
wealth, shall have the full power and voices of all the 
said freemen, derived to them for the making and estab- 
lishing of laws, granting of lands, &c,, and to deal in all 
other • affairs of the Commonwealth wherein the freemen 
have to do, the matter of election of magistrates and other 
officers only excepted, wherein every freeman is to give his 
own voice." ^ 

This General Court " held three days, and all things 
were carried very peaceably." ^ It did not confine its at- 
tention to methods for securing the popular authority 
which it vindicated. The new democracy proved as little 
loyal to England as the magistracy which had hitherto 
held unchecked sway. In the preceding month, an oath 
engaging allegiance to the government of the Colony, 

1 Mass. Col. Rec, I. 117-120. ^ W'intbrop, I. 132. 



IX.] MASSACHUSETTS. 377 

but saying nothing of the government of the king, had 
been prescribed by the Assistants, to be taken, under 
penalty of banishment, by " every man of or above the 
age of twenty years, who hath been, or shall hereafter be, 
resident within this jurisdiction by the space of six months 
as an householder or sojourner, and not enfranchised." ^ 
A form of oath, modelled upon this, was now appointed 
by the General Court, to be taken by the freemen ; and 
" it was agreed and ordered, that the former oath of free- 
men shall be revoked, so far as it is dissonant from the 
oath of freemen hereunder written, and that those that 
received the former oath shall stand bound no further 
thereby, to any intent or purpose, than this new oath 
ties those that now take the same." It was as follows : — 
" I, A. B., being, by God's providence, an inhabitant 
and freeman within the jurisdiction of this commonwealth, 
do freely acknowledge myself to be subject to the Freeman's 
government thereof, and therefore do here swear, "''*• 
by the great and dreadful name of the ever-living God, 
that I will be true and faithful to the same, and will ac- 
cordingly yield assistance and support thereunto, with, my 
person and estate, as in equity I am bound, and will also 
truly endeavor to maintain and preserve all the liberties 
and privileges thereof, submitting myself to the wholesome 
laws and orders made and established by the same ; and 
further, that i will not plot nor practise any evil against 
it, nor consent to any that shall so do, but will timely 
discover and reveal the same to lawful authority now here 
established, for the speedy preventing thereof Moreover, 
I do solemnly bind myself, in the sight of God, that, when 
I shall be called to give my voice touching any such 
matter of this si;ate, wherein freemen are to deal, I will 
give my vote and suffrage as I shall judge in mine own 
conscience may best conduce and tend to the public weal 



1 Mass. Col. Eec.,L 115. 
32* 



378 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

of the body, without respect of persons, or favor of any 
man. So help me God, in the Lord Jesus Christ." -^ 

Thus, after an administration of four years under the 
charter, the freemen took a share in the government out 
of the hands of the oligarchy of Assistants into their own. 
The popular representative body which they established 
was the second, in point of time, on the American conti- 
nent, the House of Burgesses of Virginia having preceded 
it by fifteen years. In their measures at this period, the 
freemen seem to have intended a significant and decisive, 
but not needlessly offensive, exercise of power. Their re- 
served and moderate action may have been partly owing to 
the influence of prescription and habit. It may have been 
enforced by a sense of the expediency of keeping on good 
terms with opulent friends of the magistrates, who, both 
here and in England, continued their bounties to the set- 
tlement.^ But it is more satisfactory to refer it to a sense 
of justice towards upright and public-spirited men, and to 
a wise discernment of the importance of their services to 
the common weal. Before parting, they remitted the fine 
which had been imposed on the Assistants of the last year. 
And they re-elected the old Board, with the addition of the 
affluent Haynes, lately arrived, and the substitution of 
Winthrop, the deposed Governor, for Ludlow, who was 
promoted to the second office.^ 

Yet there were not wanting to Winthrop the mortifica- 
tions with which the popular mood is wont to follow su- 
perseded favorites. In the first year after his depo- 

Wmthrop's •*- ^ i. 

loss of favor sitlou, " thc inhabitants of Boston met to choose 

in Boston. ^ . ^ . . 

seven men who should divide the town lands among 

1 Mass. Col. Eec, 117. eys given to that end; for godly people 

2 For instance, Mr. Haynes gave fifty in England began now to apprehend a 
pounds towards the construction of a special hand of God in raising this plan- 
floating battery (Ibid., 109) ; and when, tation." (Winthrop, I. 135. Comp. 
in July, 1G34, " Mr. Humphrey and the ibid., 136 ; Mass. Col. Rec, I. 128.) 
Lady Susan, his wife, one of the Earl ^ " The new Governor and the As- 
of Lincoln's sisters, arrived here, he sistants were together entertained at the 
brought more ordnance, muskets, and house of the old Governor, as before," 
powder, bought for the public by mon- (Winthrop, I. 158.) 



IX.] MASSACHUSETTS. 379 

them." It seems, there existed an apprehension "that the 
richer men would give the poorer sort no great propor- 
tions of land, but would rather leave a great part at lib- 
erty for new-comers and for common, which Mr. Win- 
throp had oft persuaded them unto, as best for the town." 
The consequence was, that, in a vote by ballot, the citi- 
zens " left out Mr. Coddington and other of the chief 
men," and elected Winthrop only "by a voice or two," 
with " one of the elders and a deacon, and the rest of the 
inferior sort." As the most effectual way of rebuking the 
error, AVinthrop refused to serve, "telling them that, 
though for his part he did not apprehend any personal 
injury, nor did doubt of their good affection towards him, 
yet he was much grieved that Boston should be the first 
who should shake off their magistrates, especially Mr. 
Coddington, who had been always so forward for their 
enlargement."^ The people, on a sober second thought, 
saw their proceeding in the same light, and corrected it 
by a new election. It is probably owing to this reconsid- 
eration that the richer and the poorer sort have now the 
joint enjoyment of the beautiful park still called Boston 
Common. 

Another transaction touched him more nearly. The 
General Court, which had chosen Dudley to supersede 
him, had appointed a committee "to receive his account of 
such things as he had received and disbursed for pub- 
lic use." He presented it at the next General 

Sept. 4. 

Court, which, agreeably to the new regulation, 
was held within the following four months. He would 
have "rested satisfied" with his disbursements for the 
public, he says in that dignified paper, " but that, being 
called to account," he was compelled to mention them. 
After showing them to have exceeded his receipts by more 
than a thousand pounds, " It repenteth me not," he pro- 
ceeded, " of my cost or labor bestowed in the service of 

1 Winthrop, I. 152. 



380 , mSTOEY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

this Commonwealth, but do heartily bless the Lord our 
God, that he hath pleased to honor me so far as to call 
for anything he hath bestowed upon me for the service of 
his Church and people here, the prosperity whereof and 
his gracious acceptance shall be an abundant recompense 
to me. I conclude with this one request, which in justice 
may not be denied me, that, as it stands upon record that 
upon the discharge of my office I was called to account, 
so this my declaration may be recorded also ; lest here- 
after, when I shall be forgotten, some blemish may lie 
upon my posterity, when there shall be nothing to clear 
it." ^ And on the record it stands, accordingly. 

For half a century, down to the abrogation of the char- 
ter, the only changes in the arrangements respecting the 
legislature now constituted, Avere its division into two 
branches, sitting apart, with a negative each upon the 
other, and the practice of two annual sessions instead of 
four. The magistrates were chosen by joint vote of the 
freemen of the Colony. The Deputies were elected by 
the freemen of their respective towns. The treatment 
of that remarkable peculiarity in the social con- 

Towns. . . •*- y . 

dition of New England which is presented in 
its municipal system, belongs to another part of this 
work. What is appropriate here is to call attention to 
its early origin. The name toivn first occurs in the rec- 
1C30. ord of the second colonial meeting of the Court 
Sept. 7. Qjp Assistants, in connection with the naming of 
Boston, Chaiiestown, and Watertown.^ The assessment, 
in the same month, of fifty pounds, in prescribed propor- 
tions, to be "collected and levied by distress out 

Sept. 28. . o . T 

of the several plantations," "^ implies some organi- 
zation within each plantation for apportioning its share 
of the assessment among its inhabitants. In the foUow- 
1231. ing spring, " every town within this patent" was 
March 22. required to " provide its inhabitants with arms," '^ 

1 Mass. Col. Kec, I. 130-132. ^ ibid., 77. 

2 Ibid., 75. 4 Ibid., 84. 



IX.] MASSACHUSETTS. 381 

a requisition which also supposes some arrangement in 
each for corporate action within itself. A rude pattern of 
a frame of town government was shaped by Dor- 1533 
Chester, when, in place of the earlier practice of ^''^ ^• 
transacting business at meetings of the whole body of its 
freemen (the grants of lands being certified by a committee 
consisting of the clergymen and deacons), it designated cer- 
tain inhabitants, twelve in number, to meet weekly, and 
consult and determine upon public affairs, — without 
any authority, however, beyond other inhabitants who 
should choose to come and take part in their consulta- 
tions and votes.^ About the same time, at Watertown, 
it was " agreed by the consent of the freemen, that there 
should be three persons chosen for the ordering of the civil 
affairs." ^ In the fourth year from the settlement of Bos- 
ton, at which time the earliest extant records were ^^^4. 
made, three persons were chosen " to make up the "^"^^ ^' 
ten to manage the affairs of the town." ^ The system of 
delegated town action was there perhaps the same icss. 
which was defined m an " Order made by the in- ^^^- ^^• 
habitants of Charlestown, at a full meeting, for the govern- 
ment of the town by Selectmen,"^ — the name presently 
extended throughout New England to the municipal gov- 
ernors. That order was as follows : " In consideration of 
the great trouble and charge of the inhabitants of Charles- 
town by reason of the frequent meeting of the townsmen 
in general, and that, by reason of many men meeting, 
things were not so easily brought into a joint issue ; it is 
therefore agreed by the said townsmen jointly, that these 
eleven men whose names are written on the other side 
(with the advice of pastor and teacher desired in any case 
of conscience) shall entreat of all such business as shall 

1 Clapp, History of Dorchester, 32. 3 Drake, History and Antiquities of 

2 Bond, Genealogies, &c. of Water- Boston, 174, note f. 

town, H. 995. — The precise date of ^ Frothingham, History of Charles- 
this vote is not preserved, but it was at town, 50. 
least as early as 1634. 



382 HISTOEY OF NEW ENGLAIJD. [Chap. IX. 

concern the townsmen, the choice of officers excepted ; and 
what they or the greater part of them shall conclude of, 
the rest of the town willingly to submit unto as their 
own proper act, and these eleven to continue in this em- 
ployment for one year next ensuing the date hereof." 

The orders, passed at the important assembly of the. 
freemen whose proceedings for reform have been de- 
scribed, to the effect " that every town should be at 
liberty to make such orders about swine as they should 
judge best," and that, "in all rates and public charges,"-^ 
the towns should levy on their inhabitants, are natural 
expressions of the desire to avoid consolidation,'' and to 
vindicate the importance of the municipal democracies. 
The form of their government, which, dictated by ob- 
vious convenience, came easily into use, was presently 
1036. recognized by the General Court,^ with proper 
March 3. pi'oyisions for its efficiency and limitation; and 
so became permanent, receiving from time to time ex- 
tensions and amendments fit to accommodate it to the 
public needs and convenience. The towns have been, on 
the one hand, separate governments, and, on the other, 
the separate constituents of a common government. In 
Massachusetts, for two centuries and a quarter, the Depu- 
ties in the General Court — or Representatives.^ as they 
have been named under the State Constitution — contin- 
ued to represent the municipal corporations. In New 
Hampshire, Vermont, Connecticut, and Hhode Island, that 
basis of representation still subsists. Maine, at its sepa- 
ration from the parent State, substituted the Dis- 

1824. . , . • p n n 

trict system, involving a union ot small towns lor 
the choice of a Representative ; so as to proportion repre- 
sentation more strictly to numbers. 

1 Mass. Col. Eec, I. 119, 120. fore, at wMch, among other tHngs, it 

2 Perhaps this action is to be traced had been agreed " that trivial things, 
to an unofficial conference of some &c. should be ended in towns." (Win- 
magistrates and ministers six weeks be- throp, I. 178.) 



1634. 
Condition of 
the settlers 



CHAPTER X. 

Four years had now passed since the arrival of "Win- 
throp's company in Massachusetts Bay. The worst hard- 
ships of a new plantation had been outlived. The infant 
society had been organized into coherence, symmetry, and 
a capacity of self-preservation and growth. The emigra- 
tion had been recently renewed, and between three and 
four thousand Englishmen were distributed among twenty 
hamlets along and near the sea-shore. 

They were settling into such employments as their sit- 
uation dictated. They cultivated the ground, and took 
care of herds and flocks.-*- They hunted and 
fished for a part of their food. They were build- 
ins: houses, boats, and mills : enclosins: land with »» ^assa 

® chusetts. 

fences ; and cutting roads through the forest to 
connect their towns. Their exports of cured fish, furs, and 
lumber bought them articles of convenience and luxury 
in England, and they were soon to build ships to be sold 
abroad. The customs of daily life were taking the new 
shapes impressed upon them by the strangeness of a con- 
dition so novel, and the course of public administration 
was beginning to be made regular by precedents. 

The freemen of the Company were now about three 
hundred and fifty in number.^ More than two thirds of 

1 " Foi' four thousand souls there are Col. Eec, I. 366 - 369.) Allowing for 
fifteen hundred head of cattle, besides deaths on the one hand, and for the im- 
four thousand goats, and swine innu- migration of persons who had been ad- 
merable." (Wood, New England's mitted to the franchise in England on 
Prospect, 49.) the other, the number of three hundred 

2 Three hundred and forty-six free- and fifty in May, 1634, cannot be far 
men had been admitted in Massachusetts from the truth. 

before the summer of 1634. (Mass. 



384 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAOTD. [Chap. 

them had been admitted to the franchise since the estab- 
Freemenand hshmcnt of thc leligious test, and a majority of 
magistrates. ^^iQ residuo wcro also members of churches. As 
yet, all the magistrates were persons who had first been 
appointed in England, with the exception of Haynes, and 
John Winthrop the younger, the Governor's son. Not a 
few others of the freemen, from both position and char- 
acter, had good pretensions to be admitted to the body 
charged with the executive and judicial administration ; 
but, though the charter authorized the choice of twenty 
magistrates, for several years only about half as many 
were elected, the vacancies being kept for the men of 
rank who were expected to come over. 

The clergy, now thirteen or fourteen in number, consti- 
tuted in some sort a separate estate of special dignity.^ 
Thouofh they were excluded from secular office, 

Clergy. . . . . . 

the relation of their functions to the spirit and 
aim of the community which had been founded, as well 
as their personal weight of ability and character, gave 
great authority to their advice. Nearly all were gradu- 
ates of Oxford or Cambridge, and had held livings in the 
Established Church of England. Several had been emi- 
nent among their fellows for all professional endowments. 
It is impossible to estimate too highly the strength of 
that devotion to liberty, civil and religious, which induced 
men and women, tenderly bred, used to comfort and abun- 
dance, and in a condition still to command them, to leave 
home and kindred, and every attraction of dignified and 
luxurious life, and become the pioneers of a new society 
in a distant and rude wilderness. Injustice to the great 
body of the emigrants, another fact should be remembered. 
There was no economical distress in England to prompt 

1 Wilson and Cotton -were ministers Phillips, of Watertown ; James, of 

of Boston; Skelton and Williams, of Charlestown ; and Batchelor, of Sau- 

Salem ; Warham and Maverick, of gus. William Leverich came over in 

Dorchester; Welde and Ehot, of Eox- October, 1633, but was not yet exer- 

bury; Hooker and Stone, of Newtown ; cising the clerical office. 



X.] MASSACHUSETTS. 385 

the enterprise of colonization. There had never been a 
time when English subjects might live so tran- j^^^^^.^j 
Quillv and prosperously, if they would but con- prosperity of 

.iM r ^ -, 1 1 England. 

sent to resign liberty oi thought and speech. 
" This kingdom," says Lord Clarendon, " enjoyed the 
greatest calm, and the fullest measure of felicity, that 
any people, in any age, for so long a time together, have 
been blessed with, to the wonder and envy of all the 
other parts of Christendom." ^ And Hume draws the 
same picture of the visible face of affairs : " The griev- 
ances under which the English labored, when consid- 
ered in themselves, without regard to the constitution, 
scarcely deserve the name Peace, industry, com- 
merce, opulence, nay, even justice and lenity of adminis- 
tration (notwithstanding some very few exceptions), all 
these were enjoyed by the people, and every blessing of 
government, except liberty, or rather the present exercise 
of liberty, and its proper security." ^ 

But there was a portion of the people incapable of har- 
boring so un-English a thought as that of selling their 
self-respect for an easy life. Peace, opulence, and a lenient 
administration of government, even had it been more le- 
nient than it was, could not satisfy them, without " the 
present exercise of liberty," and its proper securities for 
themselves, their country, and posterity; nor could they 
endure a government which forbade what they considered 
•as belonging to the character of a good Christian. The 
general prosperity and comfort of their condition dis- 
play and enhance the merit of their willingness to sub- 
mit to enormous sacrifices of external well-being, rather 
than to the loss of those, rights of the mind, of which re- 
flecting and religious minds perceive the incomparable 
worth. The experience of all ages shows, that, in times of 
ease and affluence, public virtue is least firm, encroach- 
ments of arbitrary rule are easiest made, and the resistance 

1 History of tlie Great Kebelllon, Chap. I. 2 History of England, Chap. LII. 

VOL. I. 33 



J386 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

of patriots is most discouraged and embarrassed. And if 
men like Clarendon and Hume — -men certainly not with- 
out humanity, however biassed by false theories — could 
see in the material prosperity of England a balance for 
the forfeiture of more ideal blessings, a judgment differ- 
ent from theirs will award especial honor to the wisdom 
and determination of those prosperous Englishmen, who 
refused to put quiet and abundance in the scale against 
possessions estimable only by reason, sentiment, and con- 
science. 

The difficulties of their undertaking were by no means 
yet over. The freedom which they had attained by heroic 
sacrifice, they had now to secure by practical wisdom. 
Its permanence was exposed to two dangers. It was 
threatened by the hostility of the English government, 
and by dissensions in the new community. And in cir- 
cumstances likely to occur, each of these dangers would 
increase the other. 

Of the reality and nearness of the former, the colonists 
had had warning in the recent complaints against them to 
the Privy Council. In those proceedings they had been 
charged with an ambition to be independent of the parent 
country ; ^ and already there were not wanting facts to 
give a color of truth to the charge, and such facts could 
not fail to accumulate in future. Whatever may be 
Independent tliought of tho plaus aud liopcs entertained by 
ceillty foT Winthrop and his coadjutors before they left their 
the colonists. jj^Qmc, ccrtaiu it is that an essential independence 
forced itself upon them in the place of their retreat. The 
responsibility of a government presently cast itself upon 
their shoulders. They had a large number of associates 
to protect by the exercise of all the functions of foreign 
and domestic administration. They had Indians to look 
after within their borders, and Indians, French, and Dutch 

1 See above, pp. 364, 370. — " It was of the sovereign magistrate." (Gorges, 
doubted they would, in a short time, Briefe Narration, Chap. XXVI.) 
wholly shake off the royal jurisdiction 



X.] MASSACHUSETTS. 387 

without. They could not wait till they could send to 
England, and get authority from a Secretary of State, 
likely to be too busy with other matters to give them 
his attention, before they should hang a murderer, or de- 
fend a town against an inroad of savages. If it was indis- 
pensable for such offices to be performed, they could not 
suffer themselves to be disabled from performing them, 
either by direct opposition to their government, or by 
interference with their arrangements for organizing the 
requisite authority and force. And while, on the one 
hand, every exercise of power in this direction would 
confirm in them the habit, and stimulate the feeling, of 
independence, it would, on the other, be a new occasion 
of distrust on the part of the government at home. 

Annoyance from the home government was therefore 
to be expected by the colonists. ' For protection against it 
they were to look to their charter, as long as the grants 
in that instrument should continue to be respected. 
Against internal dissensions, they had an easy remedy. 
The freemen of the Massachusetts Company had a right, 
in equity and in law, to expel from their territory all per- 
sons who should give them trouble. In their corporate 
capacity, they were owners of Massachusetts in fee, by a 
title to all intents as good as that by which any freeholder 
among them had held his English farm. As ponticai 
aofainst all Europeans, whether English or Conti- '^'g'^^^of'^e 

° . ~ freemen of 

nental, they owned it by a grant from the crown of wassachu- 
England, to which, by well-settled law, the dispo- 
sal of it belonged, in consequence of its discovery by an 
English subject. In respect to any adverse claim on the 
part of the natives, they had either found the land un- 
occupied, or had become possessed of it with the con- 
sent of its earlier proprietors. For the purpose of being 
at liberty to follow their own judgment and inclination in 
respect to matters regarded by them with the profoundest 
interest, they had submitted to an abandonment of their 



388 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAOT). [Chap. 

homes, and to the extreme hardships mcident to settle- 
ment in a distant wilderness. They thought they had 
acquired an absolute right to the unmolested enjoyment 
of what had cost them so dear. Having withdrawn across 
an ocean, to escape from the interference of others with 
their own management of their own affairs, they conceived 
that they were entitled to protect themselves from such 
interference for the future by the exclusion of disturbing 
intruders from their wild domain. And that privilege 
they regarded as further assured to them by the letter of 
English law ; for the royal charter, under which they 
held, gave them express power to " expulse all such per- 
son and persons as should at any time attempt or enter- 
prise detriment or annoyance to their plantation or its 
inhabitants." In this, as in other respects, their charter 
was their Palladium. To lose it would be ruin. What- 
ever might imperil their possession of it, required to be 
watched by them with the most jealous caution. 

Accordingly, the associate who could sympathize with 
them, and join his hand with theirs in building up the new 
institutions in church and state, was Avelcome. Whoever 
had views and objects so different from theirs, that his 
presence among them would be an occasion of weakness 
or of strife, had, in their judgment, no claim to fasten 
himself upon them. It would be better for both parties 
that he should establish himself, Avith others like-minded, 
in some solitude of his own, as they had done. It would 
be no hardship to him to be refused a home on soil only 
as yet begun to be redeemed from the wildness of nature. 
There was no want of vacant spots, and those close at 
hand, at least as attractive as that which they had chosen. 
At all events, having paid so dearly for quiet, they claimed 
its unobstructed enjoyment. Their poor home was their 
own ; no one had rights there but themselves ; it was for 
them to judge in what cases hospitality would be consistent 
with security and quiet. The right of self-preservation, for 



X.] MASSACHUSETTS. 389 

commonwealtlis as for individuals, involves almost unlim- 
ited immunities. In both, an excessive caution may dic- 
tate needlessly rigid measures of defence; but, when the 
life of either seems in peril, the privilege of counteraction 
is large enough to justify severer measures than the mere 
removal of an assailant from the place where the danger 
of his presence has been disclosed. 

However distasteful to the magistrates the action of the 
fifth General Court had for the moment been, they found 
reason to rejoice in it before the next four years were 
passed. A suspended question of power between them 
and the freemen, with its attendant disputes and jeal- 
ousies, would have disabled both parties for the action 
which events were about to require ; and the extension of 
the responsibility of government to a considerable number 
of persons, with a great interest in common, and capacity 
to understand it, proved to be an opportune element of 
strength. The Court had scarcely been dissolved, when 
tidings came from England of a nature to impress 1634. 
the minds of the rulers in Massachusetts, more imjonam 
seriously than ever before, with a sense of the |.'?*'="'^^"'=« 

•' ' from Eng- 

magnitude of the task they had undertaken. '»"'^- 

On the one hand, new cause for encouragement ap- 
peared. Mr. Humphrey, who came over with a quantity 
of arms and ammunition, presented by- friends of the Col- 
ony in England, reported that " godly people began now 
to apprehend a special hand of God in raising this plan- 
tation, and their hearts were generally stirred to come 
over." Intelligence to the same effect came from Scottish 
settlers in the JSTorth of Ireland ; and " Mr. Humphrey 
brought certain propositions from some persons of great 
quality and estate, and of special note for j)iety, whereby 
they discovered their intentions to join the Colony, if they 
might receive satisfaction therein." ^ The Earl of War- 

1 Winthrop, I. 135; comp. 172. — by Hutchinson in his History (1.433), 
These " propositions " were published imder the title of " Certain Proposals 
33* 



390 



HISTOKY OF NEW ENGLAND. 



[Chap. 



wick, in a letter to Winthrop, " congratulated the pros- 
perity of the plantation, encouraged their proceedings, and 
offered his help." ^ 

On the other hand, Mr. Humphrey brought tidings of 



made by Lord Say, Lord Brooke, and 
other persons of quality, as conditions of 
their removing to New England." The 
proposals are there accompanied by the 
answers to each, which, from a letter of 
Cotton to Lord Say and Sele, appear to 
have been sent in 1636. The document 
is extremely curious on many accounts, 
and not least so for the relation which 
it bears to the opinion I have offered 
respecting a vision, in the minds of the 
Puritan leaders, of a renovated Eng- 
land in America. (See above, p. 308.) 
The Proposals contemplated a govern- 
ment by two houses of legislature, each 
with a negative on the other, the first 
to consist of an hereditary peerage. 
Divested of some of their details, they 
were to this effect: "That the com- 
monwealth should consist of two dis- 
tinct ranks of men, whereof the one 
should be, for them and their heirs, 
gentlemen of the country; the other, 
for them and their heirs, freeholders " ; 
" that the Governor should ever be chosen 
out of the rank of gentlemen " ; " that, 
for the present, the Right Honorable 
the Lord Viscount Say and Sele, the 
Lord Brooke, who had already been 
at great disbursements for the public 
works in New England, and such other 
gentlemen of approved sincerity and 
worth as they, before their personal re- 
move, should take into their number, 
should be admitted, for them and their 
heirs, gentlemen of the country ; but, 
for the future, none should be admitted 
into this rank but by the consent of 
both Houses " ; " that the rank of free- 
holders should be made up of such as 
should have so much personal there as 
should be thought fit for men of that 
condition, and have contributed some fit 



proportion to the public charge of the 
country, either by their disbursements 
or labors." 

To comply with such "proposals" was 
impossible. To lose such friends as had 
made them would have been a great 
misfortune. It was a misfortune at all 
events to be postponed; and the An- 
swers, it seems, were deferred nearly 
two yeai's. These Answers are a model 
for address, but the paper is too long to 
copy here. To the Proposal of the lords 
for themselves and their heirs to be legis- 
lators in New England, the Answer is : 
" The great disbursements of these noble 
personages and worthy gentlemen we 

thankfully acknowledge But, 

though that charge had never been 
disbursed, the worth of the honorable 
persons named is so well known to all, 
and our need of such supjjorts and 
guides is so sensible to ourselves, that 
we do not doubt the country would 
thanklully accept It, as a singular favor 
from God and from them, if he should 
bow their hearts to come into this wil- 
derness and help us When 

God blesseth any branch of any noble 
or generous family with a spirit and 
gifts fit for government, it would be 
a taking of God's name in vain to put 
such a talent under a bushel, and a sin 
against the honor of magistracy to neg- 
lect such in our public elections. But, 
if God should not delight to furnish 
some of their posterity with gifts fit 
for magistracy, we should expose them 
rather to reproach and prejudice, and 
the commonwealth with them, than ex- 
alt them to honor, if we should call 
them forth, when God doth not, to 
public authority." 

1 Winthrop, I. 137. 



X.] MASSACHUSETTS. 391 

serious danger impending from abroad. The jealousy of 
the royal government, carried on for the last five years with- 
out a Parliament, and growing every day more despotic in 
church and state, had been revealed in the Order 

Feb. 21. 

of the Privy Council to detam ten vessels about to 
sail from London with passengers for New England.-^ The 
attempts against the charter, baffled a year before, were re- 
newed, and an order had been obtained from the Lords of 
Council for its production at their board.™ The alarm in 
Massachusetts reached its height when intelligence came of 
a design to send out a General Governor,^ and of the crea- 
tion of a special commission for the management Apni lo. 
of all the colonies and for the revocation of their *^°^''"'=ii 

commission, 

charters, with Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury, at andrecaiiof 
its head. Mr. Cradock transmitted a copy of the 
Order of Council requiring the production of the patent. 
Por the present the magistrates simply replied, that they 
had no power to do anything of the kind without the 
direction of the General Court, which would not meet for 
two months. They sent letters, " to mediate their 
peace," by Mr. Winslow, on whose personal agency 
it may be presumed that they also placed reliance. 

There is no matter of surprise in the vigorous assault 
now made upon the charter of Massachusetts by the coun- 
sellors of King Charles. The difficult questions pdicyoftiie 
are, how it came to be originally granted, and '""ntoMas-" 
why, when assailed only a year before the pres- ^a'='^"^^«^- 
ent hostile movements, it had been treated with so much 
favor.^ Considering the character of the king on the one 
hand, and the provisions of the charter on the other, it 
seems necessary to conclude, either that its tenor was not 
well known to him when it received his assent, or else 

1 See above, pp. 370, 371. Morton to "Mr. Jeffery, an old plant- 

2 Winthrop, I. 135. — The Order Is er," who carried it to the Governor, 
in Hazard, I. 341. (Winthrop, I. 138.) 

3 This news came in the first week ^ Ibid., 137. 

of August, in a letter from Thomas ^ See above, pp. 364, 365. 



392 HISTOEY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

that his purpose in granting it was to encourage the de- 
parture of Puritans from England, at the time when he 
was entering upon measures which might bring on a dan- 
gerous conflict with that party. The former supposition 
is scarcely to be reconciled with what appears to be a well- 
authenticated fact, that the charter was procured through 
the intervention of that vigilant courtier and sensitive 
churchman, Lord Dorchester.^ The latter supposition 
derives some plausibility from the tortuous policy of the 
king, a policy to which his experienced diplomatist was 
in no wise averse. 

The charter of the Massachusetts Company had passed 
the seals almost simultaneously with the king's annuncia- 
tion, after an exciting controversy with three Parliaments, 
of his purpose to govern without Parliaments in future. It 
might well appear to him, that, in the contests which per- 
haps were to follow, his task would be made easier if 
numbers of the patriots could be tempted to absent them- 
selves from the kingdom ; and when he should have suc- 
ceeded, and the laws and liberties of England should be 
stricken down, there would be nothing in his past grants 
to embarrass him in his treatment of the exiles, and his 
arm would be long enough to reach and strong enough 
to crush them in their distant hiding-place. Or, if no 
scheme so definite as this was entertained, the grant of 
the charter, inviting attention to a distant object, might 
do something for his present relief, by breaking up the 
dangerous concentration of the thoughts of the Puritans 
on the state of aflairs at home.^ 

1 See in Chalmers's " Annals" (147) having brought English Tcrsification to 
" the docket of the grant," as preserved its modern refinement, wrote a masque 
in the Privy-Seal Office. — Lord Dor- entitled " Coelum Britannicum," which 
Chester was the Sir Dudley Carleton was performed at Whitehall, February 
who, in the capacity of King James's 18, 1633, the king himself taking a part 
ambassador, had worried Brewster in in it. Momus, one of the speakers, pro- 
the Netherlands. See above, p. 141, note, poses to transport the Vices to New 

2 Thomas Carew, whose name con- England : " I should conceive it a very 
tests with that of Waller the praise of discreet course to embark them 



X.] MASSACHUSETTS. 393 

Whatever was the king's design in granting the char- 
ter, nothing occurred to change his course of action in 
respect to it for the next four years. Within that time 
there had been only one large emigration; and, if he 
heard anything of the Colony, he must have heard that it 
seemed languishing. There was therefore no motive to lay 
a heavy hand on it ; and accordingly the complaint of Ma- 
son and others at the end of the fourth year was carelessly 
dismissed. In the fifth year, things took a different turn. 
Eight or nine hundred Englishmen went to Massachu- 
setts, some of them important men. The Colony had got 
through its first difficulties, and was vigorous. If the 
king and his Archbishop had heard of all that it had been 
doing, they knew that its progress could not be stopped 
too soon for their advantage. On the other hand, Charles 
seemed to have surmounted the first difficulties of his 
career as an absolute monarch. More than five years had 
passed of government without a Parliament, and England 
was not yet in arms. Subservient courts of justice, and 
the parasites about his person, may well have persuaded 
him that England was at his feet. He had just come 
from his coronation in Scotland, elated with his loyal re- 
ception in the dominion of his fathers. The Star Cham- 
ber was in unopposed activity. Laud had just been made 
the first clergyman, peer, and counsellor of the realm; 
and Laud, at the ear of his sovereign, was not a man to 
forget the claims of the Church, or to postpone the harsh 
exercise of power. We may find it hard to satisfy our- 
selves of the reason for granting the charter of Massachu- 
setts Bay; but, as to the causes of the early proceedings 
for its destruction, there is no perplexity. 

all together in that good ship called the bodies of this kingdom." (Chalmers, 

Argo, and send them to the plantation English Poets, V. 629.) Considering 

in New England, which Tiath ]^urged the intimate relations of Carew to the 

more virulent Immors from the politic court, this may faii-ly be interpreted as 

body, than guaiacum and all the Westr an indication of the supposed policy of 

Indian dru2;s have from the material the king. 



394 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

The General Court of magistrates and deputies came 
together, and on their table lay a copy of the instrument 
which gave power to eleven courtiers to ruin them and 
theirs. The Commissioners were found to be the two 
Archbishops, six lay peers, and three other high function- 
aries. They, or any five of them, were invested with 
"power of protection and government" over all English 
colonies. They had authority " to make laws, orders, and 
constitutions"; to provide for the maintenance of a cler- 
gy " by tithes, oblations, and other profits " ; " to inflict 
punishment, either by imprisonment or other re- 
straints, or by loss of life or members " ; to remove and 
appoint governors and other officers; to establish eccle- 
siastical courts ; to hear and determine complaints, " either 

against the whole colonies, or any private member 

thereof," and for that purpose " to summon the persons 
before them"; and finally, to call in all letters-patent, 
and, if any were found to convey privileges hurtful to the 
" crown or prerogative royal," to cause them to be legally 
revoked.^ 

Since the tidings came from England of the alarming 
measures in train, the members of the Court had had time 
for conference with their neighbors, and were probably 
well agreed as to what business they should transact. A 
determined spirit does not closely calculate resources. It 
easily believes that the way will appear, when the will 

Sept. 3. is constant. The first orders adopted were for 
onheteT the erection of fortifications on Castle Island in 
erai Court. ]Boston harbor, and at Charlestown and Dorches- 
ter. Next the captains were authorized " to train unskil- 
ful men so often as they pleased, provided they exceeded 
not three days in a week." Dudley, Winthrop, Haynes, 
Humphrey, and Endicott were appointed " to consult, di- 
rect, and give command for the managing and ordering 
of any war that might befall for the space of a year next 

1 The commission is in Hazard, I. 344. 



X.] MASSACHUSETTS. 395 

ensuing, and till further order should be taken therein." 
Arrangements were made for the collection and custody of 
arms and ammunition. Then various small matters of com- 
mon legislation were despatched as usual. Swine, weirs, 
ordinaries, and ferries were regulated ; the public use of 
tobacco, and the making, buying, and w^earing of " slashed 
clothes," were forbidden ; and, after appointing " a day of 
public humiliation throughout the several plantations," 
the General Court adjourned.^ During the winter, no new 
alarm came from abroad. The ministers were in- 1635. 
vited by the Governor and Assistants to a consul- ^'"^- ^^^ 
tation at Boston on the existing state of affairs. All came 
but one, Mr. Ward, who was lately arrived ; and the 
unanimous advice of those present was : " If a General 
Governor were sent, we ought not to accept him, but de- 
fend our lawful possessions, if we were able; otherwise 
to avoid or protract." ^ It might prove that the king of 
England was able to coerce these people by force ; to co- 
erce them by intimidation was beyond his power. 

The great subject of anxiety presented itself again at 
the next General Court. An order was passed, 

March 4. 

" that the lort at Castle Island, now begun, shall 
be fully perfected, the ordinances mounted, and every 
other thing about it finished"; and the Deputy-Governor, 
who had it in charge, was empowered " to press men for 
that work."^ By another vote, it was directed "that there 
should be forthwith a beacon set on the sentry hill at Bos- 
ton, to give notice to the country of any danger, 

and that, upon the discovery of any danger, the beacon 
should be fired." To secure a supply of musket-balls, 
they were made a legal tender for payments, at the rate of 

1 Mass. Col. Rec, I. 123-128. ure. (Winthrop, I. 137.) Maverick 

2 Winthrop, I. 154. "was directed to remove from bis island, 

3 " The Governor and Council, and which was opposite to Castle Island, 
divers of the ministers and others," had into the town. (Mass. Col. Rec, I. 
just before made a reconnoissance of 140.) This must have been on account 
Castle Island, with a view to this meas- of his doubtful loyalty to the Colony. 



396 . HISTOEY OF NEW ENGLAOT). [Chap, 

a farthing apiece, instead of the coin, the circulation of 
which was forbidden. Further rules were made for the 
enforcement of a strict military discipline ; and the " Free- 
man's Oath " of fidelity to the local government was re- 
quired to be taken by every man " resident within the 
jurisdiction," and being " of or above the age of sixteen 
years." Finally, a military commission was established 
with extraordinary powers. The magistrates and Mr. 
Bellingham were the commissioners. They were author- 
ized " to dispose of all military affairs whatsoever " ; " to 
ordain and remove all military officers " ; " to do whatso- 
ever might be behooveful for the good of the plantation, in 
case of any war that might befall " ; " to imprison or con- 
fine any that they should judge to be enemies to the com- 
monwealth ; and such as would not come under command 
or restraint, as they should be required, it should be lawful 
for the commissioners to put such persons to death." -^ 

The demand from England for a transmission of the 
charter had received no other notice from the General 
Court than what these proceedings imply. The govern- 
ment of Charles the First was pressed with too much 
business to follow up a policy of consistent vigor against 
the contumacious Colony. But the Lords Commissioners 
made the provisional experiment of an Order pro* 

December. ... . • r« i f i 

hibitmg the emigration of all persons of the degree 
of " a subsidy man" without a special license, and of all per- 
sons beneath that degree without evidence of their having 
taken the oaths of supremacy and allegiance, and of their 
" conformity to the orders of discipline of the Church of 
England."" This was while another measure of better 
promise was in train. As far as the Order took effect, 
it would enfeeble the resistance of the Massachusetts Com- 
pany, now doomed to be overthrown by an abuse of law. 
The Council for New England, having struggled through 
nearly fifteen years of maladministration and ill-luck, had 

1 Mass. Col. Eec. I. 135 - 143. ^ The Order is in Hazard, I. 347. 



X.] 



MASSACHUSETTS. 



397 



yielded to the discouragements which beset it. By the 
royal favor, it had triumphed over the rival Vir- Dissolution 
giuia Company, to be overwhelmed in its turn by "a forN°ew' 
the just jealousy of Parliament, and by dissen- England. 
sions among its members. The Council, having, by profuse 
and inconsistent grants of its lands,^ exhausted its com- 



1 The following is a list of grants 
made, or alleged to have been made, 
by the Council for New England, be- 
fore the final partition. 

1621. June 1. To John Pierce, of 
lands at Plymouth. For the particulars 
of this transaction, see above, p. 194. 

1621. To Sir William Alexander, of 
the peninsula of Nova Scotia. This 
grant was confirmed by a royal charter 
of September 10 of the same year. 
See above, p. 234. 

1622. March 9. To Captain John 
Mason, of a tract, called Mariana, ex- 
tending from Naumkeag to the river 
Merrimack. See above, pp. 204, 205. 

1622. April 20. To John Pierce, 
of the lands of the Plymouth planters. 
See above, p. 209. 

1622. May 31. Patents were or- 
dered "to be drawn for the Earl of 
Warwick and his associates." This 
transaction I understand to have be- 
longed to the partition of the territory 
from the Bay of Fundy to Cape Cod 
among twenty associates. See above, 
pp. 222, 285. 

1622. August 10. To Gorges and 
Mason, of Laconia, extending along the 
coast from the Merrimack to the Ken- 
nebec. See above, p. 205. 

1622. November 16. " To Mr. 
Thompson " (Journal of the Council for 
New England). This may well have been 
David Thompson, afterwards resident on 
the PIscataqua and in Boston harbor. 

To the same year must be referred 
the patent to Thomas Weston, by virtue 
of which he attempted the plantation at 
Wessagusset. See above, p. 199. 

1622. December 30. To Robert 

VOL. I. 34 



Gorges, of lands on Boston Bay. See 
above, p. 206. 

1623. To Ferdinando Gorges (grand- 
son of Sir Ferdinando) and Colonel Nor- 
ton, of twenty-four thousand acres, at 
Agamenticus. See Gorges, Ch. XXV. 

1625. If Wollaston had a patent, it 
belongs to this or an earlier year. See 
above, p. 222. 

1627. To the Plymouth people, of 
lands on the Kennebec. See above, 
p. 230. 

1628. March 19. To Sir Henry 
Roswell and his five associates, of the 
tract between the Merrimack and the 
Charles, and three miles beyond each 
river. See above, p. 288. 

1629. Nov, 7. To John Mason, of 
Neio Hampshire, from the PIscataqua to 
the Merrimack. See Hazard, I. 291. 

1630. January 13. To the Ply- 
mouth Colony, of the lands occupied by 
it, and of lands on the Kennebec. See 
above, p. 332. 

1630. February 12. To Thomas 
Lewis, Richard Bonython, Richard 
Vines, and John Oldham, of lands on 
Saco River. 

1630. March 13. To John Beau- 
champ, of London, and Thomas Lever- 
ett, of Boston, of a tract of a hundred 
square leagues to the west of Penobscot 
Bay. This commonly goes by the name 
of the Muscongus or the Waldo Patent, 
the latter being the name of a subse- 
quent purchaser. 

To the same year belongs the Lygo- 
nia or Plough Patent, of sixteen hun- 
dred square miles, including the present 
city of Portland, to John Dy and others. 

1631. March 12. To Edward HH- 



398 



HISTORY OP NEW ENGLAND. 



[Chap. 



mon property, as well as its credit with purchasers for 
keeping its engagements, had no motive to continue its 
organization. Under these circumstances, it determined 
on a resignation of its charter to the king,^ and a surren- 



ton, of a tract including the present 
towns of Dover, Durham, and Stratham, 
with part of Newington and Greenland, 
in New Hampshire. 

1631. November 1. To Thomas 
Cammock, of lands now included in 
the town of Scarborough, in Maine. 

1G31. November 3. To Gorges 
and Mason, and their associates, Henry 
Gardner, George GrifHth, and Thomas 
Eyer, of lands on the Piscataqua. 

1631. December 1. To Kobert 
Trelawny and Moses Goodyeare, mer- 
chants of Plymouth, of lands bounded 
on the east by those of Cammock. 

To this or to an earlier year must be 
referred the patent to the Earl of "War- 
wick which was the foundation of his 
grant, March 19, 1632, to Lord Say 
and Sele and others, of the lands of 
Connecticut. See Hazard, I. 318. 

1632. February 29. To Robert 
Aldsworth and Giles Elbridge, mer- 
chants of Bristol, of twelve thousand 
acres (with certain rights of extension), 
constituting the Pemaquid Patent. 

1633. December 6. The Council 
confirmed a partition of lands made 
among themselves by the patentees of 
November 3, 1631. 

The irregular manner of transacting 
the business of the Council is apparent. 
Nor, in the defective state of the ey'i- 
dence, is it possible to say that this enu- 
meration of alleged grants is complete, 
or otherwise exact. Shirley wrote to 
the Plymouth people in 1629 (Mass. 
Hist. Coll., HI. 71), "I am persuaded 
Sir Ferdinando (how loving and friend- 
ly soever he seems to be) knows he 
can, nay, purposes to, overthrow, at his 
pleasure, all the patents he grants." 
They could not all have stood together. 



1 The reader may find in Hazard 
(I. 390-394) the "Declaration of the 
Council for New England for the Resig- 
nation of the Great Charter, and the Rea- 
sons moving them thereto," adojjted April 
25, 1635, in a meeting " at the Earl of 
Carlisle's chamber at Whitehall " ; their 
Petition to the king for patents to the 
members to hold their lands in several- 
ty (May 1) ; and their Act of Surren- 
der of the Great Charter of New Eng- 
land to his Majesty (June 7). The 
Declaration recites, as reasons for the 
surrender, the great expenses which 
had been incurred, attended with loss 
of " near friends and faithful servants " ; 
the intrigues and vexations of the rival 
Company of Virginia, which King James 
had not been able to correct ; and, above 
all, the interference of the charter of 
the Massachusetts Company, which is 
alleged to have been " surreptitiously 
gotten," in derogation of the rights of 
Captain Robert Gorges and others. 
The Council made its contribution to 
the aims of the king and the Arch- 
bishop by representing, that the Massa- 
chusetts colonists " made themselves a 
free people, and for such hold of them- 
selves at present," and that there was 
no way to reduce them except " for his 
Majesty to take the whole business into 
his own hands." 

I referred above (p. 193, note) to a 
copy, in the State-Paper Oflice in Lon- 
don, of a portion of the Journal of the 
Council for New England, embracing 
the period from November, 1631, to 
November, 1638. It preserves inter- 
esting particiilars connected with the 
dissolution of that body. 

At the time of the adoption of the 
" Declaration," Lord Gorges was Presi- 



X.] 



MASSACHUSETTS. 



399 



der of the administration of its domain to a General Gov- 
ernor of his appointment, on the condition that all the ter- 
ritory, a large portion of which by its corporate action had 



dent of the Council, having been elect- 
ed a week before, April 18, 1635. John 
Mason had been Vice-President two 
years and a half, since a few months 
after the appearance of a dispute with 
the Earl of Warwick. Probably the 
key to the state of parties in the Coun- 
cil at this time would be found in the 
differences of sentiment as to the ten- 
dency of aifalrs in Massachusetts. 

" A meeting at Warwick House in 
Holborn," June 29th, 1G32, was the sec- 
ond from which Lord Warwick was 
absent, of those registered in the extant 
portion of the Journal of this period. 
There was evidently some disagreement 
with him. " The Lord Great Chamber- 
Iain and the rest of the Council now 
present sent their clerk unto the Earl 
of Warwick for the Council's great seal, 
it being in his Lordship's keeping. His 
Lordship's ansv/er was, that, as soon as 
his man Williams came in, he should 
bring it unto them." And " it was now 
agreed that the place of meeting for the 
Council of New England shall be here- 
after at Captain Mason's house in Fen- 
church Street," instead of Warwick 
House, as it had hitherto been. At the 
second meeting before this, dissatisfac- 
tion had been expressed with a warrant 
given by Lord Warwick and Lord 
Arundel to one Ashley, " for his going 
into New England and being assisted 
there." Ashley was, I suppose, the same 
person who became associated with Al- 
lerton and the Plymouth people in 
their trade to the Penobscot (see 
above, p. 337). Lord Warwick's name 
does not appear at any subsequent 
meeting of the Council till the last of 
those recorded. 

November 6, 1632, "It was ordered 
that the Council's great seal, which now 
remaineth in the Earl of Warwick's 



hands, should be called for, that so it 
might be ready for sealing of patents, 
as there should be cause." At the same 
meeting it Avas determined, " that a new 
patent from his ]\Iajesty b» obtained," 
and that Lord Baltimore's patent should 
be examined as a model. And " cer- 
tain propositions were read and pro- 
pounded concerning New England's 
affairs, as things necessary for the 
Council to take into present considera- 
tion, which were as followeth, viz. : that 
the number of the Committee be with 
all convenient speed filled ; that all pa- 
tents formerly granted be called for and 
perused, and afterwards confirmed, if 
the Council see it fit; that no ships, 
passengers, or goods be permitted to be 
transported for New England, without 
license from the President and Council, 
or their deputy or deputies ; that fish- 
ermen be not permitted to trade with 
salvages, nor the servants of planters, 
nor to cut timber for their ships, v,'ith- 
out license ; that letters from his Majes- 
ty to the lords of shires, for setting forth 
their jjoorer sort of people to New Eng- 
land, be procured ; that a surveyor 
speedily be sent over for settling the 
limits of every plantation according to 
the patent; also, commissioners to be 
sent over to hear and determine all 
differences, and relieve all grievances 
there, if they can ; if not, to certify the 
President and Council here in whom 
the fault is, that speedy order for re- 
dress may be taken." Finally, '• the 
Dutch plantation" was "to be consid- 
ered of." 

November 26,1632. "In regard the 
Company's great seal remained in the 
Earl of Warwick's hands, the Lord 
Great Chamberlain was entreated to 
move the said Earl of Warwick effectu- 
ally for the delivery of it unto Sir Fer- 



400 



HISTOKY OF NEW ENGLAND. 



[Chap. 



already been alienated to other parties, should be granted 
in severalty by the king to the members of the Council. 
Twelve associates accordingly proceeded to a distribution 



dinando Gorges, in -whose hands it 
ought to remain; also Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges promised to desire the Lord 
Marshal to join with the Lord Great 
Chamberlain in showing the Earl of 
Warwick the necessity of having the 
seal delivered forthwith." " Captain 
John Mason was this meeting chosen 
Vice-President." This, I suppose, was 
an arrangement for having, in the un- 
satisfactory relations to Lord Warwick, 
a leader of the opposite party perma- 
nently in the chair in the President's 
absence. 

June 26, 1634. Mr. Humphrey this 
day complained to the President and 
Council for not permitting ships and 
passengers to pass from hence for the 
Bay of Massachusetts, without license 
first had from the President and Coun- 
cil or their deputy, they being free to 
go thither and to transport passengers, 
not only by a patent granted unto them 
by the President and Council of New 
England, but also by a confirmation 
thereof by his Majesty, under his Ma- 
jesty's great seal. Hereupon some of 
the Council desired to see the patent 
which they had obtained from the Gov- 
ernor and Council, because, as they al- 
leged, it pre-indlcted former grants. 
Mr. Humphrey answered, that the said 
patent was now in New England, and 
that they had oftentimes written for it 
to be sent, but as yet they had not re- 
ceived it." 

February 3, 1635. " At a meeting 
at the Lord Gorges's house, [at which 
were present the Marquis of Hamilton, 
the Earl of Arundel and Surrey, the 
Earl of Carlisle, the Earl of Sterling, 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and Captain 
John Mason,] was an agree- 
ment made for the several divisions 
upon the sea-coast of New England," 



to take effect simultaneously with the 
surrender of the charter. And an entry 
in these words is annexed : " Mem. The 
18th day of April following, leases for 
three thousand years were made of the 
several divisions to several persons in- 
trusted, for their benefits." — For the 
grant made to Mason, conformably to 
this agreement, see Hubbard's History, 
Chap. XXXI. This clause occurs in 
it: "in whose presence, February 3, 
1634 [1635 by change of style], lots 
were drawn for settling of divers and 
sundry divisions of lands." The learned 
editor of the second edition of Hubbard 
considers the words in whose presence 
to refer to King James, who is men- 
tioned in the next preceding clause; 
and as that monarch died nine years 
before 1634, the editor has thought it 
necessary to change the date, and has 
accordingly altered it to 1624, so as to 
identify the partition spoken of with 
that by which Lord Sheffield obtained 
his title to Cape Ann (see above, pp. 
222,285). But, 1. the partition to which 
Lord Sheffield was a party took place, 
not in 1624, but in 1622; 2. in the 
manuscript of Hubbard, the date 1634 
is twice very plainly written, once in 
the text, and once in the margin. The 
mere construction of the sentence would 
naturally refer the words in lohose pres- 
ence to the king. But, in view of the 
facts, I think there can be no doubt 
about referring them to "the Council 
of New England," who are mentioned 
just before the mention of the king. 
In the " Declaration," a partition (that 
of 1622) is spoken of as having taken 
place "in his late Majesty's presence" 
(Hazard, I. 391) ; but from this use of 
the phrase in one case in reference to 
the king, no inference whatever can be 
drawn, that in the other case also the 



X.J 



MASSACHUSETTS. 



401 



of New England among themselves by lot ; and nothing 
was wanting to render the transaction complete, and to 
transfer to them the ownership of that region, except to 



reference must be to liim. Lots might 
be as fitly drawn in the Council's pres- 
ence as in Lis. The question is mate- 
rial, because the proposed emendation 
of Hubbard's text would unsettle the im- 
portant date of that distribution of the 
country, in which Lord Sheffield, and 
through him the Plymouth people, had 
a part. 

April 26, 1635. <' At a meeting at 
the Earl of Carlisle's chambers at ^Vhite- 
hall." " The Marquis Hamilton, being 
in physic, sent word to this meeting by 
John Winnington, that he would agree 
to whatever they should resolve on." 
They resolved on a petition praying for 
separate patents according to their 
agreement, and they listened to a 
" Declaration " from the king respect- 
ing a General Governor, of which the 
following was part. " Forasmuch as we 
have understood and been credibly in- 
formed of the many inconveniences and 
mischiefs that have grown and are like 
more and more to arise among our sub- 
jects already planted in the parts of 
New England, by reason of the several 
Oijinions and differing humors sjaringing 
up between them, and daily likely to 

increase, we have resolved with 

ourself to empower our servant. Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges, as well for that our 
gracious father of blessed memory as 
we have had of long time good expe- 
rience of his fidelity, circumspection, 
and knowledge of his government in 
martial affairs and civil, besides his un- 
derstanding of the state of those coun- 
tries, wherein he hath been an imme- 
diate mover, and a principal actor, to 
the great prejudice of his estate, long 
troubles, and the loss of many of his 
good friends and servants." 

May 5, 1635. "Thomas Morton [I 
suppose, of Merry Mount] is now enter- 
34* 



tained to be Solicitor for confirmation 
of the said deeds under the great seal, 
as also to prosecute suit at law for the 
repealing of the patent belonging to the 
Massachusetts Company ; and is to 
have for fee twenty shillings a tei-m, 
and such further reward as those who 
are interested in the affairs of New 
England shall think him fit to deserve 
upon the judgment given in the cause." 

November 26, 1,635. Orders were 
made for the passing of the particular 
patents, " to be expedited with all con- 
veniency " ; for an apphcatlon to the 
Attorney- General "to agree upon the 
liberties thereof, to be obtained of his 
Majesty"; and for a petition for allow- 
ance to be made " for the maintenance 
and supportatlon of the Governor in 
such estate as might sort with the honor 
thereunto belonging." 

From this day it appears that the 
meetings of the Council ceased for a 
time. Yet it was not formally dis- 
solved ; for there Is a record of two later 
meetings, held March 22 and November 
1, 1638. In the last record, the place 
usually filled with the names of the 
members present is blank, except that 
the Earl of Warwick is recorded to 
have been present as President, and 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges as Treasurer. 
The last entry Is, " It Is likewise agreed, 
that the Lord Gorges and Sir Ferdi- 
nando Gorges shall either of them 
have sixty miles more added to their 
proportions further up Into the main- 
land." 

Among the manuscripts In the State- 
Paper Office entitled America and West 
Indies, is here and there a document' 
not without Interest in connection with 
this course of events. March 21, 1635, 
Sir Fei'dlnando Gorges, in anticipation 
of his appointment to be Governoi-- 



402 



'HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. 



[Chap. 



oust the previous patentees, of whom the most powerful 
body were colonists in Massachusetts Bay.^ 

To effect this, Sir John Banks, Attorney-General, brought 

a writ of quo ivarranto in Westminster Hall against the 

1635. Massachusetts Company. Sir Henry Roswell, 

September, g^j, Joliu Younsf, aud twolve others of the origi- 

^uo warranto o o 

against the nal associatos, "came in and pleaded that" they 

Company of . ^ _ •tti' • 

Massaehu- " had nevcr usurped any the said liberties, priv- 

ay. iigggg^ 2m.^ franchises in the information, nor did 

use or claim any of the same " ; and judgment was given 



General, -wrote to Secretary Winde- 
bank, urging upon the Privy Council 
the importance of prompt action for a 
repeal of the Massachusetts charter, and 
of giving him authority for a temporary 
administratioa of part of his duties by 
deputy. — October 1 of the same year, 
Secretary Windebank conveyed to Sir 
Henry ]\Iartin, Judge of the Admiralty 
Court, the king's pleasure " that Cap- 
tain John Mason, Treasurer to his Ma- 
jesty's late armies, shall be Vice-Admiral 
of New England in America," from the 
fortieth to the forty-eighth degree of 
latitude ; and he directed a patent to be 
drawn accordingly. — The following is 
part of an anonymous letter " to Mr. 
Comptroller, from New England," of 
July 28, 1636. It contains the first 
threat I have seen that the colonists 
would remove to some more distant place, 
in case they were disturbed where they 
were : " The common report is, the pa- 
tent is damned ; in which regard much 
unsettlement is like to grow amongst 
oui-selves, and great discouragement to 
the whole plantation ; for those that are 
truly sincere and are come out to ad- 
vance the kingdom of the Lord Jesus 
must either suffer in the cause, or else 
labor for such retreat as God shall di- 
rect them to. In either of which cases, 
I do not doubt but that within two years 
this plantation, which is now flourishing, 
would become desolate, and either pos- 



sessed again with Indians or emptied by 
pestilence. For it is not trade that God 
will set up in these parts, but the pro- 
fession of his truth, and therefore, if 
God's ends be not followed, man's ends 
will never be blessed nor attained." 

1 That this measure was taken by 
the Council for New England in collu- 
sion with the court, and in reference to 
the measures in progress for vacating 
the charter of Massachusetts, is not mat- 
ter of conjecture merely. From the 
petition of the Council for New Eng- 
land to the Privy Council (Hazard, I. 
381) relative to the surrender, it ap- 
pears that the latter body had previous- 
ly given " order to Sir Ferdinando Gor- 
ges to confer with such as were chiefly 
interested in the plantations of New 
England, to resolve whether they would 
resign wholly to his Majesty the patent 
of New England," &c. — It is not known 
that the distribution now made by the 
Council was ever confirmed by the king 
in any other instance than that of the 
grant to Sir Ferdinando Gorges. (See 
Chalmers, Annals, 299 ; Hubbard, in 
Mass. Hist. Coll., XV. 232.) Of the 
pretended confirmation, by the king, 
of the grant to Mason, the Attorney- 
General and the Solicitor-General, Ry- 
der and Murray, said in 1752, "No 
such charter as this appears upon rec- 
ord." (Chalmers, Opinions of Eminent 
Lawj^ers, &c., I. 62.) 



X.] MASSACHUSETTS. ' 403 

that they " should not for the future intermeddle with 
any the liberties, privileges, or franchises aforesaid, but 
should be for ever excluded from all use and claim of the 
same and every of them." Cradock, the former Governor, 
made default; and, in his case, "judgment was given that 
he should be convicted of the usurpation charged in the 
information, and that the said liberties, privileges, and 
franchises should be taken and seized into the king's 
hands, the said Matthew not to intermeddle with and be 
excluded the use thereof, and the said Matthew to be 
taken to answer to the king for the said usurpation." ^ 
Of the eleven remaining original patentees, Humphrey, 
Endicott, Nowell, Bellingham, Pynchon, and William 
Vassall were then in New England, and Johnson had died 
there. 

It seemed that, when a few more forms should be 
gone through, all would be over with the presumptuous 
Colony. In the view of English law, the Englishmen 
who had gone to Massachusetts had no rights and no 
property there. Divided into provinces, Massachusetts 
belonged to Gorges, Mason, the Marquis of Hamilton, 
and whoever else had won by lot any of its dismembered 
parts. In the regular course of proceeding, nothing re- 
mained but for the local government voluntarily to abdi- 
cate, and for the people to abandon their homes, or else for 
the king to send out his Governor, backed by a sufficient 
force, and turn over the land to its new masters. But 
neither of these things took place. In Massachusetts, the 
whole proceeding was a nullity. Everything went on, as 
if Westminster Hall had not spoken. " The Lord frus- 
trated their design." ^ 

1 The Avrit and the judgment may but to the due exercise of powers ex- 
be seen in Hazard (I. 423-425), and in pressly given by the charter; so that 
Hutchinson's " Collection of Original the complaint against the Company 
Papers" (101-104). The charges, four- rested partly upon a pretence that its 
teen in number, relate, not only to the charter was ah initio invalid. 
alleged usurpation and abuse of powers, 2 Winthrop, I. 161. 



404 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

The disorders of the mother country were a safeguard 
of the infant liberty of New England. Laud was busy 
with his more important plan of prelatizing the Church 
of Scotland. England was in a rage on the question 
of ship-money. An unsuccessful attempt to launch a 
vessel intended to bring over the General Governor, and 
the decease at this juncture of John Mason, were re- 
garded by Winthrop as eminent interpositions of God 
in behalf of his chosen people.^ The death of the able 
and energetic Mason was, at all events, a great relief to 
the leaders of affairs in Massachusetts. As a principal 
member, and Secretary, of the Council for New England, 
and as holder of a patent with which the Massachusetts 
charter interfered, he had been indefatigable in his en- 
deavors for the annulling of that instrument. Disaifected 
persons, returning from the Colony, had steadily resorted 
to him as the standing agent of their revenge ; and, with 
whatever influence he could exert, he had promoted the 
schemes of a Commission for the Plantations and of a 
General Governor. Though the more generous Gorges 
lived to render good service to his master in the great 
civil war,^ he was already growing old, and was dispirited 
by the thirty years' ill-success of projects which had 
wasted his fortune and involved him in infinite discom- 

1 Wlntlirop, I. 187. — "One Fcrdi- fatal danger, nor liatli since suffered 
nando Gorges was nominated for Gov- them as }'et to come under the like 
ernor, and there was a consultation had fear." (Autobiography and Correspond- 
to send him thither with a thousand sol- ence of Sir Simonds D'Ewes, Bart., II. 
diers; a ship was now In building and 118.) 

near finished to transport him by sea, ^ in Bell's " Memorials of the Civil 

and much fear there was amongst the War" (I. 299) is an interesting letter 

<Todly lest that infant commonwealth of thanks from Gorges to Lord Fairfax, 

and church should have been ruined dated June 1, 1G46. This was after he 

by him ; when God, that had carried so had met with " untimely sufferances," 

many weak and crazy ships thither, so being taken prisoner, when in arms for 

provided it, that this strong, new-built the king. He represents himself as 

ship in the very launching fell all in having been " fearful to side with either 

pieces, no man knew how, this spring party, as not able to judge of so tran- 

ensuing, and so preserved his dear chil- scendent a difference." . 
dren there at this present from that 



X.] 



MASSACHUSETTS. 



405 



fort. It was perhaps owing not a little to the decay of 
his former activity, that the proceedings under the quo 
ivarranto against the Massachusetts Company proved fruit- 
less. 

While the events which have been now related wore 
their most alarming phase, domestic embarrassments add- 
ed to the terrors of foreign encroachment. In the midst 
of a crisis calling for all the energy and wisdom of the 
colonists to avert the ruin that seemed to impend, a char- 
acter prominent in New England history interposed by a 
course of action which complicated the existing difficulties. 

Roger "Williams,^ after some residence at the University 



1 In the library of Trinity College, 
Cambridge, are six original letters which 
passed between Mrs. Sadleir, daughter 
of Sir Edward Coke, and Williams, 
when the latter was in London on the 
business of his plantation in 1652. He 
had just come, he says, " from some parts 
of New England, with some addresses 
to the Parliament." Prefixed to the 
letters is the following note by Mrs. 
Sadleir's hand, which must have been 
written after the Restoration. 

" This Roger "Williams, when he was 
a youth, would in a short hand take 
sermons, and speeches in the Star 
Chamber, and present them to my dear 
father. He, seeing him so hopeful a 
youth, took such a liking to him that he 
sent him to Sutton's Hospital, and he 
was the second that was placed there. 
Full httle did he think that he would 
have proved such a rebel to God, the 
king, and his country. I leave his let- 
ters, that, if ever he has the face to re- 
turn unto his native country, Tyburn 
may give him welcome." In Williams's 
first letter, he says : " The never-dying 
honor and respect which I owe to that 
dear and honorable root and his branch- 
es have emboldened me once 

more to inquire," &c. " That man of 
honor and wisdom and piety, your dear 



father, was often pleased to caU me his 
son ; and truly it was as bitter as death 
to me, when Bishop Laud pursued me 
out of this land, and my conscience was 
persuaded against the national Church 
and ceremonies and bishops beyond the 
conscience of your dear father, — I say 
it was as bitter as death to me, when I 
rode Windsor way to take ship at Bris- 
towe, and saw Stoke House, where that 
blessed man was, and durst not acquaint 
him with my conscience and my flight." 
Professor Elton's researches in Eng- 
land have ascertained that Williams was 
a native of the county of Caermarthen, 
in South Wales, and that he was entered 
as a pupil at Sutton's Hospital (the 
Charter House), June 25, 1621, and at 
Jesus College, Oxford, April 30, 1624, 
being then, according to the record, 
eighteen years old. (Elton, Life of 
Roger Williams, 9, 10.) He had been 
understood by our historians to be 
seven years older. In 1673, he wrote, 
" From my childhood, now above three- 
score years." (" George Fox digged 
out of his Bun-owes," Pref.) In a let- 
ter written in 1679, he described him- 
self as " near to fourscore years of age." 
(Backus, History of New England, I. 
421.) But this is not inappropriate 
language for a man of seventy-three. 



406 HISTOKY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

of Oxford, perhaps under the patronage of Sir Edward 
Coke, is believed to have been admitted to orders in the 
Roger Established Cliurch. He had subsequently sepa- 

wiiharas. rated himself from that communion, and, sympa- 
thizing with the hopes of pther non-conformists, had ar- 
1C31 rived at Boston the next year after the transpor- 
^^^- ^- tation of the charter, being then probably in the 
twenty-fifth year of his age. A reputation for talents and 
piety had preceded him; and a few weeks only passed 
before the church at Salem invited him to succeed Hig- 
ginson as their teacher.^ He had made the most of his 
short time in becoming obnoxious to the government; 

and " a letter was written from the Court to Mr. 

Endicott to this effect, that, whereas Mr. Williams 
had refused to join with the congregation at Boston be- 
cause they would not make public declaration of their 
repentance for having communion with the churches of 
England while they lived there, and besides had declared 
his opinion that the magistrate might not punish the 
breach of the Sabbath, nor any other offence as it was a 
breach of the first table, therefore they marvelled they 
would choose him without advising with the Council, and 
withal desiring them that they would forbear to proceed 
till they had conferred about it." ^ 

It would be hard to denounce these objections as un- 

1 A curious letter of Roger "Williams them to be." It is hard to suppose that, 

to John Cotton, of Plymouth, dated when Williams made this statement, 

" Providence, 25 March, 1671 (so (forty years after the transaction, and 

called)," has just come to light among when he was sixty-five years old,) his 

the papers of the late Dr. Belknap, and memory was misled by his imagina- 

is now in the possession of the Massa- tion. But, on the opposite su2:)position, 

chusetts Historical Society, by whose it is very exh-aordinary that the fact is 

kind permission I use it. In it Williams not mentioned in any record of the 

says, " In New [England] being uncmi- time. The records of the Boston church 

mously chosen teacher at Boston (before cannot be appealed to in the case. The 

your dear father came divers years), only entry they contain previous to 

I conscientiously refused and withdrew October, 1632, is that of the covenant 

to Plymouth, because I durst not offici- of church-members, 

ate to an unseparated people, as upon 2 Winthrop, I. 53. 
examinn t?nn and conference I found 



X.J MASSACHUSETTS. 407 

reasonable, judging them eveii by the standard of the 
sentiments and practice of the present day. To assume 
at once an attitude of opposition to the churches which 
with so much pains had been followed to a distant coun- 
try, argued an eccentricity unpromising of usefulness in 
the pastoral office, as well as of the exertion of a harmo- 
nizing influence in the new society. To refuse communion 
with all but such as would make proclamation of their 
repentance for having formerly partaken the elements with 
communicants of the Church of England, was to occasion 
offence at once superfluous, and dangerous in powerful 
quarters at home. The " first table " of the Decalogue, 
consisting of the first four precepts, was understood to 
forbid four oflences, idolatry, perjury, blasphemy, and 
Sabbath-breaking. Of these the last two stand as penal 
oflences on the statute-book of Massachusetts at the pres- 
ent day ; the second, there is no government that does not 
punish; while, in the judgment of the age and the place 
now treated of, a denial of the right to suppress idolatry 
was a denial of the right to provide securities against an 
irruption of Romanism. It should not excite surprise that 
the magistrates thought it would be hazardous to good 
government and the public peace to have their authority 
in matters of such moment denounced, by a hot-headed 
young man, from the first pulpit of the Colony. 

The Salem church, however, proceeded, and Williams 
had already become their teacher when the remonstrance 
reached them. Precisely how long he remained in that 
place is unknown ; but some time in the same, or perhaps 
in the following year, he withdrew to the more benignant 
atmosphere of Plymouth Colony, and became assistant to 
the pastor of the church there, the separatist, Mr. Smith. 
The affection of his Salem flock still followed him, and 
he was persuaded to retrace his steps, and resume 
a home among them. The mild Brewster, loving 
his virtues, but weary of his restless and disputatious 



408 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

spirit, was anxious to be rid of him.^ He returned to 
Salem with more confidence in himself from the position 
which he had occupied while absent, and the popular 
favor which invited him back. 

At Salem, Williams was not immediately called to cler- 
ical office, but exercised his gifts by way of " prophecy," 
as it was called, for about a year. His first outbreak 
after his return was against the practice, then beginning, 
and continued to the present day, of associations, 

November. n t r* • i i • i 

as they are called, ot neignbormg clergymen 
meeting at fixed intervals, and passing part of a day to- 
gether in theological discussion and neighborly and fra- 
ternal intercourse. Against this practice "Williams in- 
veighed, as being what " might grow in time to a presby- 
tery or superintendency, to the prejudice of the Church's 
liberties." ^ But this complaint did no public harm, and 
nobody seems to have troubled himself about it. 

While at Plymouth, he had presented to the Governor 
and Assistants of that Colony a treatise, in which, accord- 
ing to Winthrop's account, " among other things, he dis- 
puted their right to the land they possessed here, and con- 
cluded, that, claiming by the king's grant, they could have 
no title ; nor otherwise, except they compounded with the 

natives." At the request of the magistrates of 

Dec. 27. 7 

Massachusetts, it was subjected to their examina- 
tion, and was found to contain matter for serious uneasi- 
ness, both as tending to bring into question the titles to 
estates, and to occasion high displeasure at the English 
court, the more as it was accompanied with language of 
studied afiront to the late and to the reigning king. Being 

1 Morton, Memorial, 151. — Brad- ford says (Ibid.) that it was " -with some 
ford (310), after the experience of a caution to them concerning him, and 
year or two, describes him as " a man what care they ought to have of him." 
godly and zealous, having many precious Winthrop's interview with him at Ply- 
parts, but very unsettled in judgment." mouth has been mentioned above (p. 
When he was dismissed from Plymouth 335). 
to go back to the Salem church, Brad- 2 Winthrop, I. 117. 



X.] MASSACHUSETTS. 409 

summoned to appear before the Court " to be censured," 
Williams did what is perhaps without a parallel on any 
earlier or later occasion of his public life. He made sub- 
mission. He declared himself penitent, if he had com- 
mitted any wrong, and with his consent the obnoxious 
manuscript was burned.^ 

An exciting local question, on which Williams is related 
next to have pronounced himself, respected the duty of 
women to wear veils in all public assemblies. Cotton, of 
Boston, took the negative side in the argument, and, in 
a sermon preached at Salem, handled it so convincingly, 
that the ladies came to church in the afternoon unveiled, 
and Williams, though unconvinced, desisted.^ A more 
serious movement of his, if the allegation was well found- 
ed, was that of interesting himself with Endicott to cut 
out the red cross of England from the colors of the 
train-bands under his command, as being an idolatrous 
symbol. Endicott did thus mutilate the flag, and by 
so doing raised a critical question. But the agency of 
Williams on the occasion, however probable, is perhaps 
not altogether proved.^ 

It was in the year of his reappearance at Salem that the 
courage and policy of the colonists became their only pro- 
tection, under God, against that wrong-headed and bad- 
hearted churchman, of whose viciousness only the most 
harmless side was shown when he was described as worthy 
of " more unmitigated contempt than any other character 
in English history." "^ Only a few months had passed since 
the petition of Gorges and Mason to the Lords of the 
Privy Council had been dismissed through what the colo- 
nists esteemed little short of a miraculous interposition 
of Providence. And late in the same year, an answer to 



1 ■Winthrop, I. 122. dington (Letter to George Fox, in 

2 Hubbard, 204, 205. Backus, I. 445). 

3 Hubbard, however, (205,) confi- '^ Lord Macaulay, Critical and His- 
dently imputes it to him ; and Cod- torical Essays, I. 159. 

VOL. I. 35 



410 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. LChap. 

the charges which had been produced in England was 
still under debate among the magistrates.^ 

Such being some of the circumstances in which the 
Massachusetts magistrates had their renewed experience 
of WiUiams, it is not surprising if they interfered again 
with their advice when it was proposed to appoint him 
to the place lately vacated by the death of Mr. Skelton.^ 
But the Salem church persisted, and he was for- 

1634, . . . 

mally installed. A little time only passed before 

the magistrates found cause to complain of him for having 

" broken his promise in teaching publiclv against 

November ,,. , ..,?. 

the kmg's patent, and our great sm m claimmg 
right thereby to this country, &c., and for usual termmg 
the churches of England Antichristian." ^ Next, the Gov- 
1635. ernor and Assistants sent for him to answer to a 
^P"' charge of having " taught publicly that a magis- 
trate ought not to tender an oath to an unregenerate per- 
son, for that they thereby have communion with a wicked 
man in the worship of God, and cause him to take the 
name of God in vain " ; ■* a doctrine which, besides the 
embarrassment it offered to the common administration 
of justice, had special political significance at a time when 
it had been thought necessary to pass the acts prescrib- 
ing the " Freeman's Oath " and the " Resident's Oath," 
measures for securing allegiance to the Colony, in oppo- 
sition, if that should prove needful, to the king. 

Williams " was heard before all the ministers, and very 
clearly confuted." A few days after, the annual Court of 
Elections met, and, by a further application of the new 
principle of rotation in office, Mr. Haynes was chosen 
Governor, with Mr. Bellingham, who had arrived in the 
last year, as Deputy-Governor, and the same Assistants as 

1 WInthrop, I. 106, 107. not observed that it is related by any 

2 I sujipose this second interference earlier -writer. 

of tlie magistrates rests on the au- ^ AVinthrop, I. 151. 
thority of Hubbard (204). I have ^ ibid., 158. 



X.] MASSACHUSETTS. 411 

formerly, except that Mr. Hough and Mr. Dummer were 
added, and that Mr. Ludlow and Mr. Endicott were 
left out, havmg given offence. It was perhaps because 
the magistrates were disposed to avoid the sole responsi- 
bility of the controversy with "Williams, that, at an ad- 
journed meeting, it was taken up by the General 
Court. Part of the charges which had been be- 
fore made against him were restated with some amplifica- 
tion, and " time was given to him and the church of Sa- 
lem to consider of these things till the next General Court, 
and then either to give satisfaction to the Court, or else 
to expect the sentence."-^ While the matter was thus 
pending, the town of Salem applied to the magistrates for 
a grant of land. " But because they had chosen Mr. 
Williams their teacher, while he stood under question of 
authority, and so offered contempt to the magistrates, 
their petition was refused." Williams struck back. He 
caused his church to " write to other churches, to admon- 
ish the magistrates of this as a heinous sin, and likewise 
the Deputies.^ When little attention was paid to this 
missive, Williams addressed a letter to his own church, 
moving them to renounce all communication with the 
other churches of the Colony ; an act of isolation, of 
which he presently set an example by ceasing to com- 
mune with them because they rejected his advice,^ and by 
refusing to join in family prayers or grace at table with 
his wife, because she continued to frequent their com- 
munion.* While the imputed intolerance of others pro- 
voked Williams's vehement displeasure, he indulged him- 
self in the largest liberty of being exclusive in ways of 
his own. 

The next General Court unseated the deputies 
from Salem, till their constituents should apolo- ^^^^'^ 

^ I relate tMs on the authority of -^ Ibid., 166, 171. 

Winthrop (I. 162, 163). The public ^ Hubbard, 207, Morton, Memo- 
record has nothing of it. rial, 153. 

2 Ibid., 164. 



412 HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. [Chap. 

gize for having " exceedingly reproached and vilified the 
magistrates and churches,"^ which was presently done. 
The magistrates and deputies had now brought to their 
meeting a persuasion that Williams and their c